The Nebraska independent. (Lincoln, Nebraska) 1896-1902, April 03, 1902, Page 2, Image 2

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April 3, 1902
IAMS' STUli of imported and home broil draft And eoch stallions sre Iff er than all import rs
Of Nebraska. His ELACX stallions and pricea ara 1HOT PKOH3ttITIONT' to his eoititors.
lama' com pel tbem o "Ko-away-back-and-sit down" and a ryr "AiBt-it-a-bama." That IAM
imports and breeds only the best first-class bia draft staliions,nash coachera.and ha lis tbem at
much less prices than we can afford to. He surely hypnotizes hia many buyer with bis top
notchers and low pricea. He does business. Bat he is the only man in U. d. that imports ALLt
BLACK STALLIONS. He has on hand
Black Percherons, Clyde5, Shires and
They are the MSEN8ATION" of the town. Visitors throne barns and say : -Most select
and largest stallions I ever saw." "See that 2,0u0-ponnd.two-year-old a 'ripper' j and that 2,200
pound thre-j-year-old 'herd header' 'a topper." "O. my t bee that 5,090-pound pair of four-year-olds
; they are oat of sight; largest pair in U.S.; wide as a red waft-on and have 12 and 14-inch
bone and they move like Hash soachers." lams has a larger "HOfteE SHOW every day than
san be seen at the Iowa or Nebraska State Fairs. lie has on hand
Black Ton Stallions-
two to six years old, weight 1, COO to 2,500 pounds, fast movers. MOHE Black Pereherons, ton
stallions, Paris Exhibition and State prise winners, government APPROVED and STAMPED
stallions of any on importer. Isms speaks Prench aud Herman, pays NO INTERPRETER, NO
BUYKK, NO SALESMEN, no two to tn men as partners to share profits. His buyers get MID
DLEMEN'S PBOiTd and eULAHIE.S. lama buys direct from breeders. This, with his twenty
years' experience secures tne bust. All the above faots save his buyers COO.fX) to $1,000.00 on a
Ilrst-elass stallion, and you ret a ilrst-cUss horse. a only scond-rate stallions are peddled by
slick salesmen to be sold. GOOD ONES SELL THEMSELVES. It cosia tdOO.OO and 8803.00 to
have salesman form CO. and cell a secoud-rate stallion. Form your own rompanis. Oo direct
to lams' barns. He will sell you a better stallion for ,O00.OJ and 1 20a00 than others are selUusr
at 12,00 J.O0 and $4.XXJ.U). lams pays horse freUh and his bnrer's fare. Good ffuaranteen. BARN a
IN TOWN. Don't be a clam. Write for an eye-opener and iliiest horse eatalog on earth.
References-St. Paul State Bank. First State Bank. Citizens' National Bank.
. r OT.THE. LARGEST ' irvirOrtYsiRS
In (J. S. Neither have we ail ton Lrs;. fut we do make five
.it. pin f &t ions each year. Oor stabies at, Nt-b., and at South
mtfcn Union Stook Yards are full of first class stallions. If you want
irjJ oue for what he is worth, it wiJl fey you to bso us. Our horses
won wrpstakes in all draft and hackuey classes at Nebraska State I Adriraaa all urriinnndiinr t'i
r t'jrj - -
V Vt Itlr'-'S 9t . a . mama M A . A ijit A .1. Bt-L
mmmm. m i &uh. wuuus bhus. & ktiu uu uncoin. hbd.
vUre P UCIAL NOTICE Woods Bros., of Lincoln. Neb., have two can of
VvWi''"' ' . i 'thorn and Hereford balls and cows for a brsam.
ii8 -
anybody outside of congress knowinc
it till three years afterwards, and no
body in congress knowing it except
Senator, Sherman. When John Quincy
Adams was president in 1825 to 1829
the mints were open to free coinage
of silver as well as gold and nobody
made complaint. In 172 when John
Adams was vice president and while
he was presiding in the senate, the
first coinage law was passed which
allowed free coinage of both metals
Jn the ratio of 15 to 1. The law au
thorized the construction of a public
mint at the public expense and al
lowed all persons having gold or sil
ver bullion to bring them to the mint
and have them coined into dollars,
free of expense to the owners. We
could stand the expense, if it were
not for the further fact that the law
provided that all gold and silver coins
struck at and issued from the mint
should be a legal tender for all debts
The legal tender qualification trans
ferred the coins into money. The
change of the bullion into coins did
not make them into money, but the
addition, by the statute, of the legal
tender qualification to the coins. '
Thus the government erected a
mint at public expense and not only
allowed private owners of gold and
silver bullion to bring their private
property to the public mint and have
it converted into coin, free of ex
pense, but the sovereign government
annexed the sovereign power of leg
al tender to "the coins without charge
and thereby chranged private prop
erty of individuals info money. It
was really coinage at a public place
for private gain, and this was con
tinued, because our ancestors inher
ited the custom and law from Eng
land. Alexander Hamilton, then sec
retary of the treasury under Wash
ington, drafted the law, and he copied
it from an English statute passed In
1666. In 1834-7 the ratio of coinage
between the two metal3 was changed
from 1 to 15 to 1 to 16. In 1853 pri
vate (or free) coinage of fractional
silver pieces was discontinued and the
government began the policy of buy
ing silver bullion in open market and
coining it on government account; at
the same time reducing the amount of
silver slightly in the small pieces.
These pieces were exchanged by the
government for gold coin at par for
all who asked it. In 1873, in revising
the coinage laws, the coinage of silver
dollars was not authorized, which no
body noticed at the time, and thereby
coinage of whole silver dollars was
discontinued, there being no law au
thorizing the mint master to do it.
Mr. Bryan is simply asking that the
old law authorizing free coinage, of
whole silver dollars be restored and
that the same amount of silver be
put into each whole dollar as was
done in 1792. He has not asked for
free coinage of the fractional silver
pieces, and yet the Adams family,
who have been supporting free -coinage
of silver dollars since the com
mencement of the government until
recently, now wants to put Mr. Bryan
out of the democratic party. It is not
likely that more than 10 per cent of
the party will . vote with Charles
Francis on this issue. If he , is op
posed to free coinage of silver dol
lars, why does he not oppose free
coinage of gold dollars? Why should
gold have the extraordinary privilege
or franchise of being coined at public
expense and then have the extra
ordinary power of legal tender an
nexed to it without giving the same
privilege to silver? If Mr. Adams
would come out against free coinage
of gold as well as free coinage of sil
ver, then he would present something
to listen to. We even fought the civil
war with greenbacks aa the basis of
the currency and the money of the
country. No bank notes were issued
till near the close of the war. "Spe
cie" payments were suspended by the
banks because there was no gold or
silver of any consequence in the
country; if there was, it was hoarded.
The mints were open to free coinage
of both silver and gold as they al
ways had been, but none of any con
sequence was coined, because green
backs more than supplied the place
of coin, (except for payment of Im
port duties which the law required
to be paid with coin; which meant
gold or silver coin Issued at the pub
lie mints.) Greenbacks, being more
I niiii .. in i in.... i i. JiiM.irnt.',i "-".i I
I At all ares; stores. 25 rases 25. J
vW-ia naminona,- proprietor" .Norfoll
abundant than coin, became the or
dinary money of the country. They
enabled the government to put down
the greatest rebellion on record, and
if they will answer all the purposes of
money in times of war, it is reason
able to conclude that they can be
made to answer all the purposes of
money in times of peace. This being
so, there is no . necessity for free
coinage of either gold or silver. If
Mr. Adams would take this ground
and throw his influence in favor ol
closing the mints to free coinage of
gold and of issuing government paper
money (legal tender treasury notes)
through a commission or department
of government having power to regu
late the amount, we would then have
a more reasonable proposition to lis
ten to. Greenbacks get their value
by being properly limited in quan
tity and not by being redeemed with
coin; or at least they should get their
value in this way. If too many were
never issued, they would not need to
be redeemed except by receiving them
for taxes. If, by chance, too many
should be Issued aud their value
should have a tendency to fall, as
shown by a higher level of prices,
their proper value could be restored
by redeeming a small quantity with
interest bearing bonds. In , this way
paper money can be made to have a
more stable value than gold coin. Re
demption by bonds is the natural
method of redemption, in a stable gov
ernment like that of the United States.
If we were a monarchy and the sta
bility of our government depended
upon the life of a man, it might then
be necessary to have coin for money.
But inasmuch as we are a republic
and have come to stay as such, our
natural money is legal tender paper.
It is very desirable that the gov
ernment (the people) should get con
trol of the volume of money instead
of allowing the banks and bankers
to have this power. As long as we
allow free coinage of gold bullion they
will take this bullion to the mint
and convert it into money; and then,
under the banking law, they have the
right to issue more bank notes or
other kinds of bank credits. In this
way . they can expand the currency
and raise prices. If they loan the
coin to some one who melts it down,
to be used In the arts, then they con
tract the currency and lower general
prices or the price level. If they
loan the coin to some one who ex
ports it, they lower prices in one
country and raise them in another.
When they raise prices they sell what
they have to sell; and when they lower
prices, they buy what they want to
buy. This will continue to be done
for the benefit of bankers and their
associates, and to the detriment of
others, as long as we allow free coin
age of gold.
The system allows a few men to
have control of the volume of money,
which is evquivalent to having control
of prices. It is such a control as pro
duces a higher level of prices not by
a scarcity of commodities but by more
money; and a lower level of prices,
not by an extraordinary supply of
commodities, but by a short supply
of money. As long as we permit this,
we shall see periods of great prosper
ity, soon to be folowed by great ad
versity. It enables a few to flourish
at the expense of the many, and all
the volume of money. If we could but
because the few have control over
a stop to free coinage of gold and
the further issuance of bank notes
(allowing gold to be coined on gov
ernment account, if at all, as fraction
al silver pieces are coined and make
up for deficiencies of money by issu
ing greenbacks, then the government
(the people) would have control over
the volume of money, and we would
all have an equal chance before the
law. But this Mr. Adams and his
friends are opposing. They want the
banks to have control over the. vol
ume of money which Is , the "unit of
value." The single gold dollar which
they talk about as the "unit of value"
is not a unit at all. It is only a
fractional part of the money of the
nation; and a very small fraction if
we have millions in circulation. The
total number of all the gold dollars,
together with the substitutes, consti
tutes our "unit of value" because the
total number determines the level of
prices and the level of. prices deter
mines not only the value of each com
modity in the market as to money,
but the relative value of any two
commodities with respect to each
other. As long as Mr. Adams and his
friends allow the bankers to keep con
trol of the "unit of value," they allow
the banks to lengthen and shorten the
yard stick of value according to their
Interests. . . .
I trrt mnruani , Hftl4iTfli.TOrn.. ni.'ll
Mr. Bryan stands; and it Is the great
est that has been presented to the
American people since the beginning
of the government. It is to be regretted
that Charles Francis Adams does not
comprehend it, and see its import
ance. ' , . ; .. ' .
ThirdWhy is Mr. Adams a demo
crat? He wants "tariff reform." He
says: "I am a free trader, but not a
mere theorist. And so I do not seek to
adopt free trade at once. That would
be revolutionary." But if Mr. Adams
is not a free trader for practical pur
poses and is violently opposed to pro
tective tariffs, what is he? He must
be in favor of tariffs for revenue only.
There are only three ideas about tar
iff: Either none at all, or for revenue,
or for protection. Mr. Adams is not
as practical as Henry George, for the
latter proposes a tax to take the place
of tariff duties. If Mr. Adams believes
that tariff duties ought to be abolished
and that we ought to have free trade,
he ought, as a practical man, to pro
propose some system of taxation for
the support of the national govern
ment. He does not, and herein is his
great failure. He believes that free
trade is revolutionary, but he could
not believe this, if he could see some
practical system of taxation under
free trade. If Mr. Adams could be
lieve in an income tax, he would have
something to support the national gov
ernment and free '.rade would not be
so revolutionary. But not being able
to believe in Mr. George's system of
taxation, nor In income taxes, nor in
protective tariffs, he falls back upon
tariffs for revenue only, which is a
more unjust system of taxation than
protective tariffs. It is unjust be
cause it is unnecessary; unnecessary
because income taxes will furnish rev
enue for the government. If incomes
taxes are an evil, they are certainly a
less evil than revenue tariffs, which
tax not according to wealth, but ac
cording to consumption.
Speaking of protective tariffs Mr.
Adams says: "We have had our faces
set in the direction of protection for
seventy years. It may take seventy
years more to get back to where we
started from, or to correct principles.
But time is of little moment in mat
ters of national life. The thing is to
get our faces set in the right direction
and keep going that way 'pegging
away,' as Lincoln expressed it."
It is true that the republicans (and
the whigs before them) have drifted
in the direction of protection for sev
enty years, also that the democrats
during the same time have drifted to
wards tariffs for revenue only, so that
there have been but two practical
Ideas about tariff, and Mr. Adams
adopts the worse of the two.
Mr. Bryan stands for income taxes
and In doing so he cannot stand for
revenue tariffs. The only tariffs that
he can support consistently with his
views about income taxes are protec
tive tariffs. These he does not sup
port and in so doing he agrees with
Mr: Adams; in this respect they both
stand opposed to the republicans.
Nothing separates Mr. Adams from the
republicans except protection, while
the money question and protection sep
arate Mr. Bryan from the republicans, j
If Mr. Adams wants "tariff reform,"
he can go Into the republican party
and advocate it. There he will find
plenty of sinners to call to repentence.
He can't remain in the democratic
party, unless he can adopt the incomo j
tax, and even if he should, he will
find it uncomfortable living, on ac
count of the money question. He has
no sympathy with the democrats on
any issue, and yet he i3 invited as a
"prominent democrat" to discuss the
best methods of producing "demo
cratic harmony!"
Mr. Adams wants to reorganize the
democratic party in such a way that
the money lenders can control the
volume of money and the. people be
taxed according to the quantity and
quality of what they consume instead
of according to their wealth. If or
ganized in this way, the party would
not be democratic at all. It Is about
seventy years since the party began to
be undemocratic, not so much on ac
count of adopting revenue tariffs as
its leaning towards negro slavery. The
party was not organized until 1828,
when Jackson was first elected presi
dent, but he never pronounced in
favor of revenue tariffs. In 1832. when
Jackson was elected the second time,
tariff was not the issue, but the bank
or money. In 1836. when Martin Van
Buren was elected president against
William H. Harrison, the whig party
was organized and tariff began to be
one of the Issues and to enter Into
popular discussion, the democrats
adopting the policy of a tariff for rev
enue only, and the whigs favoring
protective tariffs. In 1840, under the
leadership of Martin Van Buren, the
democrats were more unitedly in favor
of revenue tariffs and the whigs more
in favor of protective tariffs, so that
these two tariff systems stood opposed
to each other; but the democrats were
defeated by the election of Harrison
against Van Buren. In 1844 the demo
crats were still more unitedly in favor
of revenue tariffs, but they were also
j preparing for the Mexican war, which
meant more slave territory, so tnat
revenue tariffs and extension of slav
ery and slave territory became united
in 1844, when James K. Polk of Ten
nessee was elected against Henry
Clay, who it is not necessary to say,
stood for protection. The democrats
had. in 1844, refused to nominate Van
Buren, because he was opposed to the
Mexican war and the extension of
slavery. A revenue tariff suited the
plans of those who wanted slavery,
because being the cheapest labor in
the world. They did not need protec
tion. After , the civil war was over, the
democrats ought to have abandoned
revenue tariffs, as no longer suited to
the changed conditions and adopted
some other system of taxation, but
they did not and continued to insert
the old doctrine in their platforms un
til 1896, when Bryan and his friends
succeeded In inserting an Income tax.
Mr. Adams wants to go back seventy
years. He wants a tariff policy
adapted to the plans of those who
wanted to extend slavery into the
territories and the northern states.
He is almost in favor of the restora
tion of slavery and yet he calls himself
a democrat and wants to put every
body out who does not agree with him.
A Simple Suggestion as to How to
Guard Against it and Its After
Every year upon the approach of
spring grip seems to make its ap
pearance. Once every, few years it
spreads and assumes alarming pro
portions. From all appearances this
is one of the years in which it will
seize upon a great number of victims,
for every day new cases are reported
both in the east and west.
Like scarlet and typhoid feyer, the
after-effects of , grip . are often worse
than the disease itself. The sufferer
is left with a debilitated system, short
of breath , upon the slightest exertion,
affected by every change of the wea
ther and in a physical condition to
invite the attack) of the many dis
eases induced by the Inclement wea
ther of early" spring.
A timely suggestion as to how to en
able the system to resist the inroads
of grip and. its after-effects Is given
in the experience , of Miss Mary E.
Chase, an operator in a shoe factory,
living at No. 2775 Washington street.
Roxbury Dist., Boston, Mass. . She
says: -
" had an attack of the grip In 1898,
which left me in such a weak condi
tion that I became afflicted with a
complication of other troubles. I suf
fered from nervous dyspepsia and a
disease peculiar to my sex. There
was a bad feeling in my head, yet it
was not headache. I took cold easily
and had periodical spells of nausea.
I would faint frequently, and was
completely run down in every way.
I tried several doctors, and took vari
ous remedies, but without favorable
results. -
"Finally a friend, who had taken
them herself, advised me to try Dr.
Williams' Pink Pills for Pale People.
I did so, and was feeling better when
I had taken one box of the pills. I
continued in the use of the pills until
I had taxen six boxes and they made
me well and strong. r
"1 have recommended Dr. Williams'
Pink Pills to quite a number of people
as a cure for troubles like mine. I
know, by personal experience, that
they will give wonderful results."
Dr. Williams' Pink Pills for Pale
People are sold by all dealers or will
be sent postpaid on receipt of price,
fifty Tents -a box; six boxes for two
dolars and fifty cents, by addressing
Dr. Williams Medicine Company,
Schenectady, N. Y.
Are the. Terms Synonymous? Mr. Klllngs-
ton Thinks They or
The Independent is In receipt of a
communication from Mr. H. Ellings
ton, Minnehaha,, Minn., replying at
length to notes on his former article,
published in the issue of March 20.
We regret that Mr. Ellingston's article
is rather too long and abstruse for
publication In full.
Mr. Ellingston ., takes exceptions to
The Independent's distinctions between
creation and production and says that
they "are the same in conception
we have a useless choice of terms ex
cept for magian purposes. If man
cannot create, neither can he pro
duce." But he overlooks the fact
that words should be used as nearly as
possible to express the idea exactly.
Create is defined to mean: "to bring
into being; to form out of nothing;
to cause to exist." And produce
means: "to bring forward: to lead
forth." Man can produce a brick, but
cannot create the materials out of
which that brick is formed.
Further on he says: "Farm land is
a natural opportunity, or formed by
natural force before man has reached
it with his plow." True. So is brick
clay a natural opportunity, formed by
natural force before man reached it
with his ; moulds and fire. But the
brick clay as it lies where natural
force left it, can never be made into
bricks without some preliminary prep
arations by man some expenditure
of labor so farm land as it lies is
wholly useless for the production of
crops without some preliminary prep
aration. And it is no misuse of terms
to say that man produces brick clay
as well as bricks, and farm land as
well as farm crops, by his labor.
Irrigation Did If
A little stream of water was run
ning down every corn row in my fields
during the drouth last summer while
other fields were suffering very badly,
and drying up. Do you realize the
difference? In other words my fields
produced a fine crop of fully developed
seed corn. The other fields produced
mostly nubs and some not that. If
you wish to raise a full crop this year,
you cannot do It by planting drouth
stricken seed.
When you plant my Irrigation
Grown Seeds you have planted ; the
hc-st, and they will assure you a. strong
and vigorous stand, with the great
vitality which Is necessary to secure
a large yield of corn.
Send four cents for samples.
Shall We Set the Filipinos Free, Msks
Them Subjects or Annex the Islands
' as States
When we come to encounter the
most important questions of all, viz.:
What policy will best serve the inter
ests of the Filipinos and ourselves?
any consideration of this question that
overlooks the fact that the Filipinos
are brown men Is lame and halt and
blind. The racial question is first of
all In importance. Is it wise for us
to attempt to absorb eight or ten mil
lions of brown men, living on far dis
tant islands, in the tropics, and make
them citizens of our republic, with all
the rights and privileges, under our
flag, now possessed by the Caucasian?
In making the attempt -are we really
doing what will lift them out of their
supposed half-barbarous condition
(though less barbarous than many sup
pose) and at the game time promote law.
nil twm ailiriinoanKmt n4 aiiVtatantnl I T 1 1 t. Kt.. iv. ju.
be far better for both them and us,
if we should gradually relinquish our
dominion over them and permit and
assist them to establish their own
government and thus enter upon the
plan of working out their own salva
tion? Because of racial and climatic dif
ferences it is folly to expect a free
intermingling of our people with the
Filipinos upon equal terms as fellow-
citizens. Our people will not go there
in considerable numbers to mingle
with them; neither will they come
here for permanent residence and citi
zenship. The natural antagonism ex
isting between the races will effectu
ally bar them, except that some will
come as laborers, somewhat as the
Chinese do. If Caucasians go to the
Philippines they will generally go as
the dominant racej either to govern
or to exploit them, as do the British
to India. No permanent amalgama
tion of the races will be possible, so
cially or industrially, either there or
here. Nor is it desirable, if possible,
for' neither would gain by it. It would
be folly to attempt to establish and
maintain the relation of equality under
the same flag, between the two races.
Such a relationship, even before the
law, between them and us is not main
tainable. They must either be our
subjects or they must be independent.
We can do one of two things: We
can either rule them, as Britain rules
India, or we can give them as much
of our constitution and laws as they
can use, stand them on their feet as
an independent republic and then
leave them to work out their own
It is useless for us to try to reverse
history or to fly in the face of all its
teachings. The Caucasian race al
ways has been, is and always will be
the ruling race of this earth. Never
in all history has success crowned an
attempt to amalgamate into one na
tion and family, the Caucasian and
any colored race. Over 7,000,000 of
the African negroes are now living un
der our flag and family roof, but they
are not members of the family, but
only servants. We have faithfully
tried to give them all the rights and
privileges or brothers and fellow
citizens but we have miserably failed.
Yt how much more favorable to the
experiment has been the negro's sit
uation in relation to our government
and people than is the Filipino's. The
negro was already domesticated and
lived among us. The brown man is
a foreigner, on distant, tropical islands
where few white men ever lived or
can live, because of adverse climatic
If we retain the islands as colonies,
but few of our people will live there
except to assist in ruling them. In
time we may succeed, as did the Ro
mans in Britain, in Imposing upon
them some of our laws, customs and
institutions, to their advantage to some
extent. But, inasmuch as many of
the Filipinos are already suftlciently
advanced to establish and maintain
self-government and intelligent enough
to borrow freely from our systems of
laws, government and education, pro
vided we remain friendly, their ad
vance would be. much more rapid if
given independence by us, than will
be possible if they remain-in unwill
ing subjection. They have shown
their love of freedom and their un
alterable purpose to gain it. Subjec
tion to us will be irksome and hinder
their real advancement. But with free
dom and independence their growth
and evelopment into a higher civiliz
ation would be certain and much more
But the reflex influence upon us
will be disastrous. It will be impos
sible for us to rule a subject people
without suffering deep and lasting
injury. Devotion to liberty and equal
ity before the law, has been our con
spicuous virtue for a century and a
quarter. It was this devotion that
drove our forefathers to flee from
European despotism. For us now to
smother that transcendent virtue and
foster in its stead the upas tree of
greed of dominion, will be to poison
the fountains of all virtue in our re
public. To maintain dominion over
the Filipinos will require the employ
ment of a large standing army. Al
ready the blighting spirit of milita
rism is taking fast hold upon our peo
ple. , The "glory of the flag" once was
best maintained by promoting all the
arts and cirtues of peace. Now, that
"glory" will grow dim unless we
speedily become a "world-power" and
pattern after the strong governments
of Europe, maintaining a brilliant
military and naval equipment. His
tory is repeating itself. Sentiments of
national glory, honor, renown have
taken : possession of us. Upon these
we are building, as other nations have
built before, whose love of this kind
of "glory" has destroyed them. The
desire to possess and rule the Philip
pines is the legitimate fruit of this
false sentiment. It is sweeping us
from our constitutional moorings and
the peaceful foundations upon whihe
our republic was built.
In conclusion: We cannot consti
tutionally rule the islands as colonies.
Even if we could, the law of self -preservation
commands us to refuse to
undertake it, because of the evil ef
fects upon ourselves sure to ' follow.
We may constitutionally make citizens
of the Filipinos and admit the islands
to statehood. But racial and climatic
conditions forbid such an unwise, un
natural, impracticable experiment. We
shall profit most by letting go our
hold upon the islands and permitting
and assisting the Filipinos to estab
lish an independent republic. Lastly,
the brown men of those tropical Isl
ands will advance In civilization more
rapidly under the stimulus of an in
dependent republic of their own, than
as a subject people. ,
Verily these important questions
must command the earnest attention
of the American people for the next
decade, or longer. W. L. HAND.
What Caused It and the Only Way That
the Price Can ETr be Permanently
. Raised
Editor Independent:
I have noticed of late that there are
many persons interested in the pro
duction of wool asking why wool was
so low under the present high tariff
Lincoln, Nebraska.
v n
mi t
, There are ten letter, represented by ten daebea. omitted from the abore
words, and when tie proper letters are supplied the completed worda
win nwnn rn rMmre anq Torm a rormt aomtioii of the Ktiiie.
CAN yon rightly guess what worda are represented in the above picture r If you can you may win
A CASH REWARD. This is a new puzzle, and if yon are smart you can, with study, give a correct
answer and win some Cash. We do not want one cent ef money when you answer this 5tudy.
You have absolutely nothing to pay for a guess, so the cash you receive will be clear gain. Only one
answer is allowed you, so Try and Win.' This is a free contest and contains no element of chance and
we positively guarantee to par all patrons Cash for every correct solution. If your answer is correct
yon will hear from ns promptly. Address, Heme Remedy Cw. 331 , Temple Batldlnsr, Montreal, Taaads,
j - -f--f - - I'
order to be' specific and prove every
proposition I make I give below a
table showing the Imports of wool into
this country for some of the years from
1873 to 1901. As nearly all of the wool
imported into this country comes di
rectly or indirectly from countries us
ing silver for their money, I place in
the table four columns, No, 1, years;
No. 2, quantity of wool imported; No.
3, import price in the money of the
United States; No. 4, price received by
the producers of the wool in the va
rious silver-using countries which ship
their wool to our country.
No. 1. No. 2. No. 3. No. 4.
1873 85,496,849 ,24 .24
1875 54,901,760 .20 .21
1880 ....128,131,747 .18 .20
1885 70,596,170 .13 .16
1890 ....105,431,277 .15 .20
1893 ...172,433,838 .12 .20
1897 350,852,026 .15 .32
1899 76,736,209 .107 .23
1900 ....155,928,455 .13 .27
1901 . .....103,583,505 .12 .26
One glance at the table above will
show just why "wool Is so low under
the present high tariff." . The pro
ducer of wool of any of the states or
territories only has to see that we im
ported i03,583,505 pounds of wool dur
ing 1901 at 12c per pound. This show
ing of Itself would fully explain the
low price of wool, but to make it
clear I will state the facts contained
in the official records.
A little over 30,000,000 pounds of
the 103,583,505 pounds of wool was
first class and valued at about 27c per
pound, about 5,484,000 pounds of the
wool was class No. 2 and valued at
about 20c per pound, and about 67.
417,000 pounds of the wool was class
No. 3 and valued at 9c per pound.
A large proportion of the wool pro
duced in the mountain states and ter
ritories would probably fall in class
No. 3. The import price does not in
clude the tariff which Is about 4c per
pound on class No. 3 wool. Column
No. 3 shows that the price of wool
has declined to the American produc
ers from 24c per pound in 1873 to 12c
per pound In 1901, while the produc
ers in other countries . who prod uce
nine-tenths of the wool shipped to us
received 24c per pound for their wool
in 1873 and -26c per pound for their
wool during 1901. The wool produc
ers of V this country should make a
study of column No. 4.
I wish to say to the American
farmers and the people that are in
terested ' in the wool industry of this
country that there Is only one way to
save what is left of that Industry, and
that is to place silver at $1.29 per
ounce. If the ounce of silver had be-en
that price during 1901 the pound of
wool would have been worth 26c per
pound Instead of 12c per pound. The
American , farmers can very easily
place silver at $1.29 per ounce If they
11V.1- ... f-TT- T r TT" i
Reminds the People of the State That
This Is Not the Only Death
- Breeder.
In this enlightened beginning of the
twentieth century it seems hardly
proper to say anything startling to
business men to incite them to do
their duty to their families in the
matter of life insurance. Yet many
good citizens neglect this proper pro
vision for the future until they are
uninsurable or death has called them
from the scene of their activities. The
prevalence of smallpox affords the
reason for impressing this subject
upon the minds of readers of this
if the application is postponed. While
smallnox is no longer so dangerous
and the present epidemic is very mild,
those who are stricken with the loath
some disease are always badly fright
ened. It must therefore be the occa
sion of intense remorse to the victim
to find himself in quarantine without
having first made provision for his
family. But smallpox Is not half so
deadly as pneumonia and is more in
jurious to the system from the insur
ance point of view than rheumatism.
This saying is trite but true. In the
matter of life insurance it is quite as
important as in religion. "We k niw
not the day or the hour" when the
call shall comeand eo far as the ben
efit to the dependent ones are con
cerned any tendency to disease or the
dregs of a fever or cold may make
insurance impossible The important
thing Js to look after your life insur
ance without delay and to place your
policy with an up-to-date, progressive,
liberal home company.
will mail his last annual report to any
Inquirer. In It will be found proofs of
the value of this great western institu
tion as an insurance Investment. Write
to him at once for literature. Send
him your name, age and address, with
memorandum of the amount and klntf
of policy desired. You may be sure
you have left your family a safe, s-