2 THE NEBRASKA INDEPENDENT April 3, 1902 STUP1 IAMS' STUli of imported and home broil draft And eoch stallions sre Iff er than all import rs Of Nebraska. His ELACX stallions and pricea ara 1HOT PKOH3ttITIONT' to his eoititors. lama' com pel tbem o "Ko-away-back-and-sit down" and a ryr "AiBt-it-a-bama." That IAM imports and breeds only the best first-class bia draft staliions,nash coachera.and ha lis tbem at much less prices than we can afford to. He surely hypnotizes hia many buyer with bis top notchers and low pricea. He does business. Bat he is the only man in U. d. that imports ALLt BLACK STALLIONS. He has on hand Black Percherons, Clyde5, Shires and 00 00 Coachers. They are the MSEN8ATION" of the town. Visitors throne barns and say : -Most select and largest stallions I ever saw." "See that 2,0u0-ponnd.two-year-old a 'ripper' j and that 2,200 pound thre-j-year-old 'herd header' 'a topper." "O. my t bee that 5,090-pound pair of four-year-olds ; they are oat of sight; largest pair in U.S.; wide as a red waft-on and have 12 and 14-inch bone and they move like Hash soachers." lams has a larger "HOfteE SHOW every day than san be seen at the Iowa or Nebraska State Fairs. lie has on hand 50- Black Ton Stallions- 50 two to six years old, weight 1, COO to 2,500 pounds, fast movers. MOHE Black Pereherons, ton stallions, Paris Exhibition and State prise winners, government APPROVED and STAMPED stallions of any on importer. Isms speaks Prench aud Herman, pays NO INTERPRETER, NO BUYKK, NO SALESMEN, no two to tn men as partners to share profits. His buyers get MID DLEMEN'S PBOiTd and eULAHIE.S. lama buys direct from breeders. This, with his twenty years' experience secures tne bust. All the above faots save his buyers COO.fX) to $1,000.00 on a Ilrst-elass stallion, and you ret a ilrst-cUss horse. a only scond-rate stallions are peddled by slick salesmen to be sold. GOOD ONES SELL THEMSELVES. It cosia tdOO.OO and 8803.00 to have salesman form CO. and cell a secoud-rate stallion. Form your own rompanis. Oo direct to lams' barns. He will sell you a better stallion for ,O00.OJ and 1 20a00 than others are selUusr at 12,00 J.O0 and $4.XXJ.U). lams pays horse freUh and his bnrer's fare. Good ffuaranteen. BARN a IN TOWN. Don't be a clam. Write for an eye-opener and iliiest horse eatalog on earth. FRANK AM ST. PAUL, HOWARD CO., NEB., ON U. P. AND B. & M. RYS. References-St. Paul State Bank. First State Bank. Citizens' National Bank. . r OT.THE. LARGEST ' irvirOrtYsiRS In il.fi (J. S. Neither have we ail ton Lrs;. fut we do make five .it. pin f &t ions each year. Oor stabies at Lim.lu, Nt-b., and at South mtfcn Union Stook Yards are full of first class stallions. If you want irjJ oue for what he is worth, it wiJl fey you to bso us. Our horses won wrpstakes in all draft and hackuey classes at Nebraska State i-i.ir I Adriraaa all urriinnndiinr t'i r t'jrj - - V Vt Itlr'-'S 9t .m.ms. . a . mama M A . A ijit A .1. Bt-L mmmm. m i &uh. wuuus bhus. & ktiu uu uncoin. hbd. vUre P UCIAL NOTICE Woods Bros., of Lincoln. Neb., have two can of VvWi''"' ' . i 'thorn and Hereford balls and cows for a brsam. ii8 - anybody outside of congress knowinc it till three years afterwards, and no body in congress knowing it except Senator, Sherman. When John Quincy Adams was president in 1825 to 1829 the mints were open to free coinage of silver as well as gold and nobody made complaint. In 172 when John Adams was vice president and while he was presiding in the senate, the first coinage law was passed which allowed free coinage of both metals Jn the ratio of 15 to 1. The law au thorized the construction of a public mint at the public expense and al lowed all persons having gold or sil ver bullion to bring them to the mint and have them coined into dollars, free of expense to the owners. We could stand the expense, if it were not for the further fact that the law provided that all gold and silver coins struck at and issued from the mint should be a legal tender for all debts The legal tender qualification trans ferred the coins into money. The change of the bullion into coins did not make them into money, but the addition, by the statute, of the legal tender qualification to the coins. ' Thus the government erected a mint at public expense and not only allowed private owners of gold and silver bullion to bring their private property to the public mint and have it converted into coin, free of ex pense, but the sovereign government annexed the sovereign power of leg al tender to "the coins without charge and thereby chranged private prop erty of individuals info money. It was really coinage at a public place for private gain, and this was con tinued, because our ancestors inher ited the custom and law from Eng land. Alexander Hamilton, then sec retary of the treasury under Wash ington, drafted the law, and he copied it from an English statute passed In 1666. In 1834-7 the ratio of coinage between the two metal3 was changed from 1 to 15 to 1 to 16. In 1853 pri vate (or free) coinage of fractional silver pieces was discontinued and the government began the policy of buy ing silver bullion in open market and coining it on government account; at the same time reducing the amount of silver slightly in the small pieces. These pieces were exchanged by the government for gold coin at par for all who asked it. In 1873, in revising the coinage laws, the coinage of silver dollars was not authorized, which no body noticed at the time, and thereby coinage of whole silver dollars was discontinued, there being no law au thorizing the mint master to do it. Mr. Bryan is simply asking that the old law authorizing free coinage, of whole silver dollars be restored and that the same amount of silver be put into each whole dollar as was done in 1792. He has not asked for free coinage of the fractional silver pieces, and yet the Adams family, who have been supporting free -coinage of silver dollars since the com mencement of the government until recently, now wants to put Mr. Bryan out of the democratic party. It is not likely that more than 10 per cent of the party will . vote with Charles Francis on this issue. If he , is op posed to free coinage of silver dol lars, why does he not oppose free coinage of gold dollars? Why should gold have the extraordinary privilege or franchise of being coined at public expense and then have the extra ordinary power of legal tender an nexed to it without giving the same privilege to silver? If Mr. Adams would come out against free coinage of gold as well as free coinage of sil ver, then he would present something to listen to. We even fought the civil war with greenbacks aa the basis of the currency and the money of the country. No bank notes were issued till near the close of the war. "Spe cie" payments were suspended by the banks because there was no gold or silver of any consequence in the country; if there was, it was hoarded. The mints were open to free coinage of both silver and gold as they al ways had been, but none of any con sequence was coined, because green backs more than supplied the place of coin, (except for payment of Im port duties which the law required to be paid with coin; which meant gold or silver coin Issued at the pub lie mints.) Greenbacks, being more HEADACHE: I niiii .. in i in.... i i. JiiM.irnt.',i "-".i I I At all ares; stores. 25 rases 25. J vW-ia naminona,- proprietor" .Norfoll abundant than coin, became the or dinary money of the country. They enabled the government to put down the greatest rebellion on record, and if they will answer all the purposes of money in times of war, it is reason able to conclude that they can be made to answer all the purposes of money in times of peace. This being so, there is no . necessity for free coinage of either gold or silver. If Mr. Adams would take this ground and throw his influence in favor ol closing the mints to free coinage of gold and of issuing government paper money (legal tender treasury notes) through a commission or department of government having power to regu late the amount, we would then have a more reasonable proposition to lis ten to. Greenbacks get their value by being properly limited in quan tity and not by being redeemed with coin; or at least they should get their value in this way. If too many were never issued, they would not need to be redeemed except by receiving them for taxes. If, by chance, too many should be Issued aud their value should have a tendency to fall, as shown by a higher level of prices, their proper value could be restored by redeeming a small quantity with interest bearing bonds. In , this way paper money can be made to have a more stable value than gold coin. Re demption by bonds is the natural method of redemption, in a stable gov ernment like that of the United States. If we were a monarchy and the sta bility of our government depended upon the life of a man, it might then be necessary to have coin for money. But inasmuch as we are a republic and have come to stay as such, our natural money is legal tender paper. It is very desirable that the gov ernment (the people) should get con trol of the volume of money instead of allowing the banks and bankers to have this power. As long as we allow free coinage of gold bullion they will take this bullion to the mint and convert it into money; and then, under the banking law, they have the right to issue more bank notes or other kinds of bank credits. In this way . they can expand the currency and raise prices. If they loan the coin to some one who melts it down, to be used In the arts, then they con tract the currency and lower general prices or the price level. If they loan the coin to some one who ex ports it, they lower prices in one country and raise them in another. When they raise prices they sell what they have to sell; and when they lower prices, they buy what they want to buy. This will continue to be done for the benefit of bankers and their associates, and to the detriment of others, as long as we allow free coin age of gold. The system allows a few men to have control of the volume of money, which is evquivalent to having control of prices. It is such a control as pro duces a higher level of prices not by a scarcity of commodities but by more money; and a lower level of prices, not by an extraordinary supply of commodities, but by a short supply of money. As long as we permit this, we shall see periods of great prosper ity, soon to be folowed by great ad versity. It enables a few to flourish at the expense of the many, and all the volume of money. If we could but because the few have control over a stop to free coinage of gold and the further issuance of bank notes (allowing gold to be coined on gov ernment account, if at all, as fraction al silver pieces are coined and make up for deficiencies of money by issu ing greenbacks, then the government (the people) would have control over the volume of money, and we would all have an equal chance before the law. But this Mr. Adams and his friends are opposing. They want the banks to have control over the. vol ume of money which Is , the "unit of value." The single gold dollar which they talk about as the "unit of value" is not a unit at all. It is only a fractional part of the money of the nation; and a very small fraction if we have millions in circulation. The total number of all the gold dollars, together with the substitutes, consti tutes our "unit of value" because the total number determines the level of prices and the level of. prices deter mines not only the value of each com modity in the market as to money, but the relative value of any two commodities with respect to each other. As long as Mr. Adams and his friends allow the bankers to keep con trol of the "unit of value," they allow the banks to lengthen and shorten the yard stick of value according to their Interests. . . . I trrt mnruani , Hftl4iTfli.TOrn.. ni.'ll Mr. Bryan stands; and it Is the great est that has been presented to the American people since the beginning of the government. It is to be regretted that Charles Francis Adams does not comprehend it, and see its import ance. ' , . ; .. ' . ThirdWhy is Mr. Adams a demo crat? He wants "tariff reform." He says: "I am a free trader, but not a mere theorist. And so I do not seek to adopt free trade at once. That would be revolutionary." But if Mr. Adams is not a free trader for practical pur poses and is violently opposed to pro tective tariffs, what is he? He must be in favor of tariffs for revenue only. There are only three ideas about tar iff: Either none at all, or for revenue, or for protection. Mr. Adams is not as practical as Henry George, for the latter proposes a tax to take the place of tariff duties. If Mr. Adams believes that tariff duties ought to be abolished and that we ought to have free trade, he ought, as a practical man, to pro propose some system of taxation for the support of the national govern ment. He does not, and herein is his great failure. He believes that free trade is revolutionary, but he could not believe this, if he could see some practical system of taxation under free trade. If Mr. Adams could be lieve in an income tax, he would have something to support the national gov ernment and free '.rade would not be so revolutionary. But not being able to believe in Mr. George's system of taxation, nor In income taxes, nor in protective tariffs, he falls back upon tariffs for revenue only, which is a more unjust system of taxation than protective tariffs. It is unjust be cause it is unnecessary; unnecessary because income taxes will furnish rev enue for the government. If incomes taxes are an evil, they are certainly a less evil than revenue tariffs, which tax not according to wealth, but ac cording to consumption. Speaking of protective tariffs Mr. Adams says: "We have had our faces set in the direction of protection for seventy years. It may take seventy years more to get back to where we started from, or to correct principles. But time is of little moment in mat ters of national life. The thing is to get our faces set in the right direction and keep going that way 'pegging away,' as Lincoln expressed it." It is true that the republicans (and the whigs before them) have drifted in the direction of protection for sev enty years, also that the democrats during the same time have drifted to wards tariffs for revenue only, so that there have been but two practical Ideas about tariff, and Mr. Adams adopts the worse of the two. Mr. Bryan stands for income taxes and In doing so he cannot stand for revenue tariffs. The only tariffs that he can support consistently with his views about income taxes are protec tive tariffs. These he does not sup port and in so doing he agrees with Mr: Adams; in this respect they both stand opposed to the republicans. Nothing separates Mr. Adams from the republicans except protection, while the money question and protection sep arate Mr. Bryan from the republicans, j If Mr. Adams wants "tariff reform," he can go Into the republican party and advocate it. There he will find plenty of sinners to call to repentence. He can't remain in the democratic party, unless he can adopt the incomo j tax, and even if he should, he will find it uncomfortable living, on ac count of the money question. He has no sympathy with the democrats on any issue, and yet he i3 invited as a "prominent democrat" to discuss the best methods of producing "demo cratic harmony!" Mr. Adams wants to reorganize the democratic party in such a way that the money lenders can control the volume of money and the. people be taxed according to the quantity and quality of what they consume instead of according to their wealth. If or ganized in this way, the party would not be democratic at all. It Is about seventy years since the party began to be undemocratic, not so much on ac count of adopting revenue tariffs as its leaning towards negro slavery. The party was not organized until 1828, when Jackson was first elected presi dent, but he never pronounced in favor of revenue tariffs. In 1832. when Jackson was elected the second time, tariff was not the issue, but the bank or money. In 1836. when Martin Van Buren was elected president against William H. Harrison, the whig party was organized and tariff began to be one of the Issues and to enter Into popular discussion, the democrats adopting the policy of a tariff for rev enue only, and the whigs favoring protective tariffs. In 1840, under the leadership of Martin Van Buren, the democrats were more unitedly in favor of revenue tariffs and the whigs more in favor of protective tariffs, so that these two tariff systems stood opposed to each other; but the democrats were defeated by the election of Harrison against Van Buren. In 1844 the demo crats were still more unitedly in favor of revenue tariffs, but they were also j preparing for the Mexican war, which meant more slave territory, so tnat revenue tariffs and extension of slav ery and slave territory became united in 1844, when James K. Polk of Ten nessee was elected against Henry Clay, who it is not necessary to say, stood for protection. The democrats had. in 1844, refused to nominate Van Buren, because he was opposed to the Mexican war and the extension of slavery. A revenue tariff suited the plans of those who wanted slavery, because being the cheapest labor in the world. They did not need protec tion. After , the civil war was over, the democrats ought to have abandoned revenue tariffs, as no longer suited to the changed conditions and adopted some other system of taxation, but they did not and continued to insert the old doctrine in their platforms un til 1896, when Bryan and his friends succeeded In inserting an Income tax. Mr. Adams wants to go back seventy years. He wants a tariff policy adapted to the plans of those who wanted to extend slavery into the territories and the northern states. He is almost in favor of the restora tion of slavery and yet he calls himself a democrat and wants to put every body out who does not agree with him. JNO. S. DE HART. THE GRIP AGAIN A Simple Suggestion as to How to Guard Against it and Its After After-Effects Every year upon the approach of spring grip seems to make its ap pearance. Once every, few years it spreads and assumes alarming pro portions. From all appearances this is one of the years in which it will seize upon a great number of victims, for every day new cases are reported both in the east and west. Like scarlet and typhoid feyer, the after-effects of , grip . are often worse than the disease itself. The sufferer is left with a debilitated system, short of breath , upon the slightest exertion, affected by every change of the wea ther and in a physical condition to invite the attack) of the many dis eases induced by the Inclement wea ther of early" spring. A timely suggestion as to how to en able the system to resist the inroads of grip and. its after-effects Is given in the experience , of Miss Mary E. Chase, an operator in a shoe factory, living at No. 2775 Washington street. Roxbury Dist., Boston, Mass. . She says: - " had an attack of the grip In 1898, which left me in such a weak condi tion that I became afflicted with a complication of other troubles. I suf fered from nervous dyspepsia and a disease peculiar to my sex. There was a bad feeling in my head, yet it was not headache. I took cold easily and had periodical spells of nausea. I would faint frequently, and was completely run down in every way. I tried several doctors, and took vari ous remedies, but without favorable results. - "Finally a friend, who had taken them herself, advised me to try Dr. Williams' Pink Pills for Pale People. I did so, and was feeling better when I had taken one box of the pills. I continued in the use of the pills until I had taxen six boxes and they made me well and strong. r "1 have recommended Dr. Williams' Pink Pills to quite a number of people as a cure for troubles like mine. I know, by personal experience, that they will give wonderful results." Dr. Williams' Pink Pills for Pale People are sold by all dealers or will be sent postpaid on receipt of price, fifty Tents -a box; six boxes for two dolars and fifty cents, by addressing Dr. Williams Medicine Company, Schenectady, N. Y. PRODUCTION CREATION Are the. Terms Synonymous? Mr. Klllngs- ton Thinks They or The Independent is In receipt of a communication from Mr. H. Ellings ton, Minnehaha,, Minn., replying at length to notes on his former article, published in the issue of March 20. We regret that Mr. Ellingston's article is rather too long and abstruse for publication In full. Mr. Ellingston ., takes exceptions to The Independent's distinctions between creation and production and says that they "are the same in conception we have a useless choice of terms ex cept for magian purposes. If man cannot create, neither can he pro duce." But he overlooks the fact that words should be used as nearly as possible to express the idea exactly. Create is defined to mean: "to bring into being; to form out of nothing; to cause to exist." And produce means: "to bring forward: to lead forth." Man can produce a brick, but cannot create the materials out of which that brick is formed. Further on he says: "Farm land is a natural opportunity, or formed by natural force before man has reached it with his plow." True. So is brick clay a natural opportunity, formed by natural force before man reached it with his ; moulds and fire. But the brick clay as it lies where natural force left it, can never be made into bricks without some preliminary prep arations by man some expenditure of labor so farm land as it lies is wholly useless for the production of crops without some preliminary prep aration. And it is no misuse of terms to say that man produces brick clay as well as bricks, and farm land as well as farm crops, by his labor. Irrigation Did If A little stream of water was run ning down every corn row in my fields during the drouth last summer while other fields were suffering very badly, and drying up. Do you realize the difference? In other words my fields produced a fine crop of fully developed seed corn. The other fields produced mostly nubs and some not that. If you wish to raise a full crop this year, you cannot do It by planting drouth stricken seed. When you plant my Irrigation Grown Seeds you have planted ; the hc-st, and they will assure you a. strong and vigorous stand, with the great vitality which Is necessary to secure a large yield of corn. Send four cents for samples. CLARENCE GERRARD, COLUMBUS, NEB. WHAT SHALL WE DO Shall We Set the Filipinos Free, Msks Them Subjects or Annex the Islands ' as States When we come to encounter the most important questions of all, viz.: What policy will best serve the inter ests of the Filipinos and ourselves? any consideration of this question that overlooks the fact that the Filipinos are brown men Is lame and halt and blind. The racial question is first of all In importance. Is it wise for us to attempt to absorb eight or ten mil lions of brown men, living on far dis tant islands, in the tropics, and make them citizens of our republic, with all the rights and privileges, under our flag, now possessed by the Caucasian? In making the attempt -are we really doing what will lift them out of their supposed half-barbarous condition (though less barbarous than many sup pose) and at the game time promote law. nil twm ailiriinoanKmt n4 aiiVtatantnl I T 1 1 t. Kt.. iv. ju. be far better for both them and us, if we should gradually relinquish our dominion over them and permit and assist them to establish their own government and thus enter upon the plan of working out their own salva tion? Because of racial and climatic dif ferences it is folly to expect a free intermingling of our people with the Filipinos upon equal terms as fellow- citizens. Our people will not go there in considerable numbers to mingle with them; neither will they come here for permanent residence and citi zenship. The natural antagonism ex isting between the races will effectu ally bar them, except that some will come as laborers, somewhat as the Chinese do. If Caucasians go to the Philippines they will generally go as the dominant racej either to govern or to exploit them, as do the British to India. No permanent amalgama tion of the races will be possible, so cially or industrially, either there or here. Nor is it desirable, if possible, for' neither would gain by it. It would be folly to attempt to establish and maintain the relation of equality under the same flag, between the two races. Such a relationship, even before the law, between them and us is not main tainable. They must either be our subjects or they must be independent. We can do one of two things: We can either rule them, as Britain rules India, or we can give them as much of our constitution and laws as they can use, stand them on their feet as an independent republic and then leave them to work out their own destiny. It is useless for us to try to reverse history or to fly in the face of all its teachings. The Caucasian race al ways has been, is and always will be the ruling race of this earth. Never in all history has success crowned an attempt to amalgamate into one na tion and family, the Caucasian and any colored race. Over 7,000,000 of the African negroes are now living un der our flag and family roof, but they are not members of the family, but only servants. We have faithfully tried to give them all the rights and privileges or brothers and fellow citizens but we have miserably failed. Yt how much more favorable to the experiment has been the negro's sit uation in relation to our government and people than is the Filipino's. The negro was already domesticated and lived among us. The brown man is a foreigner, on distant, tropical islands where few white men ever lived or can live, because of adverse climatic conditions. If we retain the islands as colonies, but few of our people will live there except to assist in ruling them. In time we may succeed, as did the Ro mans in Britain, in Imposing upon them some of our laws, customs and institutions, to their advantage to some extent. But, inasmuch as many of the Filipinos are already suftlciently advanced to establish and maintain self-government and intelligent enough to borrow freely from our systems of laws, government and education, pro vided we remain friendly, their ad vance would be. much more rapid if given independence by us, than will be possible if they remain-in unwill ing subjection. They have shown their love of freedom and their un alterable purpose to gain it. Subjec tion to us will be irksome and hinder their real advancement. But with free dom and independence their growth and evelopment into a higher civiliz ation would be certain and much more rapid. But the reflex influence upon us will be disastrous. It will be impos sible for us to rule a subject people without suffering deep and lasting injury. Devotion to liberty and equal ity before the law, has been our con spicuous virtue for a century and a quarter. It was this devotion that drove our forefathers to flee from European despotism. For us now to smother that transcendent virtue and foster in its stead the upas tree of greed of dominion, will be to poison the fountains of all virtue in our re public. To maintain dominion over the Filipinos will require the employ ment of a large standing army. Al ready the blighting spirit of milita rism is taking fast hold upon our peo ple. , The "glory of the flag" once was best maintained by promoting all the arts and cirtues of peace. Now, that "glory" will grow dim unless we speedily become a "world-power" and pattern after the strong governments of Europe, maintaining a brilliant military and naval equipment. His tory is repeating itself. Sentiments of national glory, honor, renown have taken : possession of us. Upon these we are building, as other nations have built before, whose love of this kind of "glory" has destroyed them. The desire to possess and rule the Philip pines is the legitimate fruit of this false sentiment. It is sweeping us from our constitutional moorings and the peaceful foundations upon whihe our republic was built. In conclusion: We cannot consti tutionally rule the islands as colonies. Even if we could, the law of self -preservation commands us to refuse to undertake it, because of the evil ef fects upon ourselves sure to ' follow. We may constitutionally make citizens of the Filipinos and admit the islands to statehood. But racial and climatic conditions forbid such an unwise, un natural, impracticable experiment. We shall profit most by letting go our hold upon the islands and permitting and assisting the Filipinos to estab lish an independent republic. Lastly, the brown men of those tropical Isl ands will advance In civilization more rapidly under the stimulus of an in dependent republic of their own, than as a subject people. , Verily these important questions must command the earnest attention of the American people for the next decade, or longer. W. L. HAND. THE LOW PRICE OF WOOL What Caused It and the Only Way That the Price Can ETr be Permanently . Raised Editor Independent: I have noticed of late that there are many persons interested in the pro duction of wool asking why wool was so low under the present high tariff s ome New Departments SINCE LAST SEASON WE HAVE GREATLY ENLARGED OUR STORE AND HAVE ADDED SEVERAL NEW DEPARTMENTS. THESE NEW DEPARTMENTS ARE CARPETS AND RUGS SHOES FOR WOMEN AND CHILDREN-BOOKS, STATIONERY AND PIC TURES. FOR THE PRESENT THE CARPET DEPARTMENT IS LOCATED IN THE BASEMENT IN THE ROOM FORM ERLY OCCUPIED BY THE DO MESTIC COTTON GOODS DEPART MENT. IN ABOUT 4 WEEKS OUR NEW BUILDING WILL BE COM PLETED AND THE CARPET DEPARTMENT WILL BE LOCATED ON THE SECOND FLOOR AND WILL BE REACHED BY THE ELEVATOR IN THE REAR OF THE 3D AISLE OF OUR PRESENT STORE. THE SHOE DEPARTMENT IS IN THE SOUTH END OF THE WEST AISLE OF OUR PRESENT STORE. THE BOOK DEPARTMENT IS IN THE NORTH END OF THE 3D AISLE OF OUR PRESENT STORE. TO MAKE ROOM FOR THE SHOE AND BOOK DEPARTMENTS WE HAVE MOVED CLOAKS, SUITS AND MILLINERY TO THE SECOND FLOOR WHERE THEY OCCUPY A ROOM 50 BY 142 FEET; THE FIN EST AND LARGEST WE THINK DEVOTED TO SUCH DEPART MENTS IN THE STATE. WE INVITE YOU TO VISIT THESE NEW DEPARTMENTS WHERE WE ARE CONFIDENT YOU WILL FIND MERCHANDISE TO PLEASE YOU. Miller Lincoln, Nebraska. v n mi t , There are ten letter, represented by ten daebea. omitted from the abore words, and when tie proper letters are supplied the completed worda win nwnn rn rMmre anq Torm a rormt aomtioii of the Ktiiie. CAN yon rightly guess what worda are represented in the above picture r If you can you may win A CASH REWARD. This is a new puzzle, and if yon are smart you can, with study, give a correct answer and win some Cash. We do not want one cent ef money when you answer this 5tudy. You have absolutely nothing to pay for a guess, so the cash you receive will be clear gain. Only one answer is allowed you, so Try and Win.' This is a free contest and contains no element of chance and we positively guarantee to par all patrons Cash for every correct solution. If your answer is correct yon will hear from ns promptly. Address, Heme Remedy Cw. 331 , Temple Batldlnsr, Montreal, Taaads, j - -f--f - - I' order to be' specific and prove every proposition I make I give below a table showing the Imports of wool into this country for some of the years from 1873 to 1901. As nearly all of the wool imported into this country comes di rectly or indirectly from countries us ing silver for their money, I place in the table four columns, No, 1, years; No. 2, quantity of wool imported; No. 3, import price in the money of the United States; No. 4, price received by the producers of the wool in the va rious silver-using countries which ship their wool to our country. No. 1. No. 2. No. 3. No. 4. 1873 85,496,849 ,24 .24 1875 54,901,760 .20 .21 1880 ....128,131,747 .18 .20 1885 70,596,170 .13 .16 1890 ....105,431,277 .15 .20 1893 ...172,433,838 .12 .20 1897 350,852,026 .15 .32 1899 76,736,209 .107 .23 1900 ....155,928,455 .13 .27 1901 . .....103,583,505 .12 .26 One glance at the table above will show just why "wool Is so low under the present high tariff." . The pro ducer of wool of any of the states or territories only has to see that we im ported i03,583,505 pounds of wool dur ing 1901 at 12c per pound. This show ing of Itself would fully explain the low price of wool, but to make it clear I will state the facts contained in the official records. A little over 30,000,000 pounds of the 103,583,505 pounds of wool was first class and valued at about 27c per pound, about 5,484,000 pounds of the wool was class No. 2 and valued at about 20c per pound, and about 67. 417,000 pounds of the wool was class No. 3 and valued at 9c per pound. A large proportion of the wool pro duced in the mountain states and ter ritories would probably fall in class No. 3. The import price does not in clude the tariff which Is about 4c per pound on class No. 3 wool. Column No. 3 shows that the price of wool has declined to the American produc ers from 24c per pound in 1873 to 12c per pound In 1901, while the produc ers in other countries . who prod uce nine-tenths of the wool shipped to us received 24c per pound for their wool in 1873 and -26c per pound for their wool during 1901. The wool produc ers of V this country should make a study of column No. 4. I wish to say to the American farmers and the people that are in terested ' in the wool industry of this country that there Is only one way to save what is left of that Industry, and that is to place silver at $1.29 per ounce. If the ounce of silver had be-en that price during 1901 the pound of wool would have been worth 26c per pound Instead of 12c per pound. The American , farmers can very easily place silver at $1.29 per ounce If they 11V.1- ... f-TT- T r TT" i SMALLPOX 111 NEBRASKA THIS DREADED DISEASE HAS BEEN AN EPIDEMIC IN THE UNITED STATE SINCE THE WAR. THE BANKERS RESERVE LIFE Reminds the People of the State That This Is Not the Only Death - Breeder. In this enlightened beginning of the twentieth century it seems hardly proper to say anything startling to business men to incite them to do their duty to their families in the matter of life insurance. Yet many good citizens neglect this proper pro vision for the future until they are uninsurable or death has called them from the scene of their activities. The prevalence of smallpox affords the reason for impressing this subject upon the minds of readers of this newspaper. IT MAY BE TOO LATE, if the application is postponed. While smallnox is no longer so dangerous and the present epidemic is very mild, those who are stricken with the loath some disease are always badly fright ened. It must therefore be the occa sion of intense remorse to the victim to find himself in quarantine without having first made provision for his family. But smallpox Is not half so deadly as pneumonia and is more in jurious to the system from the insur ance point of view than rheumatism. NOW IS THE ACCEPTED TIML. This saying is trite but true. In the matter of life insurance it is quite as important as in religion. "We k niw not the day or the hour" when the call shall comeand eo far as the ben efit to the dependent ones are con cerned any tendency to disease or the dregs of a fever or cold may make insurance impossible The important thing Js to look after your life insur ance without delay and to place your policy with an up-to-date, progressive, liberal home company. B. H. ROBISON, PRESIDENT, will mail his last annual report to any Inquirer. In It will be found proofs of the value of this great western institu tion as an insurance Investment. Write to him at once for literature. Send him your name, age and address, with memorandum of the amount and klntf of policy desired. You may be sure you have left your family a safe, s-