t
t
The Wealth Makers and Lincoln Independent Consolidated.
VOL. VIII.
LINCOLN, NEBR., THURSDAY, March n, 1897.
NO. 43.
C
III
TILLMAN
NTHE SENATE
U
Denounces the Frauds Perpetrated
in Connection with Armor
Plate.
SENATOR HAWLEY EBBIOED.
"Let the Galled Jade Wince"
Senator Tillman's Fierce
Reply.
is
Pass Steals of Millions.
Senator Tillman of South Carolina
provoked a turbulent scene in the senate
when he charged that the armor plate
manufacturers had their paid agents in
that body for the purpose of robbing
the government.
The charge was resented by Senator
f Hawley of Connecticut, whereupon Mr.
Tillman replied that ''the galled jade
winces," and it looked for a time as
though a persoial conflict was iminent,
until Mr. Hawley was escorted to the
cloakroom.
Senators Hawley and Squire had
spoken against Senator Chandler's
amendment to the naval appropriation
bill reducing the price of armor plate to
f 300 a ton and Senator Elkins had com
plained of the lack of information on
the cost of armor plate, when Senator
Tillman took the floor.
"Although a member of this Naval
Committee," began Mr. Tillman, "and
although I have given as much time to
this question as I could spare from my
other duties, I am not able to give the
senator as much information as he
wants.
"But lam able to say," he added,
with emphasis, "that no recent expendi
ture of the government has been so reek
ing with fraud and so disgraceful to
those connected with it."
When Secretary Whitney made the
first contracts for armor plate it was
understood that those enormous prices
were to be paid only for a time and on
account of the great expenditure neces
sary to build an armor plate plant.
The new navy was now beginning to be
something respectable.
When last year, under the impetus of
the Venezuela war scare, the house had
sent a proposal for lour battle-ships to
the senate, the number had been fixed
three, because there were only three
yards in the country that could build
auch ships. The three companies had
agreed upon the prices, had bid in collu
sion and consequently the government
was paying more than $1,500,000 more
for these ships than was necessary. Then
coming to the armor plate question, be
said:
"Instead of us controlling the monop
olies, the monopolies have the senate in
their viciouB pocket,"
Senator Hawley at this charge half
rose from his chair, as though he would
interpose an objection, then changed his
mind and sank back.
"I would hate to say, or to even in
sinuate," Mr. Tillman continued, twirl-
inor his classes in his hand, "that these
n.rmor-olate manufacturers have their
paid agents in this senate."
Then Mr. Hawley arose beginning:
"Does the senator dare"
Mr. Tillman took the words from his
mouth. "I dare to say," he shouted,
"that 00 far as I can see.there are things
here that can be explained- on no other
theory."
"If the senator dares to say, or even
to insinuate such a disgraceful thing, he
sava what is untrue and what is un
worthy a gentleman," Mr. Hawley re
plied very deliberately and emphatically.
Senator Tillman thrust a hand into
his trousers' pocket nonchlantly aud,
looking over to Senator Hawley, coolly
retorted: "To that I can only say it is
t.hp fmllnd mna that winces.
Snnator Hawlev turned pale and
trpmhlfid visibly.
"If the senator applies that to me, I
hove a sufficient ans wer,"hesaid angrily.
Two orthreesenatorsgather3d around
Senato Hawley and finally he walked
with them into the cloak room, while
Snnfttnr Tillman continued his speech
"I don't want to say anything harsh,"
he said. "God knows I've got enough
vitriol in me now."
Going on with the subject of armor
. Dlate. he said he could see no explana-
tion for the state of affairs except that
the manufacturers had their friends in
f the senate chamber. There was proof
that the government was to be looted
. tto the extent of two or three millions,
yet senators said: "We cant help it,
The trusts had the government down
and their hands in its pockets, yet if any
one opposed them, if any one proposed
that the government do its own work,
make its own armor-plate, senators
were quick to bring out the awful spec
tre of socialism. Said Mr. Tillman:
"The country's eyes are on us. We are
already disgraced because we do not
hasten to do the bidding of Wall street
fast enough. The touch of the button
between Wall street and the senate
seems to have been broken somewhat
lately, and so the Metropolitan press is
set upon us to whip us into line."
, Continuing, Mr. Tillman said there
was a still darker page in the history of
the dealings of the Carnegies with the
government. He referred to the charges
of making defective armor in 1894.
"The thieves were caught," he said
"but they were released. The secretary
imposed a fine, but this glorious presi
dent of ours, who, thank God, goes out
of office in two days more, remitted the
fine. And yet in the face of these facts,
a senator with his thin skin gets up and
undertakes to twit me with slandering
the senate." s
He continued to lecture the senate,
saying he had no doubt the propostion
would go through. "The old guard
never surrenders," he exclaimed. "You
get up here and squabble over y our little
110,000 items and let these million dol
lar steals go through like greased light
ning." He had, he said, convinced himself
that the cost of producing armor plate
did not exceed $200 per ton. Ae said,
however, that the naval committee had
placed the amount at (100 bacause it
was necessary to do so in order, to reach
an agreement, and also because they
had in mind that the bill must ran the
gauntlet of the house, "where," he said,
"gag law is in full force and effect; where
a man, a free American, must crawl on his
belly like a worm or fawn like a whipped
cur to get any recognition tor anything."
He said they had also borne in mind
that it would have to run the gauntlet
of the moguls of the senate committee
on appropriations.
TRAN-MISSIPPI APPROPRIATION.
Passes the House by a Vote of Seventy
To Twenty.
On Tnursday morning the committee
on enrolled and engrossed bills reported
that House Roll 93, the trans-Mississip
pi and international exposition bill, was
correctly engrossed for third reading.
After a short 'discussion roll call was or
dered and the bill passed by a vote of
70 to 20.
The following was the vote:
iYeas Alderman, Ankcny, Baldwin,
Bernard, Billings, Blake, bower, Bur-
kett, Byram, Campbell, Casebeer, Chit
tenden, Clark of Lancaster, Clark of
Richardson, Curtis, Dobson, Eighmy,
Felker, Fouke, Gay lord,' Uivens, Gosh-
orn, urandstan, ureii, urimes, nenaer-
son, mil, iloiDrooK, liouana, aorner,
Hull, Hyatt, Jones of Wayne, Jones of
Nemaha, Jones of Gage, Kapp, Lemar,
Lindell, McCarthy, McGee,McLeod,Man,
Marshull, Mills, Moran, Morrison, JNes-
bit Phelps. Prince, Rich, tfoberts, House,
Sheldon, Shull, Smith of Douglas. Snyder
of Sherman, Straub, Sutton, Taylor of
Douglas, Taylor of Fillmore, Uerling,
Van Horn, Waite, Welch, Wheeler, Wim-
berly, Yeiser, Young, .Zimmerman, Mr.
Speaker 70.
Nays Loie, Eager, Eastman, fernow,
Gerdes, Grosvenor, Hamilton, Hile,
Jenkins, Keister, Loomis, Mitchell, Rob
ertson, Severe, Smith of Richardson,
Snyder of Johnson, Soderman, Webb,
Wmslo-w, Wooster 20.
Absent and not voting Cronk, Jt-n-
dorf, McCracken, Roddy, Schram, Steb
bins, Woodard, Wright, Pollard, Wiebe
-10.
After the vote the title was amended
to read $100,000 instead of $350,000
that appeared in the original bill. lhe
bill will be sent to the senate at once.
Corporation Bills.
After the passage by the senate
of the stock yards bill the lobby
ists against that measure have been ac
tively at work in the house. They went
before the standing committees of the
house and secured recommendations
from those committees that all bills of a
similar character introduced in the house
be indefinitely postponed and that when
the senate bill arrived it should De
passed. The lobbyists in this way hoped
to get rid of all bills obnox
ious to the corporations, except one;
and even concentrate their efforts to
defeat it by fraud, bribery, technicality
or any means possible.
When the reports of the committees
came before the house they were prompt
ly rejected, and all anti-monopoly bills,
and especially stock yards measures,
were Dlaced on the general file and will
be kept there until they become laws,
Why thecomraittees should nave Drought
in such reports is a mystery to many of
the members. It is not believed that
such a batch of reports, recommending
the indefinite postponement of so many
important measures, will be attempted
again.
THE PRELIMINARY HEARING.
In the Case of Ex-Treaaurer Hartley is
Postponed to April 19th.
The case of J. S. Bartley, ex-treasurer,
set for March 4th, was, at the request of
his attorneys, continued to April 19th
at 3 o'clock. The judge made the entry
in the record book and asked for the re
newal of the $50,000 bonds which, by
the appearance of Mr. Bartley, had be
come void for the future.
Mr. Bartlev's attorneys announced
that the bond was ready, and offered
document in the usual form of a bond
signed by fourteen names, as follows:
J. H. Bartley. W. A. Dil worth, C. P. II,
Williams. B. R. Cowdery, J. A. Buckstaff,
A. G. Billmever. W. Hackney, Webster
Eaton, J. H. McClay, T. J. Majors, W.
A. Paxton, R. H. Townley, J. B. Trickey
and H. B. Sawyer.
Mr. Smvth objected to the acceptance
of the bond until the signers should ap
nar in court, sign and justify in the
presence of the judge, and the objection
was sustained.
All the sureties living in Lincoln were
brought in and justified, Mr. W. A.
Paxton was in Omaha and was tele
graphed the ruling of the court and was
requested to appear and justify, which
he agreed to do the next morning.
It seems to be the policy of Mr. Bart
ley's attorneys and the republican court
that is trying him to delay the case in
every way possible. Mr. Smyth and
his deDuty. Mr. Ed. P. Smith, are push
ing the case with vigor. Every inch of
progress reuuires a legal contest and
long discussions of the law and all its
history since the year one.
When bilious or costive, eat a Cascaret
candy cathartic,cure guaranteed,! Oo 25o
THE LEADERS WITH US
No Reason to Fear the Absorption of
Our Party by Any Other Po
litical Organization.
BANK AND FILE OF SAME HIND
Letters From Many Able Populists
On Party igs.ues-What.They
Hare to Say.
CONGRESSMAN-ELECT SUTHERLAND OF
. NIC
BRASKA. , ,
The question that is being forced upon
the attention of the populists as to
whether we shall in full or in part aban
dou the silver plank of our platform, is
a serious one. Serious in this that it
appears that any considerable portion
of our people are in fuyor of dropping or
side-tracking one of the planks of the St.
Louis or Omaha platforms. I believe
we were right in the campaign of 1896
when we demanded free coinage tf silver
at the ratio of 16 to 1 and I believe it
now. I have discovered nothing since
the election that chills my faith in the
1896 platform, but on the contrary,
much to strengthen it. No question is
settled until it is settled right, and until
the six million voters who voted for free
silver at the election of 1896 are pre-
Sared to say that they were wrong, the
ght should be urged for free silver and
the other great questions found in our
platform. Respectfully, R. D. Suther
land. CONGRESSMAN-ELECT RIDGLEY OF KANSAS.
I wish to file my protest against Mr.
Washburn's proposition that the popu
list party drop the silver issue. Of
course every member of our party, so
far as I know, is in favor of continuing
our organilzation and acting independ
ently, as we have always done; while
this is undoubtedly our duty it would be
a fatal mistake to drop out our original
demand for the restoration of silver as
one of the money metals. No, Mr. Wash
burn, the people want to get closer to
gether in this fight. To do this let as all
retain our demands for the use of silver,
gold and paper as materials on which
the government shall print its scientific
nroney. There is no time to lose in this
contest. We can not afford fUflivide
over minor questions of the maeVls to
be used. Far better to use all v two
metals that may be tendered than to
lose the more important issue, which is,
that the people by their government
shall issue and control all money to the
exclusion of all private or corporate priv
ileges. To this end let us unite with all
forces that agree on this main issue. I
have been fighting for exclusive govern
ment money continuously since 1876
and expect to continue until the victory
is won. Yours for uniting and not di
viding the people. E. R. Ridgley.
LIEUT-00 V. OF MONTANA.
1 crave the privilege, Brother Edger-
ton, of saying that I heartily endorse
your position on this question, lhe
solution of the financial problem is one
of our cardinal tenets of faith and we
must not shirk or abandon it. I believe
the free coinage of silver will do much
toward correcting the present abuses of
our money system, and I urge its hon
est consideration by our people. The
money power of our land has a deadly
ftarof the free silver movement, and
would hail with delight its abandonment
by any political party, while on the other
hand, the millions of wage earners and
the countless army of honest, limited
producers, turn their eyes toward the
solution of the money question, guaran
teed through the coinage of silver as the
Mecca of deliverance and the panacea of
present ills. Why then abandon this
live issue? We have submitted it to th
people and I am willing to wait for their
verdict until 19U0. Uive them another
four years to study the question. We
surely cannot complain of results in the
past four years. Where one voter en
dorsed silver in 1892, five give in thei
approval in 1895. If this ratio of in
crease continues on to 1900 we will have
no occasion to regret our fidelity to the
cause of silver. Let us continue along
the line we have'oeen following, and then
when the end is reached, success attained
and we gaze proudly back on the trail
we have blazed we will not be confronted
by a broken pledge, or a principle de
serted. A. E. Spriggs.
LIEUTENANT GOV. OF NEB.
"Shall the populist party abandon the
fight for the free coinage of silver? Or,
in the language of Mr. Washburn,
'change the fighting issue to scientific
money and government ownership of
railroads: lhe answer from the We1
braska brigade who fought in, the "First
Battle" will ring out in stentorian tones:
Nol While there is a' steady purpose to
carry out the reforms needed by the peo
pie, as expressed in the populist plat
form, one of which is the free coinage of
silver at 16 to 1, the old battle cry, dear
to millions who have heard it from the
lisping lips in the nursery as well as
from the sage on the platform, yet it
must not be forgotten that the mind
cannot deal with two problems at the
same time. One problem must be solved
before another can be received by the
mind. The history of all reforms atteht
the truth that a nation cannot be
awakened to enthusiasm on but one
great question at a time. The friends of
free coinage should join hands and
hearts, and stand, an unbroken phalanx
in the noxt battle, for the money of our
fathers and of the constitution. This
question is in the minds and hearts of
the toiling masses. Shall we try to
pluck it out and plant something else
In its place? An effort of this kind would
faili Let the people settle this great
question first, and then we can press for
solution other reforms we need. J. E,
Harris. '
GORDON CLARK, DISTINGUISHED ECONOMIC
AUTHOR.
t do not approve any proposed retire
ment of the silver issue by any party for
which I have any respect. I think the re
tu'ement of that issue by the people's
party would be a sign of violent insanity,
worthy of a straight-jacket. The popu
list movement has lifted the democratio
party from the muck heap of Grover
Cleveland to the revived principles of
Thomas Jefferson and Abraham Lincoln.
The plain people of this country, what
ever their party organizations, must
stick together for these principles or go
down under plutocracy and despotism.
I am in favor of absolute scientific money
a devisable deed of values, like a deed
to a house; but I am not in favor of be
ing utterly impoverished and reduced to
slavery while dreaming pt the millenium.
The people don't understand the money
question and, in my opinion, can't be
made to understand the depths of it in
this generation. But if contraction goes
on, they will soon be in a condition of
existence as bad as an orthodox hell.
They begin to smell the misery, and to
snsoect the oause of it. I am willing to
give them the scientific money.but first of
all l want to give tnem money itseii. un
(fee silver as the leading issue they al-
moet combine and almost succeeded last
November. If the people's party should
now throw up that issue, it will do ex
actly what all its worst enemies Roths
childs, Sherman Cleveland ana the aevu
most desires. It will commit suicide.
Put the ideal into your platform and
keep it there for seed: but do the possi
ble. Sufficient for the day is the best it
can get. Very cordially your friend.
Gordon Clark.
CHAIRMAN STATE COM. 8. DAKOTA.
I am not in sympathy with the efforts
of Mr. G. F. Washburn to have the peo
ple's party abandon the silver issue aud
take up thequestion of government issue
of paper money and government owner
ship of railroads. I firmly believe that
the financial question, which is agitating
all nations of the earth, will never be
finally settled until the medium of ex
change is a paper currency, based upon
the wealth of the nation issuing it, ana
made payable for all debts public and
private. I believe the United States
would be more prosperous upon a paper
currency basis than upon either silver or
gold, or both. This is no place to give
rerfsons.but simply my conclusions, that
I i.iy- be the better nnderstood in .what
I may say further on.. When the people
cannot conceive the benefits they would
receive from the remonetization of silver
by increasing the medium of exchange,
it is useless to attempt to attain a con
dition which not only requires an under
standing but a comprehension of the
principles underlying economic quanti
ties. All great reforms are Drougnt
abont slowly, and the education of the
people must of necessity keep pace with
those reforms, Since 1873 the question
of the remonetization of silver has been
agitated and studied more or less by the
people. While the result of the late
election was in a measure gratifying, yet
it demonstrated that the people had not
been sufficiently educated to vote for
their own interests, or had not become
morally (strong enough to resist the co
ercion exercised by the money power,
That the money of a country should be
a paper currency is yet in its Idealistic
stage. The peoples party has been
fighting, as it were, for Ideals for many
years, some or its laeais nave Degun to
assume a practical aspect. JNone oi its
ideals are so remote from conditions
which time will bring to pass that they
can never be attained. As an expedient
to improve the condition of the masses,
the people's party was the first to advo
cate the remonetization of silver. We
are too near the accomplishment of our
aims, which have been espoused and
maintained in spite of aspersions and de
tractions, to say the least, to abandon
the silver cause and to force issues to
the front that will take the people years
to comprehend. No reform was ever
maintained or put into permanent oper
ation before the people had "become so
convinced of its necessity that they gave
a hearty and moral support to all meas
ures that were necessary to maintain
and continue the reform. For myself,
believe that to abandon the silver issue
and take up only those issues which Mr.
Washburn suggests would disintegrate
our forces and put off for years the ac-
coinplishmeut of those reforms that the
people s party has advocated. rrqnn
J. Thompson.
CHAIRMAN STATE COM. OF MICHIGAN.
I address a few lines relative to the
Washburn appeal as appearing in the
Boston Herald. In the first place,
Mr Washburn was a practical, true popu
list at heart he would have brought his
appeal before the national committee
for consideration and abide the action
of a majority of said committee, for the
people are watching the actions of the
leaders of the several political parties as
never before, and stability of purpose
and unity of action are necessary to in
spire confidence by the people. lhe
proposition to abandon the free coinage
of silver is at this time very ill advised
I hope it will not be approved by the
national committee nor by true popu
lists, for the republican henchmen are
now scouring this state and offering large
sums of money to induce populist to
follow the course recommended by Mr,
Washburn. Nothing could occur that
would so thoroughly disrupt, disorgan
ize and discourage the reform forces at
this-time as for any considerable nuin
ber of populists to follow such a course.
Mr. Washburn ought to see by this time
the strength of the money aristocracy
and tht necessity of rallying all the for-
( Continued on page 6.)
INCOME TAX IN SOUTH CAROLINA
Passes Beth Houses and the Governor
' Will Sign It.
The populist and democratio legisla
ture of South Carolina has passed an
income tax law. The vote in the senate
stood a tie, and the presiding officer,
leutenant-Governor McSweeney, voted
for the bill and it will become a law. The
governor has already declared in favor
of the measure.
The tax begins with 1 per cent on Id-
comes of $1,200 derived from any kind
of property, rents, dividends, profits, or
salaries. Between f 3,000 aud $5,000
the tax is 1 per cent, going up until
$15,000 is reached, when for that figure
aad all above it the tax s 3 per cent.
Returns must be made and the income
tax assessed as other property is now
returned, the same county officials doing
the work, Heavy penalties are imposed
for attempts to evade the tax.
In South Carolina reformers practice
what they preach.
THE UNITED STATES SENATE
Doubt as to the Political Complexion
of
Its Next Organization,
The republicans in the United
States
have a
will be
senate are not certain that they
working-majority or that they
able to organize that body and secure
the championship of the various com
mittees and the employes and patron
age. They held a caucus March Cth and
appointed a committee on "the situa
tion." If the republicans get the senator from
Kentucky they will have a total of 44
votes which with the vote of the vice
president makes 45 just enough to tie
the senate on a full vote. Where can
they get the other vote is "the situa
tion." There may be a contest from
Kentucky aud the contested senator
will not be allowed to vote. Ifhenator
Kyle will vote with the republicans they
may be able to organize the senate if
not it is impossible to see how they can,
This is an interesting situation, differ
eut from any that ever existed before.
THE EXTKA SESSION.
The First Official Proclamation of Presi
dent McKinley.
On March 6th President McKinley and
Secretary of State, John Sherman made
public their first official proclamation.
It reads as follows:
By the president of the United States
of America A proclamation:
Whereas, Public interests require that
the congress of the United States should
be convened in extra session at 12
o'clock ob March 15, 1897, to receive
such communications as may be made
by the executive.
Now, therefore, I, William McKinley,
president of the United Slates of Ameri
ca, do hereby proclaim and declare that
an extraordinary session requires the
congress of the United States to convene
at extra session at the capitol in the city
of Washington on March 15th, 1897, at
12 o clock noon, of which all persons
who shall at that time be entitled to act
as members thereof, are hereby required
to take notice.
Given under my hand and the seal of
the United Sta-.es at Washington, the
6th day of March, in the year of our
Lord one thousand eight hundred and
ninety-seven and of the independence of
the United States the one hundred and
twenty-first.
William McKinley.
By the president,
John Sherman, Secretary of state.
THE MESSAGE IN LONDON.
McKinley 's Position on the Money Ques
tion Meets with Approval.
In the business circles in London Presi
dent McKinley's message was carefully
read and particular attention was given
to the financial declarations. The rep
resentatives of the Rothschilds' banking
house, to whom they were read explained
himself as pleased with the position
taken by the president, adding: "It is
excellent, most excellent."
The governor of the Bank of England,
Albert G. Sandeman.said that the finan
cial clauses of the message were "thor
oughly sound and of a clear, honest con
servative tone." But he would not ex
press an opinion on the international
bimetallism clause.
Howard Potter, of Brown, Shipley k
Co., said: "It is quite in line with what I
expected. If President McKinley ap
points a good committee to revise the
monetary taws there is no doubt that
good will result. The country must be
thoroughly sick of the situation. In
view of Japan's . adoption of the gold
standard and Russia's accumulation of
gold it is very doubtful if international
bimetallism will proceed very far."
Secretary McNeil of the bimetallic
league said: "We are delighted with the
clause referring to international bimetal
lism. It is all we hoped, for, and the
British bimetallists believe that they
can also speak for those of France and
Germany. If a commission on interna
tional monetary affairs is appointed, it
will be the beet thing done in the United
States in a long time."
The Gold Standard Defense associa
tion is not pleased with the clause re
lating to international bimetallism. Its
members express the belief that when
President McKinley comes to settle
down he will find all the government
officials against him.
Blpani Tabulae core constipation.
A
DANGEROUS
BILL
Senate File 132, Providing For the
Appointment ef a State
Printer.
OPENS THE DOOR FOR FRAUD.
The Protection Afforded by the Pro
posed Bond la a Mere
Snare.
New Officers t7naeeMrr.
The bill Introduced in the senate, S. F.
133, the object of which is to appoint a
state printer at a salary of $1 ,500 and a
stenographer at a salary qt $600. It
calls for a useless and unnecessary ex
pense, and In unscrupulous hands would
be an unmitigated evil, as it would open
a wide door for collusion of the worst
kind. As the law now stands three per
sons constitute the state printing beard,
consisting of the auditor, secretary and
treasurer, and they are responsible for
the work being properly carried out;
whereas, under the proposed law, but
one person would be responsible therefor.
Again, as the law now stands, collus
ion is rendered next to impossible, as the
contractor would have to be in collusion
with all threeof the state printing board;
whereas, under the proposed law collus
ion would be rendered very easy, as the
contractor would have only one confed
erate to deal with, viz.: the state printer,
and the state might be easily mulcted to
the extent of thousands of dollars, This
is not a visionary danger, but, oa the
contrary, is very possible.
As the law now stands, the inspection
of the work costs the state nothing,
whereas, under the proposed law an ex- '
pense of $2,100 would be incurred. Each
one of the state printing board has dep
uties and sub-deputies, who can be de
tailed to doing the work of seeing that
the full count is delivered, and it cer
tainly can be no difficult task to those
who are constantly handling books to
be able to fairly judge of the quality of
paper, etc.
just suppose tnat the supervisor of
priutingwere a rascal (which is not at
all impossible), what a fine opportunity
he would have for manipulating the
"sealed" bids in favor of any bidder
with whom he might be in league, as the
bids would be in his hands and subject '
to his manipulation some time before the
result would be announced. At the
present this is impossible as the bids are
all opened at the time they are submit
ted, and in the presence of the various
bidders, and the bidders do not lose
sight of the bids from the time they are
submitted nntil they are opened.
How is it that the republicans are so
quiet about this bill? They evidently
want it to pass, doubtless thinking and
believing that their eclipse is only tem
porary, and that in two years the sun
of their political ascendancy will again
shine on them, and then what a table in
the wilderness will have been prepared
for them by their political opponents.
The present stat printing law is the
best we have ever had on the
statute books, and with one or two
amendments would be as nearly perfect
as possible. t
It has been said that a state printer
(or supervisor) would save the state
$50,000 a year. Now, in as much as the
state printing does riot cost more than
that sum each year, aad for the years
1893 and 1894 not nearly that sum, it
must be difficult to see where $50,000
per annum can be saved.
Even should it happen that the state
printing board were somewhat at sea on
some particular job, they could easily
call to their aid some expert, who, in
fifteen minutes, could set them right. In
fact, all the work a state supervisor
would have to do in a year could easily
be done in ten hours, or twenty at the
extreme.
In the matter of the state printer giv
ing bond for the faithful performance of
his duties, we would ask how is anyone
possibly to know when he would be dere
lict in his duty in fixing up a bid for his
coadjutor? Would he do such an act in
the presence of others? Would he not
rather do it in the utmost privacy?
Then we would ask, where is the use of
one million bonds in a case where you
cannot bring home such acts to the per
petrator thereof?
This bill would virtually give all the
printing to one firm, instead of being '
distributed among several as at present.
In fact, nnder the present law, with
slight changes, the state printing can
be distributed among at least thirty
printers.
Finally the evil of this bill, if it be
come a law, is not so much the salary of
$2,100, as in the vastly increased cost
of the state printing as a result of the
other evils. Such things as the parable
of the unjust Stewards are as possible
now as ever. For example:
State Printer. "How much owest
thou the state?"
Answer. "500 blank books, 7,000 ses
sion laws. 10,000 school laws, etc."
State Printer. "Take thy pen and sit
down quickly, and write 100 blank
books, 3,000 session laws, and 3,000
school laws."
Omaha, Neb., Jan. 28, 1897.-I had
an attack of lumbago and began taking
Hood's Sarsaparilla. In a short time I
was better and I continued its use until
I was entirely cured. ) value Hood's
Sarsaparilla very highly. Mrs. D. Bev
eridge, 2202 Military Ave.
HOOD'S PILLS cure all liver ills. 25c
i J
c
e
trn
T.
rol
, Ik
. oni
It
iua I
r I
f P
. W(
, tte !
f t
!
r t
DC
y i
it i
' r
irai
nti
tK
I
' tut
' !tt
: te
t? rti
' t fhlc
i bef
pu
rei
; Plr
"i I U
, Jlo
!. He-
.i ca.
Ui
- Jlo
frer
. toe
!i f.
1 1
,1 :tl
, en
'
' 'i
' ' t
f ' .
i t' a.
, III
, v
' a
J
f t
! f
I in
i
I
I '
1 1
; I a-
i
o
(
x
it i f
fi...
i
h i
1:
,7
A
