Ik The Wealth Makers and Lincoln Independent Consolidated. VOL. VII. LINCOLN, NEBR.,THURSDAY, MAY 21, 1896. NO. 50. FROM Hi Then Vest Goes to the Mourner's Bench and Repents of His Sins. IS HE GENUINELY CONVERTED? Sherman will be Secretary of the Treasury Hill gets a Knock Sown from Butler. Wall Street Will Take In the Chicago Con- ' vention. Washington, D. C, May 8. The past week has been' of more than unusual in terest in congress. Senator Test has fol lowed Senators Teller and Tillman in making a declaration on the same line as tbeirs. The position which Senators Teller and Tillman took was not unex pected, as their views were known, but the position of Senator Vest was a great surprise, 'as well as a great gratification, to many of his friends. A few months ago Senator Vest' stated that he would stand by whoever was nominated at the Chicago convention. This caused him to be criticised by a few in - Washington who had thought that he was a man who would put his convictions and prin ciples above party; and, besides, it raised a storm of protest among the rank and file of tiie democratic party in Missouri. At that time Senator Vest thought that the silver men would control the Chicago convention, j He now sees that the gold AMeix ujd monopolists have the machinery 'au "will dominate the convention, as they have in the past. .On yesterday, in a deliberate and ear nest speech, he pointed out the tactics and methods which the gold men are now using tocontrol both old-party con ventions, and closed by saying that if the administration continued to domi nate the state democratic conventions with federal patronage and other influ ence as it did the democratic state con vention of Michigan, that he and the people would not be bound by the action of such a convention. , His speech was . listened to with the deepest interest by every senator, and by the crowded galleries. Senator Vest, in .his speech, admitted that tlje great masses of his party at home had criti cised him severely for saying that he would stand.by the nominee of the Chi cago convention, whoever he might be. This shows, and there are many other evidences to the same effect, that the people are determined not to follow gold bugs and machine politicians any fur ther; that they are determined this year to condemn the traitorous parties that have brought the country to stagnation and poverty, and to vote for more money and better times. It is safe to say that the electoral vote of Missouri will be given to the candi date that the people's party nominates for president at St. Louis on July 22d. Senator Palmer was making a speech in favor of the gold standard one day this week, and asked if any senator would dare to say that if we had free coinage of silver that the bullion value of the sil ver dollar would be equal to the bullion value of the gold dollar. Senator Butler MARION B TITLE 3. arose and said that he would be glad to answer the question by quoting from a speech which Senator Hill of New York made atElmira on December 4, 1892. In that speech, Senator Hill argued that free coinage would make the silver dollar not only by law but by weight equal to the eold dollar in every respect, as free coinage did before 1873. Senator Butler proceeded to read the following extracts from the speech of Senator Hill: "Did ever anything but free bimetallic coinage, down to 1873, make our gold and silver dollars equal to every test? Did ef t free bimetallic coinage, down to 1873, for one hourfail tomake the silver dollar equal to the gold dollar, whether at mint or crucible, or at any market in the wide world? "But to maintain a parity implies the existence of a parity. No parity exists between the two. Melt the gold coin and it can be recoined again and again, a gold dollar, for its private owner, be cause gold has free coinage, and 25.8 troy grains are tne fixed weight 01 tne gold dollar. Melt the silver coin and it cannot be recoined for its private owner. It can be sold to the treasury, but for 75 cents or less, silver has not free coin age, though 412 tray grains of silver are indeed the present weight of the sil ver dollar." When Senator Butler had read to this point, seoing that the leading gold man on his side had thoroughly answered four years ago all of the gold bug argu ments he was now making as well, Senator Palmer, ' in that speech, objected to the further reading of the .speech. The next, paragraph that Sen ator Butler would have read, and Sen ator Palmer objected to the reading of is as follows: "But free metallic coinage is the one thing needful. Free bimetallic coinage would purchase neither silver nor gold, but would monetize both in their old rated true parity. "I admit that last year the mere hope of free bimetallic coinage at the hands of congress (not as ignorant persons say enlarged treasury purchases of silver) lilUnl oil silver in all markets, in all mints, in all banks, in all treasuries, throughout the civilized world, and not merely in the United Strtes, from less than $1 per ounce to more than $1.20 per ounce, $1.29 per ' ounce being the point at which, with free bimetallic coin age, price would cease and the fixed ra tio begin, surmounting two thirds of its present legalized disparagement in coun tries formerly bimetallic." This shows how Hill was talking when he was candidate for the preeidencyin 1892, and we now see that if he had been elected that he would have taken just the same course that Grover Cleveland has. The people of the south f n 1892 very foolishly declared in all of their state conventions for free silver and for Grover Cleveland. They got Grover Cleveland, but they did not get free silver. If they had nominated David Bennett Hill, they would have gotten David Ben nett Hill, but they would not have got ten free silver. Neither can they get it by electing the man the democratic con vention will nominate at Chicago this year.' A few weeks ago the silver men claimed that they would surely control the na tional democratic convention, but every day it grows plainer that the same thing will happen at Chicago on July 7th that has happened at every other national democratic conventiou that . is, that the money power and , the mo nopolists will again write the platform and name the candidate. But, fortun ately, such action on the part of the na tional democratic convention this year, instead of being a misfortune, will be a blessing. It will give the silver repub licans of the west, the silver democrats of the south, and patriots everywhere, a chance to get together under one ban ner and fight the enemies of our country, who in the past have, to some extent, managed to hide behind party name and a stradling party platform. It matters not what the leaders do. The great masses of the people in the south and west will support the man nominated by the people's party at St. Louis on July 22d and that candidate will stand a better chance of being elected president than Abe Linccoln stood when he was elected in a three cornered fight. SENATOR WOLOOTT'S TREACHER! . The Senatorial Gold Buga Land Him to the 8kies Washington, D. C, May 14, 1896. In our last letter we called attention to how the gold bug papers were praising senator Wolcott (who claimed to be a Bilver man) for saying that he would help the gold bugs elect a gold bug president. Senator Hill in his speech against the bond investigation, went out of his way to speak warm words of praise for a silver republican like Senator Wolcott, who would turn his back on his convic tions, and stand by a gold bug party. This is significant. It shows that not only the gold republicans are anxious for every silver republican to stay in his party, but that the gold democrats ai'e equally anxious that the silver republi cans should stay in therepublicanmrty, under all circumstances. In short, the only hope for the success of the gold trust is for silver republicans and silver democrats to stay in their parties ' to help elect . whoever the gold men put up. In this same speech Senator Hill said that a man could be a good democrat and hold any views that he pleased on the money question. Now it is admitted by all that the money tjuestion is the overshadowing question for the coming campaign that it is more important than the tariff or any other issue. There fore, Senator Hill could have said, with even a greater show of truthfulness, that a man could be a good democrat and hold any views on the tariff that he saw fit; or, in fact, could be a democrat and. hold any views on any question that he saw fit. That is, a man could be a high protectionist, a rank gold bug, a shout ing British tory, a subservient tool of trusts, monopolies and combines. This is the correct view of the matter from the gold bug standpoint, and tne hope of the gold men is to get the silver men, and those who claim to be the friends of the people, to take the same view and follow the lead of the gold machine. McKinley Himself Is Silent. Ceicaoo, May 5. The Times-Herald to day prints this statement respecting Mc. Kinley's position on free silver: "A year ago in Thomasville, Ga., Major McKinley, when offered the delegation of three southern states if he would de clare for free silver, said in the presence of the editor of this journal: "'If the repubican platform declares for free coinage I will not be a candidate. I would not run on afreesilver platform." ' H. H. Kohlsaat, the editor of the Times-Herald, is perhaps McKinlev's most intimate friend, next to Mark Han- na, and bis statement would scarcely have been made without the knowledge of the protectionist leader. The World telegraphed Mr. Kohlsaat's statement to its correspondent at tan ton, 0., with instructions to submit it to McKinley and obtain from him, if pos sible, a verification. McKinley read the statement carefully and returned it to the correspondent. He declined to say a word concerning it Watch It Grow. The people's party is growing. If you don't think so, just ask Taylor Flick to let you look at thelist of members of the populist club here. Custer County Bea con. ALLEN ON INCOME TAX He Sends His Compliments to the Supreme Court. he UPSET ALL FORMER PRECEDENTS They Put a Nail in the Coffin of tflie Industrial Slave. And Let the Millions of the Blch Ewalw All Taxation. Senator Allen delivered a speech in tie senate which was printed in the Recofd May 9th, in which he discussed several topics in a very able manner. The fol lowing is the part that referred to tile late income tax decision: 1 - What has happened recently? W passed, as one of the important features of the Wilson bill, now known as the Wilson-Gorman Act, an income-tax lavi It was in strict accordance with the e tablished usage of the government.' Is 1796 the supreme court of the Uniteq States, in the Hylton case, in Third Daif las, decided the constitutionality of aa income tax without a dissenting opinion! There were opinions delivered in thai case by Mr. Justice Chase, Mr. Justice Iredell, Mr. Justice Patterson, and by one other justice whose name I do not now recall. There was no dissent from the proposition that by the constitution the power was conferred upon congress to impose an income tax. We imposed an income tax as one of the features of the Wilson bill of 1894, directly in ac cordance with precedent. There were at least one-half dozen income-tax laws passed between 1790 and 1880. They had passed in favorable review . before every judge who had occupied a place on the supreme bench of the United btates as chief justice or associate justice up to the last date. And following these pre cedents, in 1894 we put an amendment on the Wilson bill which would nave brought to the government $30,000,000 of revenue annually if it had not been annulled by the action of the supreme court. ' Mr. President, it was necessary to get rid of this provision in order that the plan of the money power might be car riedout. The highly protected indus tries could never have the people com pletely by the throat until they were able to get rid of the government's pow er to tax incomes. I remember as dis tinctly as though it were yesterday how the honorable senior .senator from New York Mr. Hill inveighed against taxing the prosperity of the country, as he was pleased to call it, as though the poverty ought to be taxed, as it is being taxed now, and idle income gatherers be per mitted to escape taxation. I remember how he met the decisions in the Hylton case, by the assertion it sounds now like prophecy that the law would be declared unconstitutional. 1 nave never before given the senator from New York credit for being a prophet. But 1 now give him credit for being . a successful prophet in that case. Me. Hill. The senator speaks 01 the decision of the supreme court on the in come-tax question as though it were a surprise. Mr'. Allen. I am not surprised at anything that happens here absolutely nothing. If I were to be told tomorrow that every citizen of the 70,000,000 was to be a bond slave I would not be sur prised. They are, as a matter of fact, industrial slaves now. I was, however, speaking of the supreme court of the United States, and the peculiar effect of their opinions on the income tax. Mr. President, do you see the purpose? It is just as plain as the thimble-rigging game with which we were all more or less familiar as boys. If the money power could induce the supreme court to de clare the income tax invalid, the millions of the rich would escape taxation. Then they could put the final nail in the polit ical coffin of the industrial slave and make him bear the burden for all time. How was that to be done? How could it be done? There was only one place to go to accomplish it. I will not say it was accomplished by design, but I call attention to the fact that the first decis ion of the court in May last I think it was in May upheld some of the main features of the income-tax law. It would have been unblushing and inexcusable to have overruled at one time five decisions extending over a period of almost one hundred years, so the court was recon vened and a reargument was ordered. These rearguments are always danger ous, no matter where they occur, and are always open to suspicion. Mr. Justice Jackson was brought to Washington more dead than alive for he died short ly after the second hearing and by some . mysterious process, which the world does not know and never will, one of the judges, who had joined in deciding the act constitutional in part, changed his mind and pronounced it wholly un constitutional. His change of mind possesses great significance to me from the fact that he is a citizen of a state that is peculiarly benefited by tariff tax ation. In 1796 the supremecourt unan imously declared the constitutionality of the income tax in the Hylton case. They declared its constitutionality as late as October, 1880, in the Springer case in 102 United States Supreme Court Reports; they declared its constutional ity in the- Phoenix Insurance company case, in the Veazie Bank case, and in still another case, the name of which I do not at this time recall. And yet in 1895 all the great judges who had passed on the laws authorizing ' an income tax were overruled by the supreme court as now constituted by a bare majority. It may not be unimportant in the his tory of this question to glance over the list of gentlemen who have composed the supreme court of the United States in the past. When the Hylton case was determined in 1796, Oliver Ellsworth was the chief justice, William Gushing, James Wilson, John Blair, James Ire dell. Thomas Johnson. William Patter son and Samuel Chase were Jhe associate justices. That law passed in successful review before those gentlemen. It is true that Chief Justice Ellsworth took his seat on the bench on the day the upiuioa was rendered and did not participate iu it, but never during his term of service did he dissent from it, or the principle recognized by it, and it passed success fully in review before that court without a dissenting voice. Chief Justice John Jay was nominated and confirmed as chief justice of the supreme court of the United states before Uyver fcllswortn, but he declined the appointment, and John Marshall was made chief justice and so remained from June 30, 1801, to July 6, 1835. Now, Mr. President, here was Roger B. Taney, a great jurist, who was chief justice from November 15, 1836, to Oc tober 12, 1864, and no question was ever raised before him as to the consti tt'onality of any of the income-tax lowf although many ctthem were in ex istence and being enf jyed -while he was a member of the court;' i These acts passed successfully in re view before Salmon P. Chase, and their constitutionality was affirmed by him and the court over which he presided. They passed successfully in review be- Hofe Morrison-. R. Waite, and ' their con stitutionality was affirmed by him and the court over which he presided. We come at last to the present chief justice, Mellville W. Fuller, who became chief justice July 20, 1888. It was reserved for him alone, of all the distinguished and illustrious chief justices, to discover that his predecessors had been wrong as to the constitutionality of the income tax law. , " Erom the organization of the supreme court, from the day of John Jay to the day of Mellville W. Fuller, no member of the court bad supposed that the govern ment did not possess the constitutional power to levy an income tax. The ques tion had been thoroughly and exhaust ively investigated by congress in the passage of some half-dozen or more in: come-tax laws; it had been patiently in vestigated by a majority of the chief justices whose names 1 have mentioned, and yet, in 1895, it remained for a bare majority of the present court to discover that the Hylton case, that the Veazie case, that the Phrenix Insurance Com pany case, that the Springer case, and ail other cases on the subject, and all the laws that had been passed by con gress throughout the history, of the country, were wrong, and that the gov ernment does not possess the constitu tional power to impose an income tax. Mr. President. I am not a member of the supreme court, and no man enter taining the opinions I do ever will be, at leat not until there is a change in our system of doing business. 1 do not say that the last decision, which was made by a bare majority of the court, is not the honest opinion oi that high tribunal. On that subject I say nothing. But I do say that it is a most singular circum stance, and that it will stand out promi nently in the judicial history of the country, more prominently than the cel ebrated decision of 1877, which was one of the most vicious decisions of the age, as an exceptional case in the constitu tional history of the country that great men like Oliver bllsworth, John Mar shall, Roger B. Taney. Salmon P. Chase, and Morrison R. Waite, were wrong in determining that congress, under the constitution, had power to impose an income tax, and that it was reserved for Melville W. b uller and a bare majority of his associates to discover that their predecessors had been in error for nearly one hundred years. It will stand out prominently that over thirty associate justices who have occupied the supreme bench during our national existence, and before whom this question had passed in review successively, and who had given to the doctrine their full assent it will be a marvelous thing iu our judicial his torythat five gentlemen out of nine, in the year of our Lord, 1895, discovered that all their illustrious predecessors for a hundred years had been wrong. Passing this latedecision which I have noticed more for the purpose of showing somewhat in detail the history of consti tutional power passing from that, and admitting that the supreme court had a right to decide as it did and we must obey its decision whether right or wrong letting it remain a profound secret how the decision was brought about let tne observe that the direct result was to call loudly for the enactment of a tariff that will impose additional and heavier bur dens on au already tax-ridden people. Mr. President, can there be any doubt that the people have lost confidence in the supreme courif 1 declare it as my solemn conviction that the thinking people lost confidence in the supreme court when it rendered tne decision in the case of Tilden against Hayes, when some of the judges of that high tribunal suffered themselves to be dragged from the court room, where they belonged and where the constitution had placed them, to be put upon a political tribunal to de cide a merely party question between contending political parties. The last income-tax decision will be as exception al, anomalous, and suspicious in our ju dicial history as is the decision of the electoral commission in our political history. THE POPUHSr PARTY- What it Will do if Intrusted With the Administration of the Af fairs of Government. About the first act of a populist ad ministration would be to restore Bilver to its original, rightful and constitutional place as a money metal. Free coinage of Bilver would be accom plished in thirty days by a populist con gress and executive. There would be no more so-called na tional banks (banks of issue) chartered by a populist administration. If the na tional bank law cannot be repealed, the present baaks will cease to exist (as banks of issue) with the expiration of their characters. , Under a oooulist administration all money, whether gold, silver or ; paper. would be issued, directly by the govern ment and made a full legal tender. Una thing is certain, no more interest- bearing bonds would be issued by a pop ulist administration. . There is and has been no necessity for bonds except to furnish an investment for the money gamblers and banking corporations. No more bonds.- A populist administration would grad ually but certainly bring the railroads and other . natural monopolistic, enter prises under the control or ownership of government, and operated under such civil service regulations as to insure hon est and efficient service to the people. Under such a system discriminations will be impossible. The populist party favors direct legis lationthe referendum. This is the near est approach to genuine popular govern ment. By this system every citizen will have a voice and a vote in making or re pealing the laws by which we are gov erned. . ' . - " . No more land grants to railroad and other corporations will be made under a populist administration. . All land shall be held for actual settlers. Equal rights to all and special privi leges to none, is the watchword and motto of populism. rellow countrymen, it is to your inter est to work for and vote with the popu list. Muskingum County Populist, Ohio. Cyclone Davis Endorsed. T1 1 i. HL. TO 1.1- - - - xue pupuiisui ui luu r uuriu vuugree sional district of Texas met at Tex- i r i . i t i r !v.i gates to the national convention of which J. li. Davis is chairman. The conven tion also passed the following resolution: Resolved that this convention have and now express full confidence in the hon esty and integrity of that prince of re formers, lion. J. li. Davis.," A delegate to the convention writes thus: "There was no opposition to Davis, save from one county and that was very weak in deed. The nominating convention will not be held until August and then there will be one voice and that will be for Davis." , .: ..,,. , Kansas Lump Bock Salt for Stock. Healthiest and most convenient way of salting. It is not generally known that the use of common loose salt for cattle, sheep and hogs is injurious to them, but such, however, is the fact. Their nature requires only so much salt as will be absorbed by the saliva. 13 v the ordinary method of salting more or less of the loose salt is carried undesolved into the stomach, causing irritation to the membranes and coating, while in us ing lump salt, your cattle have free ac cess to salt all the time and only get what they need. One hundred pounds is guaranteed to go as far as a barrel of common fine salt. Try it. Best and cheapest way to salt cattle. Lump Hock Salt. In lumps from 25 to 200 pounds; lasts four times as long as fine salt. Nature's own way of salting stock. Healthiest and most convenient way of salting, Dairy cattle should have access to salt every day. Feeding rock salt to your dairy cattle will increase your mills yield 20 per cent. Try it in place of common fine salt, and note the result. Used and recommended by the largest dairymen and cattle raisers in the west. Ask your dealer for it or write to Western Rock salt Co.. St. Louis, Mo. Sibley In the Field Again. Mr. Sibley's reception at Conneautville was an ovation that did honor to the friends of reform in that section. As seemingly must be, the hall was much too small for his audience, and many went sorrowfully back to their homes. Nothing but out-door meetings will do in this congressional district when Mr. Sibley speaks. No hall can be found to accommodate such a large number of people. Sledgehammer, Pa. Brice Buys a Paper. Editor Cormack, of the Memphis Commercial-Appeal, has been discharged be cause of his free silver ideas and the stockholders have decided to conduct the paper as a Cleveland organ, support ing Patterson for congress. . Gave np Editing-. ' Miss Mary O'Neill, formerly editor of the people's Record at Marshall, has gone to St. Louis to act as private sec retary to II. E. Taubeneck, chairman of the national committee of the people's party. Liberty Herald, ilo.J THE REPUBLICAN BOLT. THE GOLD BUGS WILL NOT LET TELLER, CAETEH, DU BOIS AND CANNON IN. These Senatorg Flanning to Unite With the Populists. Washington, D. C, May 17, 1896. Special to the Denver News: Gold standard senators and representatives now frequently discuss the way out of the dilemma which the action of the Ida ho and Colorado republican conventions have confronted the party with. , If Tel. ler, Dubois, Cannon and Carter of Mon- tuaa, can, iney win lead their co-delegates out of the convention and use them as the nucleus of the new silver party which is to unite with the populists at St Louis. This, republican leaders are convinced, is their nurnnn. . .nil tK. have about made up their minds either 10 enui sue aoor 01 me convention in their faces from the first, or tn tt,an bodily from the hall as soon as pfoceed- iukh win permit me preparation and adoption of the necessary, resolution. The test of Qualification tn air mAa. gate which Senator Conkling sought to have applied is the mesaorabis republi can convention at Chlervn in 1 asm ""s" . wuvi v V secure Grant his third term nomination, win ue resurrected ana an attempt be made to induce the convention to adopt it. It will take the form of a resolution that no delegate can sit with honor in the convention nntaa it ! him - ... fmMW- VU1 UUBD to snnnort both t,h nlntfnrm mZa inees of the party. .; If such a resolution buouiu pass, cne delegates who propose to bolt will walk ont at once. Neither Teller nor his silver colleagues would re main for a moment after such a pointed request to depart. The irons are being heated and the knives sharpened for the silver auove party- aeiegates, yet the silver senators are as serene as May mornimrs and are rrrnwinir mmu Aan- mined as each day rolls by, to fight in me senate, in me convention and every where else, and sacriflca litical measure until their fight shall be wou. THE POP3 ABE GAINING. An Old Worker at the Editor's Home Still Toils on. Bancroft, Neb., May 18, 1896. Editor Independent: At this your old home, the populist party is gaining in members every day at least this is the case if people will vote as they talk, There are but few of the old party fellows that dare advocate the gold standard and even the Blade is out for the free coinage of silver presumably 16 to 1. "And thns the good work goes on. If we can have some good German speakers in the county this fall, or populist literature in the German language I think we can se cure a good vote from that source. Last week I sent you a club of four subscrib ers and no mention was made of it. I have been a subscriber to the paper ever since it has been published under whatever name it has assumed and have secured for it quite a number of subscribers also have written several communications for publication but in no instance have any of them appeared in its columns. I am aware of the fact that they contained but little merit, still some of them gave the number of votes polled by our party at Bancroft, fre quently doubling the previous vote. I was a delegate to the Cincinnati confer ence also a delegate from Washington county to the Omaha convention and had I the means would like to attend the St. Louis convention, but shall be com pelled to forego the pleasure. Will send the names of more subscribers as soon as possible. I was in this fight at the beginning with the populists (as I was with the republicans at the beginning) and aim to remain with it just as long as it adheres to present principles. Should the party consort to principled contrary to my own then I would leave it as I did the so-called republican party. .L. 11. Fletcher. Overton will Irrigate. ' Overton, Neb., May 8. 1896. Special to the Independent: On our trip westward we stopped at Overton, situated in the southwest corner of Daw- son county and about three miles north of the Platte river and about six miles from the highlands. It has a popula tion of 300 souls, all of whom are en gaged in some of the several lines of bus iness. It has one bank, two churches, a good school building, two general stores, one drug store, two hotels, one lumber yard and a number of other smaller bus iness places, all of which seem to be do ing fairly well. She, like other Platte valley towns, is entering upon a period of prosperity, hetetofore unknown in the history of this state, through and by the influence of the use in water in the dry seasons under a perfect system of irriga tion. Push the good work along. J.M.D. Alien tn Boston. The banquet committee of the people's party announce the second annual ban quet to take' place Friday, May 29, at Arcade hall, Park square, Boston. Sen ator Allen is to be the guest of the occa sion. A reception will be held commenc ing at 6 o'clock, and at 7 :30 seats will be taken. It is also to be arranged that Senator Allen will speak in Faneuill hall at noon. The delegates and alternates to St. Louis will meet at 5 o'clock in the same hall that day, to complete ar rangements, as far as possible, for the trip to St. Louis.