Ik
The Wealth Makers and Lincoln Independent Consolidated.
VOL. VII.
LINCOLN, NEBR.,THURSDAY, MAY 21, 1896.
NO. 50.
FROM
Hi
Then Vest Goes to the Mourner's
Bench and Repents of His Sins.
IS HE GENUINELY CONVERTED?
Sherman will be Secretary of the
Treasury Hill gets a Knock
Sown from Butler.
Wall Street Will Take In the Chicago Con-
' vention.
Washington, D. C, May 8. The past
week has been' of more than unusual in
terest in congress. Senator Test has fol
lowed Senators Teller and Tillman in
making a declaration on the same line as
tbeirs. The position which Senators
Teller and Tillman took was not unex
pected, as their views were known, but
the position of Senator Vest was a great
surprise, 'as well as a great gratification,
to many of his friends. A few months
ago Senator Vest' stated that he would
stand by whoever was nominated at the
Chicago convention. This caused him
to be criticised by a few in - Washington
who had thought that he was a man
who would put his convictions and prin
ciples above party; and, besides, it raised
a storm of protest among the rank and
file of tiie democratic party in Missouri.
At that time Senator Vest thought that
the silver men would control the Chicago
convention, j He now sees that the gold
AMeix ujd monopolists have the machinery
'au "will dominate the convention, as
they have in the past.
.On yesterday, in a deliberate and ear
nest speech, he pointed out the tactics
and methods which the gold men are
now using tocontrol both old-party con
ventions, and closed by saying that if
the administration continued to domi
nate the state democratic conventions
with federal patronage and other influ
ence as it did the democratic state con
vention of Michigan, that he and the
people would not be bound by the action
of such a convention.
, His speech was . listened to with the
deepest interest by every senator, and by
the crowded galleries. Senator Vest, in
.his speech, admitted that tlje great
masses of his party at home had criti
cised him severely for saying that he
would stand.by the nominee of the Chi
cago convention, whoever he might be.
This shows, and there are many other
evidences to the same effect, that the
people are determined not to follow gold
bugs and machine politicians any fur
ther; that they are determined this year
to condemn the traitorous parties that
have brought the country to stagnation
and poverty, and to vote for more money
and better times.
It is safe to say that the electoral vote
of Missouri will be given to the candi
date that the people's party nominates
for president at St. Louis on July 22d.
Senator Palmer was making a speech
in favor of the gold standard one day
this week, and asked if any senator would
dare to say that if we had free coinage
of silver that the bullion value of the sil
ver dollar would be equal to the bullion
value of the gold dollar. Senator Butler
MARION B TITLE 3.
arose and said that he would be glad to
answer the question by quoting from a
speech which Senator Hill of New York
made atElmira on December 4, 1892. In
that speech, Senator Hill argued that
free coinage would make the silver dollar
not only by law but by weight equal to
the eold dollar in every respect, as free
coinage did before 1873. Senator Butler
proceeded to read the following extracts
from the speech of Senator Hill:
"Did ever anything but free bimetallic
coinage, down to 1873, make our gold
and silver dollars equal to every test?
Did ef t free bimetallic coinage, down to
1873, for one hourfail tomake the silver
dollar equal to the gold dollar, whether
at mint or crucible, or at any market in
the wide world?
"But to maintain a parity implies the
existence of a parity. No parity exists
between the two. Melt the gold coin and
it can be recoined again and again, a
gold dollar, for its private owner, be
cause gold has free coinage, and 25.8
troy grains are tne fixed weight 01 tne
gold dollar. Melt the silver coin and it
cannot be recoined for its private owner.
It can be sold to the treasury, but for
75 cents or less, silver has not free coin
age, though 412 tray grains of silver
are indeed the present weight of the sil
ver dollar."
When Senator Butler had read to this
point, seoing that the leading gold man
on his side had thoroughly answered
four years ago all of the gold bug argu
ments he was now making as well,
Senator Palmer, ' in that speech,
objected to the further reading of the
.speech. The next, paragraph that Sen
ator Butler would have read, and Sen
ator Palmer objected to the reading of is
as follows:
"But free metallic coinage is the one
thing needful. Free bimetallic coinage
would purchase neither silver nor gold,
but would monetize both in their old
rated true parity.
"I admit that last year the mere hope
of free bimetallic coinage at the hands of
congress (not as ignorant persons say
enlarged treasury purchases of silver)
lilUnl oil silver in all markets, in all
mints, in all banks, in all treasuries,
throughout the civilized world, and not
merely in the United Strtes, from less
than $1 per ounce to more than $1.20
per ounce, $1.29 per ' ounce being the
point at which, with free bimetallic coin
age, price would cease and the fixed ra
tio begin, surmounting two thirds of its
present legalized disparagement in coun
tries formerly bimetallic."
This shows how Hill was talking when
he was candidate for the preeidencyin
1892, and we now see that if he had been
elected that he would have taken just
the same course that Grover Cleveland
has. The people of the south f n 1892
very foolishly declared in all of their
state conventions for free silver and for
Grover Cleveland. They got Grover
Cleveland, but they did not get free silver.
If they had nominated David Bennett
Hill, they would have gotten David Ben
nett Hill, but they would not have got
ten free silver. Neither can they get it
by electing the man the democratic con
vention will nominate at Chicago this
year.'
A few weeks ago the silver men claimed
that they would surely control the na
tional democratic convention, but every
day it grows plainer that the same thing
will happen at Chicago on July 7th that
has happened at every other national
democratic conventiou that . is, that
the money power and , the mo
nopolists will again write the platform
and name the candidate. But, fortun
ately, such action on the part of the na
tional democratic convention this year,
instead of being a misfortune, will be a
blessing. It will give the silver repub
licans of the west, the silver democrats
of the south, and patriots everywhere,
a chance to get together under one ban
ner and fight the enemies of our country,
who in the past have, to some extent,
managed to hide behind party name and
a stradling party platform. It matters
not what the leaders do. The great
masses of the people in the south and
west will support the man nominated by
the people's party at St. Louis on July
22d and that candidate will stand a
better chance of being elected president
than Abe Linccoln stood when he was
elected in a three cornered fight.
SENATOR WOLOOTT'S TREACHER! .
The Senatorial Gold Buga Land Him to
the 8kies
Washington, D. C, May 14, 1896.
In our last letter we called attention to
how the gold bug papers were praising
senator Wolcott (who claimed to be a
Bilver man) for saying that he would help
the gold bugs elect a gold bug president.
Senator Hill in his speech against the
bond investigation, went out of his way
to speak warm words of praise for a
silver republican like Senator Wolcott,
who would turn his back on his convic
tions, and stand by a gold bug party.
This is significant. It shows that not
only the gold republicans are anxious for
every silver republican to stay in his
party, but that the gold democrats ai'e
equally anxious that the silver republi
cans should stay in therepublicanmrty,
under all circumstances. In short, the
only hope for the success of the gold
trust is for silver republicans and silver
democrats to stay in their parties ' to
help elect . whoever the gold men put up.
In this same speech Senator Hill said
that a man could be a good democrat
and hold any views that he pleased on
the money question. Now it is admitted
by all that the money tjuestion is the
overshadowing question for the coming
campaign that it is more important
than the tariff or any other issue. There
fore, Senator Hill could have said, with
even a greater show of truthfulness, that
a man could be a good democrat and
hold any views on the tariff that he saw
fit; or, in fact, could be a democrat and.
hold any views on any question that he
saw fit. That is, a man could be a high
protectionist, a rank gold bug, a shout
ing British tory, a subservient tool of
trusts, monopolies and combines. This
is the correct view of the matter from
the gold bug standpoint, and tne hope of
the gold men is to get the silver men, and
those who claim to be the friends of the
people, to take the same view and follow
the lead of the gold machine.
McKinley Himself Is Silent.
Ceicaoo, May 5. The Times-Herald to
day prints this statement respecting Mc.
Kinley's position on free silver:
"A year ago in Thomasville, Ga., Major
McKinley, when offered the delegation
of three southern states if he would de
clare for free silver, said in the presence
of the editor of this journal:
"'If the repubican platform declares for
free coinage I will not be a candidate. I
would not run on afreesilver platform." '
H. H. Kohlsaat, the editor of the
Times-Herald, is perhaps McKinlev's
most intimate friend, next to Mark Han-
na, and bis statement would scarcely
have been made without the knowledge
of the protectionist leader.
The World telegraphed Mr. Kohlsaat's
statement to its correspondent at tan
ton, 0., with instructions to submit it to
McKinley and obtain from him, if pos
sible, a verification.
McKinley read the statement carefully
and returned it to the correspondent.
He declined to say a word concerning it
Watch It Grow.
The people's party is growing. If you
don't think so, just ask Taylor Flick to
let you look at thelist of members of the
populist club here. Custer County Bea
con.
ALLEN ON INCOME TAX
He Sends His Compliments to
the Supreme Court.
he
UPSET ALL FORMER PRECEDENTS
They Put a Nail in the Coffin of tflie
Industrial Slave.
And Let the Millions of the Blch Ewalw
All Taxation.
Senator Allen delivered a speech in tie
senate which was printed in the Recofd
May 9th, in which he discussed several
topics in a very able manner. The fol
lowing is the part that referred to tile
late income tax decision: 1
- What has happened recently? W
passed, as one of the important features
of the Wilson bill, now known as the
Wilson-Gorman Act, an income-tax lavi
It was in strict accordance with the e
tablished usage of the government.' Is
1796 the supreme court of the Uniteq
States, in the Hylton case, in Third Daif
las, decided the constitutionality of aa
income tax without a dissenting opinion!
There were opinions delivered in thai
case by Mr. Justice Chase, Mr. Justice
Iredell, Mr. Justice Patterson, and by
one other justice whose name I do not
now recall. There was no dissent from
the proposition that by the constitution
the power was conferred upon congress
to impose an income tax. We imposed
an income tax as one of the features of
the Wilson bill of 1894, directly in ac
cordance with precedent. There were at
least one-half dozen income-tax laws
passed between 1790 and 1880. They
had passed in favorable review . before
every judge who had occupied a place on
the supreme bench of the United btates
as chief justice or associate justice up to
the last date. And following these pre
cedents, in 1894 we put an amendment
on the Wilson bill which would nave
brought to the government $30,000,000
of revenue annually if it had not been
annulled by the action of the supreme
court. '
Mr. President, it was necessary to get
rid of this provision in order that the
plan of the money power might be car
riedout. The highly protected indus
tries could never have the people com
pletely by the throat until they were
able to get rid of the government's pow
er to tax incomes. I remember as dis
tinctly as though it were yesterday how
the honorable senior .senator from New
York Mr. Hill inveighed against taxing
the prosperity of the country, as he was
pleased to call it, as though the poverty
ought to be taxed, as it is being taxed
now, and idle income gatherers be per
mitted to escape taxation. I remember
how he met the decisions in the Hylton
case, by the assertion it sounds now
like prophecy that the law would be
declared unconstitutional. 1 nave never
before given the senator from New York
credit for being a prophet. But 1 now
give him credit for being . a successful
prophet in that case.
Me. Hill. The senator speaks 01 the
decision of the supreme court on the in
come-tax question as though it were a
surprise.
Mr'. Allen. I am not surprised at
anything that happens here absolutely
nothing. If I were to be told tomorrow
that every citizen of the 70,000,000 was
to be a bond slave I would not be sur
prised. They are, as a matter of fact,
industrial slaves now. I was, however,
speaking of the supreme court of the
United States, and the peculiar effect of
their opinions on the income tax.
Mr. President, do you see the purpose?
It is just as plain as the thimble-rigging
game with which we were all more or less
familiar as boys. If the money power
could induce the supreme court to de
clare the income tax invalid, the millions
of the rich would escape taxation. Then
they could put the final nail in the polit
ical coffin of the industrial slave and
make him bear the burden for all time.
How was that to be done? How could
it be done? There was only one place to
go to accomplish it. I will not say it
was accomplished by design, but I call
attention to the fact that the first decis
ion of the court in May last I think it
was in May upheld some of the main
features of the income-tax law. It would
have been unblushing and inexcusable to
have overruled at one time five decisions
extending over a period of almost one
hundred years, so the court was recon
vened and a reargument was ordered.
These rearguments are always danger
ous, no matter where they occur, and are
always open to suspicion. Mr. Justice
Jackson was brought to Washington
more dead than alive for he died short
ly after the second hearing and by
some . mysterious process, which the
world does not know and never will, one
of the judges, who had joined in deciding
the act constitutional in part, changed
his mind and pronounced it wholly un
constitutional. His change of mind
possesses great significance to me from
the fact that he is a citizen of a state
that is peculiarly benefited by tariff tax
ation. In 1796 the supremecourt unan
imously declared the constitutionality
of the income tax in the Hylton case.
They declared its constitutionality as
late as October, 1880, in the Springer
case in 102 United States Supreme Court
Reports; they declared its constutional
ity in the- Phoenix Insurance company
case, in the Veazie Bank case, and in still
another case, the name of which I do not
at this time recall. And yet in 1895 all
the great judges who had passed on the
laws authorizing ' an income tax were
overruled by the supreme court as now
constituted by a bare majority.
It may not be unimportant in the his
tory of this question to glance over the
list of gentlemen who have composed
the supreme court of the United States
in the past. When the Hylton case was
determined in 1796, Oliver Ellsworth
was the chief justice, William Gushing,
James Wilson, John Blair, James Ire
dell. Thomas Johnson. William Patter
son and Samuel Chase were Jhe associate
justices. That law passed in successful
review before those gentlemen. It is true
that Chief Justice Ellsworth took his
seat on the bench on the day the upiuioa
was rendered and did not participate iu
it, but never during his term of service
did he dissent from it, or the principle
recognized by it, and it passed success
fully in review before that court without
a dissenting voice. Chief Justice John
Jay was nominated and confirmed as
chief justice of the supreme court of the
United states before Uyver fcllswortn,
but he declined the appointment, and
John Marshall was made chief justice
and so remained from June 30, 1801, to
July 6, 1835.
Now, Mr. President, here was Roger
B. Taney, a great jurist, who was chief
justice from November 15, 1836, to Oc
tober 12, 1864, and no question was
ever raised before him as to the consti
tt'onality of any of the income-tax
lowf although many ctthem were in ex
istence and being enf jyed -while he was
a member of the court;' i
These acts passed successfully in re
view before Salmon P. Chase, and their
constitutionality was affirmed by him
and the court over which he presided.
They passed successfully in review be-
Hofe Morrison-. R. Waite, and ' their con
stitutionality was affirmed by him and
the court over which he presided. We
come at last to the present chief justice,
Mellville W. Fuller, who became chief
justice July 20, 1888. It was reserved
for him alone, of all the distinguished
and illustrious chief justices, to discover
that his predecessors had been wrong as
to the constitutionality of the income
tax law. , "
Erom the organization of the supreme
court, from the day of John Jay to the
day of Mellville W. Fuller, no member of
the court bad supposed that the govern
ment did not possess the constitutional
power to levy an income tax. The ques
tion had been thoroughly and exhaust
ively investigated by congress in the
passage of some half-dozen or more in:
come-tax laws; it had been patiently in
vestigated by a majority of the chief
justices whose names 1 have mentioned,
and yet, in 1895, it remained for a bare
majority of the present court to discover
that the Hylton case, that the Veazie
case, that the Phrenix Insurance Com
pany case, that the Springer case, and
ail other cases on the subject, and all
the laws that had been passed by con
gress throughout the history, of the
country, were wrong, and that the gov
ernment does not possess the constitu
tional power to impose an income tax.
Mr. President. I am not a member of
the supreme court, and no man enter
taining the opinions I do ever will be, at
leat not until there is a change in our
system of doing business. 1 do not say
that the last decision, which was made
by a bare majority of the court, is not
the honest opinion oi that high tribunal.
On that subject I say nothing. But I do
say that it is a most singular circum
stance, and that it will stand out promi
nently in the judicial history of the
country, more prominently than the cel
ebrated decision of 1877, which was one
of the most vicious decisions of the age,
as an exceptional case in the constitu
tional history of the country that great
men like Oliver bllsworth, John Mar
shall, Roger B. Taney. Salmon P. Chase,
and Morrison R. Waite, were wrong in
determining that congress, under the
constitution, had power to impose an
income tax, and that it was reserved for
Melville W. b uller and a bare majority
of his associates to discover that their
predecessors had been in error for nearly
one hundred years. It will stand out
prominently that over thirty associate
justices who have occupied the supreme
bench during our national existence, and
before whom this question had passed in
review successively, and who had given
to the doctrine their full assent it will
be a marvelous thing iu our judicial his
torythat five gentlemen out of nine, in
the year of our Lord, 1895, discovered
that all their illustrious predecessors for
a hundred years had been wrong.
Passing this latedecision which I have
noticed more for the purpose of showing
somewhat in detail the history of consti
tutional power passing from that, and
admitting that the supreme court had a
right to decide as it did and we must
obey its decision whether right or wrong
letting it remain a profound secret how
the decision was brought about let tne
observe that the direct result was to call
loudly for the enactment of a tariff that
will impose additional and heavier bur
dens on au already tax-ridden people.
Mr. President, can there be any doubt
that the people have lost confidence in
the supreme courif 1 declare it as my
solemn conviction that the thinking
people lost confidence in the supreme
court when it rendered tne decision in
the case of Tilden against Hayes, when
some of the judges of that high tribunal
suffered themselves to be dragged from
the court room, where they belonged and
where the constitution had placed them,
to be put upon a political tribunal to de
cide a merely party question between
contending political parties. The last
income-tax decision will be as exception
al, anomalous, and suspicious in our ju
dicial history as is the decision of the
electoral commission in our political history.
THE POPUHSr PARTY-
What it Will do if Intrusted With
the Administration of the Af
fairs of Government.
About the first act of a populist ad
ministration would be to restore Bilver to
its original, rightful and constitutional
place as a money metal.
Free coinage of Bilver would be accom
plished in thirty days by a populist con
gress and executive.
There would be no more so-called na
tional banks (banks of issue) chartered
by a populist administration. If the na
tional bank law cannot be repealed, the
present baaks will cease to exist (as
banks of issue) with the expiration of
their characters. ,
Under a oooulist administration all
money, whether gold, silver or ; paper.
would be issued, directly by the govern
ment and made a full legal tender.
Una thing is certain, no more interest-
bearing bonds would be issued by a pop
ulist administration. . There is and has
been no necessity for bonds except to
furnish an investment for the money
gamblers and banking corporations. No
more bonds.-
A populist administration would grad
ually but certainly bring the railroads
and other . natural monopolistic, enter
prises under the control or ownership
of government, and operated under such
civil service regulations as to insure hon
est and efficient service to the people.
Under such a system discriminations will
be impossible.
The populist party favors direct legis
lationthe referendum. This is the near
est approach to genuine popular govern
ment. By this system every citizen will
have a voice and a vote in making or re
pealing the laws by which we are gov
erned. . ' . - " .
No more land grants to railroad and
other corporations will be made under a
populist administration. . All land shall
be held for actual settlers.
Equal rights to all and special privi
leges to none, is the watchword and
motto of populism.
rellow countrymen, it is to your inter
est to work for and vote with the popu
list. Muskingum County Populist, Ohio.
Cyclone Davis Endorsed.
T1 1 i. HL. TO 1.1- - - -
xue pupuiisui ui luu r uuriu vuugree
sional district of Texas met at Tex-
i r i . i t i r !v.i
gates to the national convention of which
J. li. Davis is chairman. The conven
tion also passed the following resolution:
Resolved that this convention have and
now express full confidence in the hon
esty and integrity of that prince of re
formers, lion. J. li. Davis.," A delegate
to the convention writes thus: "There
was no opposition to Davis, save from
one county and that was very weak in
deed. The nominating convention will
not be held until August and then there
will be one voice and that will be for
Davis." , .: ..,,. ,
Kansas Lump Bock Salt for Stock.
Healthiest and most convenient way
of salting. It is not generally known
that the use of common loose salt for
cattle, sheep and hogs is injurious to
them, but such, however, is the fact.
Their nature requires only so much salt
as will be absorbed by the saliva. 13 v
the ordinary method of salting more or
less of the loose salt is carried undesolved
into the stomach, causing irritation to
the membranes and coating, while in us
ing lump salt, your cattle have free ac
cess to salt all the time and only get
what they need. One hundred pounds is
guaranteed to go as far as a barrel of
common fine salt. Try it. Best and
cheapest way to salt cattle.
Lump Hock Salt.
In lumps from 25 to 200 pounds; lasts
four times as long as fine salt. Nature's
own way of salting stock. Healthiest
and most convenient way of salting,
Dairy cattle should have access to salt
every day. Feeding rock salt to your
dairy cattle will increase your mills yield
20 per cent. Try it in place of common
fine salt, and note the result. Used and
recommended by the largest dairymen
and cattle raisers in the west.
Ask your dealer for it or write to
Western Rock salt Co.. St. Louis, Mo.
Sibley In the Field Again.
Mr. Sibley's reception at Conneautville
was an ovation that did honor to the
friends of reform in that section. As
seemingly must be, the hall was much
too small for his audience, and many
went sorrowfully back to their homes.
Nothing but out-door meetings will do
in this congressional district when Mr.
Sibley speaks. No hall can be found to
accommodate such a large number of
people. Sledgehammer, Pa.
Brice Buys a Paper.
Editor Cormack, of the Memphis Commercial-Appeal,
has been discharged be
cause of his free silver ideas and the
stockholders have decided to conduct
the paper as a Cleveland organ, support
ing Patterson for congress. .
Gave np Editing-. '
Miss Mary O'Neill, formerly editor of
the people's Record at Marshall, has
gone to St. Louis to act as private sec
retary to II. E. Taubeneck, chairman of
the national committee of the people's
party. Liberty Herald, ilo.J
THE REPUBLICAN BOLT.
THE GOLD BUGS WILL NOT
LET TELLER, CAETEH, DU
BOIS AND CANNON IN.
These Senatorg Flanning to Unite
With the Populists.
Washington, D. C, May 17, 1896.
Special to the Denver News: Gold
standard senators and representatives
now frequently discuss the way out of
the dilemma which the action of the Ida
ho and Colorado republican conventions
have confronted the party with. , If Tel.
ler, Dubois, Cannon and Carter of Mon-
tuaa, can, iney win lead their co-delegates
out of the convention and use them
as the nucleus of the new silver party
which is to unite with the populists at
St Louis. This, republican leaders are
convinced, is their nurnnn. . .nil tK.
have about made up their minds either
10 enui sue aoor 01 me convention in
their faces from the first, or tn tt,an
bodily from the hall as soon as pfoceed-
iukh win permit me preparation and
adoption of the necessary, resolution.
The test of Qualification tn air mAa.
gate which Senator Conkling sought to
have applied is the mesaorabis republi
can convention at Chlervn in 1 asm
""s" . wuvi v V
secure Grant his third term nomination,
win ue resurrected ana an attempt be
made to induce the convention to adopt
it. It will take the form of a resolution
that no delegate can sit with honor in
the convention nntaa it ! him
- ... fmMW- VU1 UUBD
to snnnort both t,h nlntfnrm mZa
inees of the party. .; If such a resolution
buouiu pass, cne delegates who propose
to bolt will walk ont at once. Neither
Teller nor his silver colleagues would re
main for a moment after such a pointed
request to depart. The irons are being
heated and the knives sharpened for the
silver auove party- aeiegates, yet the
silver senators are as serene as May
mornimrs and are rrrnwinir mmu Aan-
mined as each day rolls by, to fight in
me senate, in me convention and every
where else, and sacriflca
litical measure until their fight shall be
wou.
THE POP3 ABE GAINING.
An Old Worker at the Editor's
Home Still Toils on.
Bancroft, Neb., May 18, 1896.
Editor Independent: At this your
old home, the populist party is gaining
in members every day at least this is
the case if people will vote as they talk,
There are but few of the old party fellows
that dare advocate the gold standard and
even the Blade is out for the free coinage
of silver presumably 16 to 1. "And thns
the good work goes on. If we can have
some good German speakers in the
county this fall, or populist literature in
the German language I think we can se
cure a good vote from that source. Last
week I sent you a club of four subscrib
ers and no mention was made of it.
I have been a subscriber to the
paper ever since it has been published
under whatever name it has assumed
and have secured for it quite a number
of subscribers also have written several
communications for publication but in
no instance have any of them appeared
in its columns. I am aware of the fact
that they contained but little merit, still
some of them gave the number of votes
polled by our party at Bancroft, fre
quently doubling the previous vote. I
was a delegate to the Cincinnati confer
ence also a delegate from Washington
county to the Omaha convention and
had I the means would like to attend the
St. Louis convention, but shall be com
pelled to forego the pleasure. Will send
the names of more subscribers as soon
as possible. I was in this fight at the
beginning with the populists (as I was
with the republicans at the beginning)
and aim to remain with it just as long as
it adheres to present principles. Should
the party consort to principled contrary
to my own then I would leave it as I did
the so-called republican party.
.L. 11. Fletcher.
Overton will Irrigate. '
Overton, Neb., May 8. 1896.
Special to the Independent: On our
trip westward we stopped at Overton,
situated in the southwest corner of Daw-
son county and about three miles north
of the Platte river and about six miles
from the highlands. It has a popula
tion of 300 souls, all of whom are en
gaged in some of the several lines of bus
iness. It has one bank, two churches, a
good school building, two general stores,
one drug store, two hotels, one lumber
yard and a number of other smaller bus
iness places, all of which seem to be do
ing fairly well. She, like other Platte
valley towns, is entering upon a period
of prosperity, hetetofore unknown in the
history of this state, through and by the
influence of the use in water in the dry
seasons under a perfect system of irriga
tion. Push the good work along.
J.M.D.
Alien tn Boston.
The banquet committee of the people's
party announce the second annual ban
quet to take' place Friday, May 29, at
Arcade hall, Park square, Boston. Sen
ator Allen is to be the guest of the occa
sion. A reception will be held commenc
ing at 6 o'clock, and at 7 :30 seats will
be taken. It is also to be arranged that
Senator Allen will speak in Faneuill hall
at noon. The delegates and alternates
to St. Louis will meet at 5 o'clock in the
same hall that day, to complete ar
rangements, as far as possible, for the
trip to St. Louis.
