t t The Wealth Makers and Lincoln Independent Consolidated. VOL. VIII. LINCOLN, NEBR., THURSDAY, March n, 1897. NO. 43. C III TILLMAN NTHE SENATE U Denounces the Frauds Perpetrated in Connection with Armor Plate. SENATOR HAWLEY EBBIOED. "Let the Galled Jade Wince" Senator Tillman's Fierce Reply. is Pass Steals of Millions. Senator Tillman of South Carolina provoked a turbulent scene in the senate when he charged that the armor plate manufacturers had their paid agents in that body for the purpose of robbing the government. The charge was resented by Senator f Hawley of Connecticut, whereupon Mr. Tillman replied that ''the galled jade winces," and it looked for a time as though a persoial conflict was iminent, until Mr. Hawley was escorted to the cloakroom. Senators Hawley and Squire had spoken against Senator Chandler's amendment to the naval appropriation bill reducing the price of armor plate to f 300 a ton and Senator Elkins had com plained of the lack of information on the cost of armor plate, when Senator Tillman took the floor. "Although a member of this Naval Committee," began Mr. Tillman, "and although I have given as much time to this question as I could spare from my other duties, I am not able to give the senator as much information as he wants. "But lam able to say," he added, with emphasis, "that no recent expendi ture of the government has been so reek ing with fraud and so disgraceful to those connected with it." When Secretary Whitney made the first contracts for armor plate it was understood that those enormous prices were to be paid only for a time and on account of the great expenditure neces sary to build an armor plate plant. The new navy was now beginning to be something respectable. When last year, under the impetus of the Venezuela war scare, the house had sent a proposal for lour battle-ships to the senate, the number had been fixed three, because there were only three yards in the country that could build auch ships. The three companies had agreed upon the prices, had bid in collu sion and consequently the government was paying more than $1,500,000 more for these ships than was necessary. Then coming to the armor plate question, be said: "Instead of us controlling the monop olies, the monopolies have the senate in their viciouB pocket," Senator Hawley at this charge half rose from his chair, as though he would interpose an objection, then changed his mind and sank back. "I would hate to say, or to even in sinuate," Mr. Tillman continued, twirl- inor his classes in his hand, "that these n.rmor-olate manufacturers have their paid agents in this senate." Then Mr. Hawley arose beginning: "Does the senator dare" Mr. Tillman took the words from his mouth. "I dare to say," he shouted, "that 00 far as I can see.there are things here that can be explained- on no other theory." "If the senator dares to say, or even to insinuate such a disgraceful thing, he sava what is untrue and what is un worthy a gentleman," Mr. Hawley re plied very deliberately and emphatically. Senator Tillman thrust a hand into his trousers' pocket nonchlantly aud, looking over to Senator Hawley, coolly retorted: "To that I can only say it is t.hp fmllnd mna that winces. Snnator Hawlev turned pale and trpmhlfid visibly. "If the senator applies that to me, I hove a sufficient ans wer,"hesaid angrily. Two orthreesenatorsgather3d around Senato Hawley and finally he walked with them into the cloak room, while Snnfttnr Tillman continued his speech "I don't want to say anything harsh," he said. "God knows I've got enough vitriol in me now." Going on with the subject of armor . Dlate. he said he could see no explana- tion for the state of affairs except that the manufacturers had their friends in f the senate chamber. There was proof that the government was to be looted . tto the extent of two or three millions, yet senators said: "We cant help it, The trusts had the government down and their hands in its pockets, yet if any one opposed them, if any one proposed that the government do its own work, make its own armor-plate, senators were quick to bring out the awful spec tre of socialism. Said Mr. Tillman: "The country's eyes are on us. We are already disgraced because we do not hasten to do the bidding of Wall street fast enough. The touch of the button between Wall street and the senate seems to have been broken somewhat lately, and so the Metropolitan press is set upon us to whip us into line." , Continuing, Mr. Tillman said there was a still darker page in the history of the dealings of the Carnegies with the government. He referred to the charges of making defective armor in 1894. "The thieves were caught," he said "but they were released. The secretary imposed a fine, but this glorious presi dent of ours, who, thank God, goes out of office in two days more, remitted the fine. And yet in the face of these facts, a senator with his thin skin gets up and undertakes to twit me with slandering the senate." s He continued to lecture the senate, saying he had no doubt the propostion would go through. "The old guard never surrenders," he exclaimed. "You get up here and squabble over y our little 110,000 items and let these million dol lar steals go through like greased light ning." He had, he said, convinced himself that the cost of producing armor plate did not exceed $200 per ton. Ae said, however, that the naval committee had placed the amount at (100 bacause it was necessary to do so in order, to reach an agreement, and also because they had in mind that the bill must ran the gauntlet of the house, "where," he said, "gag law is in full force and effect; where a man, a free American, must crawl on his belly like a worm or fawn like a whipped cur to get any recognition tor anything." He said they had also borne in mind that it would have to run the gauntlet of the moguls of the senate committee on appropriations. TRAN-MISSIPPI APPROPRIATION. Passes the House by a Vote of Seventy To Twenty. On Tnursday morning the committee on enrolled and engrossed bills reported that House Roll 93, the trans-Mississip pi and international exposition bill, was correctly engrossed for third reading. After a short 'discussion roll call was or dered and the bill passed by a vote of 70 to 20. The following was the vote: iYeas Alderman, Ankcny, Baldwin, Bernard, Billings, Blake, bower, Bur- kett, Byram, Campbell, Casebeer, Chit tenden, Clark of Lancaster, Clark of Richardson, Curtis, Dobson, Eighmy, Felker, Fouke, Gay lord,' Uivens, Gosh- orn, urandstan, ureii, urimes, nenaer- son, mil, iloiDrooK, liouana, aorner, Hull, Hyatt, Jones of Wayne, Jones of Nemaha, Jones of Gage, Kapp, Lemar, Lindell, McCarthy, McGee,McLeod,Man, Marshull, Mills, Moran, Morrison, JNes- bit Phelps. Prince, Rich, tfoberts, House, Sheldon, Shull, Smith of Douglas. Snyder of Sherman, Straub, Sutton, Taylor of Douglas, Taylor of Fillmore, Uerling, Van Horn, Waite, Welch, Wheeler, Wim- berly, Yeiser, Young, .Zimmerman, Mr. Speaker 70. Nays Loie, Eager, Eastman, fernow, Gerdes, Grosvenor, Hamilton, Hile, Jenkins, Keister, Loomis, Mitchell, Rob ertson, Severe, Smith of Richardson, Snyder of Johnson, Soderman, Webb, Wmslo-w, Wooster 20. Absent and not voting Cronk, Jt-n- dorf, McCracken, Roddy, Schram, Steb bins, Woodard, Wright, Pollard, Wiebe -10. After the vote the title was amended to read $100,000 instead of $350,000 that appeared in the original bill. lhe bill will be sent to the senate at once. Corporation Bills. After the passage by the senate of the stock yards bill the lobby ists against that measure have been ac tively at work in the house. They went before the standing committees of the house and secured recommendations from those committees that all bills of a similar character introduced in the house be indefinitely postponed and that when the senate bill arrived it should De passed. The lobbyists in this way hoped to get rid of all bills obnox ious to the corporations, except one; and even concentrate their efforts to defeat it by fraud, bribery, technicality or any means possible. When the reports of the committees came before the house they were prompt ly rejected, and all anti-monopoly bills, and especially stock yards measures, were Dlaced on the general file and will be kept there until they become laws, Why thecomraittees should nave Drought in such reports is a mystery to many of the members. It is not believed that such a batch of reports, recommending the indefinite postponement of so many important measures, will be attempted again. THE PRELIMINARY HEARING. In the Case of Ex-Treaaurer Hartley is Postponed to April 19th. The case of J. S. Bartley, ex-treasurer, set for March 4th, was, at the request of his attorneys, continued to April 19th at 3 o'clock. The judge made the entry in the record book and asked for the re newal of the $50,000 bonds which, by the appearance of Mr. Bartley, had be come void for the future. Mr. Bartlev's attorneys announced that the bond was ready, and offered document in the usual form of a bond signed by fourteen names, as follows: J. H. Bartley. W. A. Dil worth, C. P. II, Williams. B. R. Cowdery, J. A. Buckstaff, A. G. Billmever. W. Hackney, Webster Eaton, J. H. McClay, T. J. Majors, W. A. Paxton, R. H. Townley, J. B. Trickey and H. B. Sawyer. Mr. Smvth objected to the acceptance of the bond until the signers should ap nar in court, sign and justify in the presence of the judge, and the objection was sustained. All the sureties living in Lincoln were brought in and justified, Mr. W. A. Paxton was in Omaha and was tele graphed the ruling of the court and was requested to appear and justify, which he agreed to do the next morning. It seems to be the policy of Mr. Bart ley's attorneys and the republican court that is trying him to delay the case in every way possible. Mr. Smyth and his deDuty. Mr. Ed. P. Smith, are push ing the case with vigor. Every inch of progress reuuires a legal contest and long discussions of the law and all its history since the year one. When bilious or costive, eat a Cascaret candy cathartic,cure guaranteed,! Oo 25o THE LEADERS WITH US No Reason to Fear the Absorption of Our Party by Any Other Po litical Organization. BANK AND FILE OF SAME HIND Letters From Many Able Populists On Party igs.ues-What.They Hare to Say. CONGRESSMAN-ELECT SUTHERLAND OF . NIC BRASKA. , , The question that is being forced upon the attention of the populists as to whether we shall in full or in part aban dou the silver plank of our platform, is a serious one. Serious in this that it appears that any considerable portion of our people are in fuyor of dropping or side-tracking one of the planks of the St. Louis or Omaha platforms. I believe we were right in the campaign of 1896 when we demanded free coinage tf silver at the ratio of 16 to 1 and I believe it now. I have discovered nothing since the election that chills my faith in the 1896 platform, but on the contrary, much to strengthen it. No question is settled until it is settled right, and until the six million voters who voted for free silver at the election of 1896 are pre- Sared to say that they were wrong, the ght should be urged for free silver and the other great questions found in our platform. Respectfully, R. D. Suther land. CONGRESSMAN-ELECT RIDGLEY OF KANSAS. I wish to file my protest against Mr. Washburn's proposition that the popu list party drop the silver issue. Of course every member of our party, so far as I know, is in favor of continuing our organilzation and acting independ ently, as we have always done; while this is undoubtedly our duty it would be a fatal mistake to drop out our original demand for the restoration of silver as one of the money metals. No, Mr. Wash burn, the people want to get closer to gether in this fight. To do this let as all retain our demands for the use of silver, gold and paper as materials on which the government shall print its scientific nroney. There is no time to lose in this contest. We can not afford fUflivide over minor questions of the maeVls to be used. Far better to use all v two metals that may be tendered than to lose the more important issue, which is, that the people by their government shall issue and control all money to the exclusion of all private or corporate priv ileges. To this end let us unite with all forces that agree on this main issue. I have been fighting for exclusive govern ment money continuously since 1876 and expect to continue until the victory is won. Yours for uniting and not di viding the people. E. R. Ridgley. LIEUT-00 V. OF MONTANA. 1 crave the privilege, Brother Edger- ton, of saying that I heartily endorse your position on this question, lhe solution of the financial problem is one of our cardinal tenets of faith and we must not shirk or abandon it. I believe the free coinage of silver will do much toward correcting the present abuses of our money system, and I urge its hon est consideration by our people. The money power of our land has a deadly ftarof the free silver movement, and would hail with delight its abandonment by any political party, while on the other hand, the millions of wage earners and the countless army of honest, limited producers, turn their eyes toward the solution of the money question, guaran teed through the coinage of silver as the Mecca of deliverance and the panacea of present ills. Why then abandon this live issue? We have submitted it to th people and I am willing to wait for their verdict until 19U0. Uive them another four years to study the question. We surely cannot complain of results in the past four years. Where one voter en dorsed silver in 1892, five give in thei approval in 1895. If this ratio of in crease continues on to 1900 we will have no occasion to regret our fidelity to the cause of silver. Let us continue along the line we have'oeen following, and then when the end is reached, success attained and we gaze proudly back on the trail we have blazed we will not be confronted by a broken pledge, or a principle de serted. A. E. Spriggs. LIEUTENANT GOV. OF NEB. "Shall the populist party abandon the fight for the free coinage of silver? Or, in the language of Mr. Washburn, 'change the fighting issue to scientific money and government ownership of railroads: lhe answer from the We1 braska brigade who fought in, the "First Battle" will ring out in stentorian tones: Nol While there is a' steady purpose to carry out the reforms needed by the peo pie, as expressed in the populist plat form, one of which is the free coinage of silver at 16 to 1, the old battle cry, dear to millions who have heard it from the lisping lips in the nursery as well as from the sage on the platform, yet it must not be forgotten that the mind cannot deal with two problems at the same time. One problem must be solved before another can be received by the mind. The history of all reforms atteht the truth that a nation cannot be awakened to enthusiasm on but one great question at a time. The friends of free coinage should join hands and hearts, and stand, an unbroken phalanx in the noxt battle, for the money of our fathers and of the constitution. This question is in the minds and hearts of the toiling masses. Shall we try to pluck it out and plant something else In its place? An effort of this kind would faili Let the people settle this great question first, and then we can press for solution other reforms we need. J. E, Harris. ' GORDON CLARK, DISTINGUISHED ECONOMIC AUTHOR. t do not approve any proposed retire ment of the silver issue by any party for which I have any respect. I think the re tu'ement of that issue by the people's party would be a sign of violent insanity, worthy of a straight-jacket. The popu list movement has lifted the democratio party from the muck heap of Grover Cleveland to the revived principles of Thomas Jefferson and Abraham Lincoln. The plain people of this country, what ever their party organizations, must stick together for these principles or go down under plutocracy and despotism. I am in favor of absolute scientific money a devisable deed of values, like a deed to a house; but I am not in favor of be ing utterly impoverished and reduced to slavery while dreaming pt the millenium. The people don't understand the money question and, in my opinion, can't be made to understand the depths of it in this generation. But if contraction goes on, they will soon be in a condition of existence as bad as an orthodox hell. They begin to smell the misery, and to snsoect the oause of it. I am willing to give them the scientific money.but first of all l want to give tnem money itseii. un (fee silver as the leading issue they al- moet combine and almost succeeded last November. If the people's party should now throw up that issue, it will do ex actly what all its worst enemies Roths childs, Sherman Cleveland ana the aevu most desires. It will commit suicide. Put the ideal into your platform and keep it there for seed: but do the possi ble. Sufficient for the day is the best it can get. Very cordially your friend. Gordon Clark. CHAIRMAN STATE COM. 8. DAKOTA. I am not in sympathy with the efforts of Mr. G. F. Washburn to have the peo ple's party abandon the silver issue aud take up thequestion of government issue of paper money and government owner ship of railroads. I firmly believe that the financial question, which is agitating all nations of the earth, will never be finally settled until the medium of ex change is a paper currency, based upon the wealth of the nation issuing it, ana made payable for all debts public and private. I believe the United States would be more prosperous upon a paper currency basis than upon either silver or gold, or both. This is no place to give rerfsons.but simply my conclusions, that I i.iy- be the better nnderstood in .what I may say further on.. When the people cannot conceive the benefits they would receive from the remonetization of silver by increasing the medium of exchange, it is useless to attempt to attain a con dition which not only requires an under standing but a comprehension of the principles underlying economic quanti ties. All great reforms are Drougnt abont slowly, and the education of the people must of necessity keep pace with those reforms, Since 1873 the question of the remonetization of silver has been agitated and studied more or less by the people. While the result of the late election was in a measure gratifying, yet it demonstrated that the people had not been sufficiently educated to vote for their own interests, or had not become morally (strong enough to resist the co ercion exercised by the money power, That the money of a country should be a paper currency is yet in its Idealistic stage. The peoples party has been fighting, as it were, for Ideals for many years, some or its laeais nave Degun to assume a practical aspect. JNone oi its ideals are so remote from conditions which time will bring to pass that they can never be attained. As an expedient to improve the condition of the masses, the people's party was the first to advo cate the remonetization of silver. We are too near the accomplishment of our aims, which have been espoused and maintained in spite of aspersions and de tractions, to say the least, to abandon the silver cause and to force issues to the front that will take the people years to comprehend. No reform was ever maintained or put into permanent oper ation before the people had "become so convinced of its necessity that they gave a hearty and moral support to all meas ures that were necessary to maintain and continue the reform. For myself, believe that to abandon the silver issue and take up only those issues which Mr. Washburn suggests would disintegrate our forces and put off for years the ac- coinplishmeut of those reforms that the people s party has advocated. rrqnn J. Thompson. CHAIRMAN STATE COM. OF MICHIGAN. I address a few lines relative to the Washburn appeal as appearing in the Boston Herald. In the first place, Mr Washburn was a practical, true popu list at heart he would have brought his appeal before the national committee for consideration and abide the action of a majority of said committee, for the people are watching the actions of the leaders of the several political parties as never before, and stability of purpose and unity of action are necessary to in spire confidence by the people. lhe proposition to abandon the free coinage of silver is at this time very ill advised I hope it will not be approved by the national committee nor by true popu lists, for the republican henchmen are now scouring this state and offering large sums of money to induce populist to follow the course recommended by Mr, Washburn. Nothing could occur that would so thoroughly disrupt, disorgan ize and discourage the reform forces at this-time as for any considerable nuin ber of populists to follow such a course. Mr. Washburn ought to see by this time the strength of the money aristocracy and tht necessity of rallying all the for- ( Continued on page 6.) INCOME TAX IN SOUTH CAROLINA Passes Beth Houses and the Governor ' Will Sign It. The populist and democratio legisla ture of South Carolina has passed an income tax law. The vote in the senate stood a tie, and the presiding officer, leutenant-Governor McSweeney, voted for the bill and it will become a law. The governor has already declared in favor of the measure. The tax begins with 1 per cent on Id- comes of $1,200 derived from any kind of property, rents, dividends, profits, or salaries. Between f 3,000 aud $5,000 the tax is 1 per cent, going up until $15,000 is reached, when for that figure aad all above it the tax s 3 per cent. Returns must be made and the income tax assessed as other property is now returned, the same county officials doing the work, Heavy penalties are imposed for attempts to evade the tax. In South Carolina reformers practice what they preach. THE UNITED STATES SENATE Doubt as to the Political Complexion of Its Next Organization, The republicans in the United States have a will be senate are not certain that they working-majority or that they able to organize that body and secure the championship of the various com mittees and the employes and patron age. They held a caucus March Cth and appointed a committee on "the situa tion." If the republicans get the senator from Kentucky they will have a total of 44 votes which with the vote of the vice president makes 45 just enough to tie the senate on a full vote. Where can they get the other vote is "the situa tion." There may be a contest from Kentucky aud the contested senator will not be allowed to vote. Ifhenator Kyle will vote with the republicans they may be able to organize the senate if not it is impossible to see how they can, This is an interesting situation, differ eut from any that ever existed before. THE EXTKA SESSION. The First Official Proclamation of Presi dent McKinley. On March 6th President McKinley and Secretary of State, John Sherman made public their first official proclamation. It reads as follows: By the president of the United States of America A proclamation: Whereas, Public interests require that the congress of the United States should be convened in extra session at 12 o'clock ob March 15, 1897, to receive such communications as may be made by the executive. Now, therefore, I, William McKinley, president of the United Slates of Ameri ca, do hereby proclaim and declare that an extraordinary session requires the congress of the United States to convene at extra session at the capitol in the city of Washington on March 15th, 1897, at 12 o clock noon, of which all persons who shall at that time be entitled to act as members thereof, are hereby required to take notice. Given under my hand and the seal of the United Sta-.es at Washington, the 6th day of March, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and ninety-seven and of the independence of the United States the one hundred and twenty-first. William McKinley. By the president, John Sherman, Secretary of state. THE MESSAGE IN LONDON. McKinley 's Position on the Money Ques tion Meets with Approval. In the business circles in London Presi dent McKinley's message was carefully read and particular attention was given to the financial declarations. The rep resentatives of the Rothschilds' banking house, to whom they were read explained himself as pleased with the position taken by the president, adding: "It is excellent, most excellent." The governor of the Bank of England, Albert G. Sandeman.said that the finan cial clauses of the message were "thor oughly sound and of a clear, honest con servative tone." But he would not ex press an opinion on the international bimetallism clause. Howard Potter, of Brown, Shipley k Co., said: "It is quite in line with what I expected. If President McKinley ap points a good committee to revise the monetary taws there is no doubt that good will result. The country must be thoroughly sick of the situation. In view of Japan's . adoption of the gold standard and Russia's accumulation of gold it is very doubtful if international bimetallism will proceed very far." Secretary McNeil of the bimetallic league said: "We are delighted with the clause referring to international bimetal lism. It is all we hoped, for, and the British bimetallists believe that they can also speak for those of France and Germany. If a commission on interna tional monetary affairs is appointed, it will be the beet thing done in the United States in a long time." The Gold Standard Defense associa tion is not pleased with the clause re lating to international bimetallism. Its members express the belief that when President McKinley comes to settle down he will find all the government officials against him. Blpani Tabulae core constipation. A DANGEROUS BILL Senate File 132, Providing For the Appointment ef a State Printer. OPENS THE DOOR FOR FRAUD. The Protection Afforded by the Pro posed Bond la a Mere Snare. New Officers t7naeeMrr. The bill Introduced in the senate, S. F. 133, the object of which is to appoint a state printer at a salary of $1 ,500 and a stenographer at a salary qt $600. It calls for a useless and unnecessary ex pense, and In unscrupulous hands would be an unmitigated evil, as it would open a wide door for collusion of the worst kind. As the law now stands three per sons constitute the state printing beard, consisting of the auditor, secretary and treasurer, and they are responsible for the work being properly carried out; whereas, under the proposed law, but one person would be responsible therefor. Again, as the law now stands, collus ion is rendered next to impossible, as the contractor would have to be in collusion with all threeof the state printing board; whereas, under the proposed law collus ion would be rendered very easy, as the contractor would have only one confed erate to deal with, viz.: the state printer, and the state might be easily mulcted to the extent of thousands of dollars, This is not a visionary danger, but, oa the contrary, is very possible. As the law now stands, the inspection of the work costs the state nothing, whereas, under the proposed law an ex- ' pense of $2,100 would be incurred. Each one of the state printing board has dep uties and sub-deputies, who can be de tailed to doing the work of seeing that the full count is delivered, and it cer tainly can be no difficult task to those who are constantly handling books to be able to fairly judge of the quality of paper, etc. just suppose tnat the supervisor of priutingwere a rascal (which is not at all impossible), what a fine opportunity he would have for manipulating the "sealed" bids in favor of any bidder with whom he might be in league, as the bids would be in his hands and subject ' to his manipulation some time before the result would be announced. At the present this is impossible as the bids are all opened at the time they are submit ted, and in the presence of the various bidders, and the bidders do not lose sight of the bids from the time they are submitted nntil they are opened. How is it that the republicans are so quiet about this bill? They evidently want it to pass, doubtless thinking and believing that their eclipse is only tem porary, and that in two years the sun of their political ascendancy will again shine on them, and then what a table in the wilderness will have been prepared for them by their political opponents. The present stat printing law is the best we have ever had on the statute books, and with one or two amendments would be as nearly perfect as possible. t It has been said that a state printer (or supervisor) would save the state $50,000 a year. Now, in as much as the state printing does riot cost more than that sum each year, aad for the years 1893 and 1894 not nearly that sum, it must be difficult to see where $50,000 per annum can be saved. Even should it happen that the state printing board were somewhat at sea on some particular job, they could easily call to their aid some expert, who, in fifteen minutes, could set them right. In fact, all the work a state supervisor would have to do in a year could easily be done in ten hours, or twenty at the extreme. In the matter of the state printer giv ing bond for the faithful performance of his duties, we would ask how is anyone possibly to know when he would be dere lict in his duty in fixing up a bid for his coadjutor? Would he do such an act in the presence of others? Would he not rather do it in the utmost privacy? Then we would ask, where is the use of one million bonds in a case where you cannot bring home such acts to the per petrator thereof? This bill would virtually give all the printing to one firm, instead of being ' distributed among several as at present. In fact, nnder the present law, with slight changes, the state printing can be distributed among at least thirty printers. Finally the evil of this bill, if it be come a law, is not so much the salary of $2,100, as in the vastly increased cost of the state printing as a result of the other evils. Such things as the parable of the unjust Stewards are as possible now as ever. For example: State Printer. "How much owest thou the state?" Answer. "500 blank books, 7,000 ses sion laws. 10,000 school laws, etc." State Printer. "Take thy pen and sit down quickly, and write 100 blank books, 3,000 session laws, and 3,000 school laws." Omaha, Neb., Jan. 28, 1897.-I had an attack of lumbago and began taking Hood's Sarsaparilla. In a short time I was better and I continued its use until I was entirely cured. ) value Hood's Sarsaparilla very highly. Mrs. D. Bev eridge, 2202 Military Ave. HOOD'S PILLS cure all liver ills. 25c i J c e trn T. rol , Ik . oni It iua I r I f P . W( , tte ! f t ! r t DC y i it i ' r irai nti tK I ' tut ' !tt : te t? rti ' t fhlc i bef pu rei ; Plr "i I U , Jlo !. He- .i ca. Ui - Jlo frer . toe !i f. 1 1 ,1 :tl , en ' ' 'i ' ' t f ' . i t' a. , III , v ' a J f t ! f I in i I I ' 1 1 ; I a- i o ( x it i f fi... i h i 1: ,7 A