The Wealth makers of the world. (Lincoln, Nebraska) 1894-1896, March 15, 1894, Page 4, Image 4

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    1
THE WEALTH MAKERS.
March 15, 189 4
.
WEALTH 3IAKEKS.
New Series of
THE ALLI AN CE-I N D EPEN DENT.
CBouaticm of u
Fanners Allian5elrisUlQflepcndcBt
EVERY THURSDAY
BY
PUBLISHED
The Wealth Makeri PubluWag Company,
nao U Street. Lincoln. Neb.
- editor
If uf nun murtfall form XotUh,
UInotwcUmb. Anotber'apain
UTonoi for T food. Agulaeachaln.
A robe of honor, H Wx good a prl
To tempt BT bT bd to do a wrong
Unto a feUow man. TbU We bath wo
Bafflctent. wrought by man'! tatanta foi
A4whotht hth a tetrt would dare prolong
Or i4drrow to a stricken aoul
Thateeektaheallngbalmtomakelt wbolef
Mr boaom owm the brotherhood ol man.
N. L P. A.
Publishers Anwoonoeiment.
The iubAcrlotlon price of Ths Wealth
makers t ii.uo vf year, mn""1'. v..
Agmt In NltbltlS-, .ubcr)ptl.m. tbouW be
r careful tbt all name are corwicuy
ISed Sd Proper V-t"" Klvw1' U?
Kum .PutaSrlPl!.r.ti return
tc.. ean be had on appllcatUw i to ?ow
"fir Bery weefc we receive latter
wihtaCnplew a&t- or without slgna
torea iud It 1m eoiuutlmei difficult w mx-w
1 rVeo of addrww. Subscriber wfchlag
to chan J th'lr office addre. n.UHt .lway
1ve tbelr forinera. well an their pre- nt ad
fre, when change wUl be promptly made.
Of our inside pages this week will be
found over the signature of Hon. J. II.
Darner of Cozad a most reasonable and
timely "Talk with Business Men."
Judge Wilson of Kulth county writes
on matters of great concern to the old
soldiers. We call particular attcntiop,
also, to the resolutions found on page
three, sent us by tie Buffalo county
Alliance, whero they pledge themselves
to resist firmly any possible, though
unlooked for, attempt at fusion, and to
see that a straight Populist ticket is put
in the field if fusion is successfully at
tempted. One of the most interest
ing articles that has ever appeared in
this paper will be found on page three,
an extract, with interpretations by
Mr. B. O. Flower, from Oilve Schreln
erVDreams." Sickness in the editor's
family has made it impossible to fur
nish as good a variety for the editorial
pages as is usually found upon them
In our next Issue will appear a strong
article on the fusion question by "Jack
son Democrat," and ether articles. We
nlpuHPd to announce, also, a series
bf articles from the pen of Editor J . A,
( Balrd of Cedar Rapids Nebraska.
Nftn mi tn read on pasre eight the
letter and appeal of our national com
mlttee. Attention la also called to
a communication by Mr. Edgerton who
has been appointed by Gen. VanDer
voort state organizer of the .Industrial
Legion for Nebraska. We earnestly
endorse this Legion organization work,
and shall say more about It In our
succeeding issue. At the very last
we find It necessary to place an interest
ing article, entitled, "All This In Amer
inn." the first instead of the fifth
page. Which see.
Thb Georgia Populist convention Is
to be held in May.
OUR Populist exchanges are with
scarcely . an exception sitting down
hard on the Democratic fusion pitpo-
eal.
Tug Buzz Saw of Hardy, Arkansas,
says, "In 189G the two old parties ran
console each other and unite on tbU
one plank: 'Dud gum the dad gummed
Populists.' . .
.The rich have a hard time of It pur
suing pleasure. But that furnishes no
rewou why the poor should be content
while being defrauded and Impoverish
ed by them.
"A good, boieH name it rather to bo
choten than great riches obtained by
monopoly oppression; and the loving
favor which equal favor begets, than
the compulsory service of a hired or
commanded multitude.
Tat time feat boon when the proudest
tnea on earth were aaharad to work
or to be known as workers. The time
Is co ml nf when no rno who obtain
property without giving an hot lab
equivalent, wlil hall np hit head or
date to N dUoovored.
r."' ... . ..'.hi " 1 'nil .i t
Hi V. W. 0 l Btwct of B.t.u( pa
Uru!. lv Church f th Carpenter, ay,
"Ciirlv.Ua Individ ualUm UacootraJlc-tlt-B."
Dr. Irkhurl l New York )
"Cud and oo'i rasa ruaU make aay a ht r
ralif tut it rqulr lad and two
T to make IhrUtlaislty ''
I n rrt PW V1UT I
CONCERNING OUR SEW SAME
Our regular readers have, before turn
ing to the editorial page, taken node
of our new name. There were several
reasons which Induced ns to change th
name. We are of those who recognize
that "the interests of rural and civic
labor are the same; their enemleo are
identical." And we wish to do what
wo can to unite the producing classes
of town and country at the ballet box.
We wish to reason with all classes of
workers, all who labor productively or
usefully with hand or brain. Our effort
to reach these classes of wealth makers
were handicapped by the old name.
The new name was chosen because of
Its comprehensiveness, because all men
who respect themselves and who are
entitled to respect must be classed as
wealth makers and would never object
to being so classed and addressed, no
matter ia what political party they
align themselves. We thus avoid all
prejudice till we can get a hearing.
Our paper has the equal Interest of
every worker at heart. To make plain
their natural and equal rights, and to
show clearly how these rights may be
seen red, must be secured, is our first
great object. In discussing these ques
tions we lay bare the basis of morals
which has been long covered, the out
line of eternal justice which has been
for ages obscured, that justice which is
the harmony of the world. We are
therefore not, as some at first glance at
our name might fancy, narrowing our
teaching to the question how wealth Is
or nray be procured, but are showing
how the greatest amountof good, equit
able exchange of services, pcaco and
happiness may bo secured by all the
workers of the world.
THE QUESTION OF QUESTIONS.
The question of just distribution In
production which necessarily combines
ndlvidual labor, uses past labor, and
turns out an undivided product, is the
question of questions at the presentday.
All social strife spring from it. Its
settlement must therefore be the foun
dation of social order, the basis on
which society in Its permanent form can
begin to build.
The former foundation of society,
chattel slavery, has been removed, and
the spirit of freedom, manifesting itself
among all workers, is asking why one
man is still more free than another, why
ono class works needlessly hard In order
that another class not working may en
joy the fruits of work. Somehow
the worker cannot help feeling and
reasoning that working and enjoying
should go together, that the man who
works most should be the man who has
most to enjoy, and that the man who
produces nothing should have nothing
to enjoy. The workers see that their
wages are kept down by "profits," "in
terest," "rent," "dividends," which are
said to belong to the non-working
money and land-owners, "their heirs and
assigns forever." They see that by
means of these annual slices from the
common product the rich grow richer,
while buying everything they desire,
and that the poor have no future but
that of wage slavery and want, if these
slices must'eontinue to bo taken. So
they ask, by what natural law Is the
division made? Whose labor of hand or
brain produced what the moaey-loaner
takes? Over this part, that which Is
given In annual or mora frequent dlvl
sion, the world-wide battle rages. The
workers are organizing; and In propor
lion to their power increase their de
mands. The capitalists are also combin
ing for offensive and defensive war.
Laveleve says: "Masters ana men
are in a state of constant warfare, hav
intr their battles, their victories and
their defeats, it is a cam ana outer
civil war, wherein he wins who can
hold out the longest without earning; a
struggle far more cruel and keen than
that decided by bullets from a barricade:
one where all the furniture is pawned
or sold, where the savings ot their
times are gradually devoured, and
where atlaet famine and misery be
hl'ge the home and oblige the wife and
little ones to cry for mercy."
it is said by some, including the
British statistician Giffen, that labor is
on the average better paid than It was
fifty ysars ago. (Wages were below
the coat of supporting the paupers
in England then ) And if this be so,
people think the laborer should be con
tented. But for good reasons he ia not:
statistical averages do not lessen his
misery, do not feed and clothe his
family, or weaken his growing deter
ruination to claim and obtain it potalble
the share that ho thinks belongs to
klm. The strikes he ha intelligently
organised hav Wen the principal cavue,
the first potent lever, In rtiitnc wages
and leatenlng the hours of work. And
discovering by the victories he hs
gained that hi ra U not hopolc, he
DMStudU'J his right from his own
standpoint, and will not h contented
till he U a free a at) body and caa uV
wand a oil obtald at much from th
itiinmuu lUt'k M hit labor turned in
prttdttoet.
Vht are hU rlghu? lUm ihould the
prolyl of combia4 laW bo dlvl
ded? What r the tights t! capital?
Junet U ft e iUl l. IU owes a
dozen farms sea the city and recta
them; he baa money in the bank and
collects Interest; be haa shares of rail
road stock which pays dividends; and
be tires an experienced manager to
conduct a manufacturing enterprise for
which be furnished the funds. He has
enough to live on and Is taking his ease.
Hla Investment bring him In $50 000 a
year without labor of either hand or
brain, without diminution of principal,
each Investment yielding about the
tame percentage of "profit." He may
spend his summers by the sea, or amid
the clouds of the mountains. He may
follow the birds to the tropics, and go
and come when be pleases. He may
feast upon the choicest delicacies, and
lavish wealth npoa dress. He may sur
round himself with beauty and luxury,
and educate his children to live in the
same princely fashion. He does all this.
But he is shrewder and better situated
than the rich man in the parable, who
stored up goods for his consumption.
Jones gets society to do the storing for
him, gives her an endless task, and in
stead of paying ber for it demands that
she add regularly te bis pile. The more
she adds and the larger it grows, the
more she must add, and by the addition
from others' labor he year by year is
made richer.
Now why should society take care of
his property and be obliged to add to
it? Does not ho owe society as much a
she owes him? Why must others be
compelled to add to his store? Does not
society owe to the poor laborer as much
protection and benefit as she does to the
rich idler?
If social laws have made property
safe and its owners free, If they have
removed the limits and multiplied the
facilities of commerce, if they have en
abled the prudent producer (or rascal)
to accumulate wealth, why, when he
s'ops work, must others be forced to
accumulate for him, and their children
ever after be compelled to sweat lor his
children? Does it not seem reason
able ard just that when a man s'ops
work be should be compelled to live out
of his past earnings?
Lot us examine closely tho ground of
the cpltalist's claim. Hla money, we
will assume, is just pay for his own pest
ibor, Ms individual product. He ought
to b able to buy back with it, then, as
much productive labor, or labor pro
duct, as he gave for it, no more, no less.
Labor is worth what It produces, not
what produces It. God produces the
aborer, the mind and body, and endu
ing all men with equal and inalienable
rights, and providing ample means
would bavo each given equal opportu
nity to produce by his labor and bo se
cured in the possession and enjoyment
of all that he produces. All labor ha
the same rights. Ones labor can have
no just olaim on another's labor, except
as it gives its equivalent. The capital
ist's past labor has no value beyond that
of product. It is congealed labor of a
fixed amount, an amount that cannot be
altered, even as the past cannot be
altered. (He who says jiapllal jlus
time is worth more, is mistaken? Labor
must bo added to It to preserve it from
the tooth of time, from rust and frost
and mold and rot. from chemical de
composition. He who borrows capital.
cares for it without charge, and pays
back as much as he borrows, does the
one who has do present use for it a
greater favor than he receives from the
man who lends it.) It is in the market
exchangeable for any other product, for
food, tools or machinery, but it cannot
increase it own value by such exchanges
and if an exchange is made for some
thing of greater value, the value gain
ed bv ono man Is lost by the other. It
cannot under any circumstances in
crease itself, therefore should not yield
to its owner the increase of another's
labor. Its owner should not be per
mitted to buy with It, because of an
other's necessities or Ignorance, more
labor or labor product than It contains.
Exchanges of labor for labor, or com
modlty for labor, should be on the basis
of justice, things equal for things equal.
The reward of present labor cannot,
therefore, be justly obtained Dy those
who cease to labor except as they give
in exchange, and so lose, the products
ot their pant labor. The wealth of tho
man who has ceased work should be
diminished by just the amount that ho
oonsumos.
''But the capitalist has power, the
poor are dependent on him."
Yes, but ''Money at Cost" will eman
clpate the worker, and forco the non
workers to consume their past product,
or pile. All workers should therefore
range thcnuelves at once in the ranks
of the People's party, which will give
them momyatcott, transportation atcost,
and tttntual'y mrytking at cost. Then
labor of hand and brain, all work that U
needed In society, will obtain It Jut
reward.
Tut teller of national bank In
Minneapolis hu hues sentenced aeven
years for robbing the bank of liil.OiO.
The bank apparently did not dUeover
the shortage, and the regular lridi)Cd
wa declared, Tha bank exarulacr also
report only tl,0C0 short la cah.
I'rdcr tha prvteol Unking system Jbtre
i aKniluteiy ao cutlty provided Ut
deptwltor. Government bank, which
the JVpulUt party demand, will furtUh
perleet seuity, and at the taw time
ou.offlharrtpof tha fchylockt. rrvt-
tmrtt and ttt'mimt irmkl time di lmnJ
ouerv aUwnoulVt or lajury
to any,
MEv BRIAN 13 TO REMAIN A
COSAT-
"Is it true that you contemplate
changing your political complexion?"
ventured the reporter.
"Absolutely un warrantee;," replied
the silver-tongued Nebraskan. "I am
still a Democrat and will remain with
the party." Omaha Bee.
The above report of an interview with
Congressman Bryan, published in the
March 5th, Omaha Bee, has not been
contradicted. Bryan, therefore, must
have declared himself in the above
language. And this, If true, ought to
dispose of the question of giving Mr.
Bryan Populist support. If we have
any good reason for being Populists at
all, we cannot support men who belong
to the Republican or Democratic party.
it not a question of honest men to
much as It it a question of rtaudiet.
We did not as honest men leave the
old parties for nothing. The Omaha
platiorm and preamble show the rea
sons and state the principles which
forced ns out of the old parties and
bound us together. Neither of the two
old parties has endorsed the prlnc pies
or joined us in our demands for a gov
ernment banking system; the govern
ment ownership and operation of the
railroads, telegraphs and telephones;
and that land monopoly and speculation
shall be restricted. These are our prin
cipal remedies. We firmly and un
falteringly hold to them, believing that
it is not a question of electing honest
men to office, but a question of electing
honest men who stand solidly on the three
principal plankt of the Omaha platform.
Mr. Bryan eavs, "I am still a Demo
crat and wlil remain with the party."
It U not altogether easy to discover
what is meant by being "a Democrat;"
but this is settled, he is not a Populist
and does not intend to be one. He Is
bound to the Democratic party, and
that party proposes to reform nothing
but the tariff, and that not very much.
Mr, Bryan will not come into the.
People's party. But he is sakl to be
able to see no reason why the Populist
party should not come to him. Mr.
Bryan's frlonda cannot agree with us,
but they can't believe there is any rea
son why we cannot agree with them.
THE SOCIAL EEMEDT.
Workers, the earth was given you as
yours to have and hold forever, and
your toll should bring abundant treas
ures to your doors, to each his product
from the sun and soli.
To work is honest, noble. Shirkers
steal, by craft subtracting from the just
reward of those who toil, and should be
made to feel the whip of law, driving to
tasks as hard.
The willing hand and brain nfbst free
dom gain to choose tjielr work where
earth provides a place mu6t join their
votes to qualrcights maintain, and out
law all wto prey upon the race.
For greed has grasped "the key6" and
title deeds of robbers fence Our Father's
gifts around. The poor, as disinherited,
must needs become the slaves of those
who hold' the ground.
Gold stands for all, and they who
grasp a store compel perpetual tribute,
whilst at ease the borrowers sweat for
them; the tolling poor with double bur
dens groan the rich to please.
Care, ravon-wlnged, elts brooding
over all, and leaves Its lines on every
worker's brow. Alone, unaided, each
must fight or fall, enslave, or be enslav
ed, and humbly bow.
Freedom! what Is It In this boasted
land? Simply a chance to struggle with
the strong and those Intrenched. The
moneyed men command, and fix the
wages of the tolling throng.
O boasted progress! Clote to chaos
still, the selfish, struggling, warring
units seem. Love fights to lite; as beasts
of prey that kill, and tear and trample,
so men watch and scheme.
And this debasing, brutal state must
be till competition dies, till all who work
oo-operate to make each other free, and
drive to penal quarries every shirk.
Work is the remedy for social Ills.
work universal every man his place.
Work planned for all for eaoh a store
house fille, and care is banished from the
worker's face.
THE APPLE or nsoosD.
The core ot the social evil leading to
all sin and suffering is the inequity of
net profits, or Income without labor ex
change, which money loaners, capital
ists and all privileged monopolist de
mand of tho producing clauses.
The Latrobo Steel Work of Penniyl
vaala a few days ago made another re
duction of 25 per cent. In wages, and
quickly following it came an advertise
ment to the stockholders announcing a
0 pel cent, dividend. These stock
holders perform no portion cf thehbor
whiwo product they thua share, the
managing, buying, producing, replacing
capital and iclllng being done by their
group cf workers. Yet they demaad
without toll the products of toil, and re
quire wages to be reduced la order that
their Income may not fall.
Money cannot be obtained eix'pt on
agreement to pay Uik more th wi
borrowed. t'aiIUtltt will nut hire
mea only oa Uric inrnnlUble, for
watfr which are lota thaa their labor
product It worth. Landlord are rum
lulling mission, about half tht px Si
of Uil ) land, to pay tUui rinwit
r,if riiniu. fut tbt ilhl to live on the
I u ..
cbafrf ut tund-cd ol mlMon. eath
ytar or tkaa th legUimat crwt of
their service. And these demands for
net profits, which are accumulatinf vast
and ever growing fortunes for monopo
lists, make it impossible for the work
era to buy back as much as they each
year produce. So about once in ten
years the market becomes filled with
goods which cannot be sold, and pro
duction must largely ceae for a period.
Let it be considered that when some
men gain without labor, other men
must labor without gain, must perform
slave laber. And when a great multi
tude are thus performing slave labor it
enables the class who gather incomes
therefrom to go on buying up the land
and capital and Increasing the numbt rs
of the landless, dependent class. The
great inequalities of fortune all come
from rent, Interest and dividends; not
from any enormous differences in the
productive labor of Individuals.
The system of government banks pro
posed by the Populists is the only way
to prevent wealth concentration by the
increasing tribute which monopolists
are able to demand. Had we money on
which no interest need to be paid, and
the Populist financial system would pro
vide it, we could not only save the enor
mous sum now yearly paid in direct in
terest, but also that Indirect interest
charge snd net profit which is added to
the price of marketed goods, and this
would keep In the producers' hands
money needed to empty the market.
We could also with such moBey buy up
the railroads, and nationalize and run
them at cot t, saving hundredsjof millions
of yearly net profits which stock and
bondholders now force us to pay. Wi h
the mines, oil "wells, telegraph and
telephone business, municipal lighting,
water works, stret railways, &c., we
could do the same. And thousands of
millions of money which the stock
holders of these yearly demand aboye
tho cost of service, would be left in the
hands of the wealth makers. The land
monopoly tribute would also ba greatly
reduced by a banking system furnish
ing money to buy homes without inter
est; but It would bo absolutely neces
sary to reduce land rent, especially In
the cities, by either the economic rent
tax, or an income tax, that should make
it Impossible for Idle land holders to
continue to live and accumulate by the
sweat of others.
AN OUTSPOKEN BRYAN DEMOCRAT.
Give us every time an honest out
spoken opponent who lets us know
where to always find him.
There has been, in our humble opin
ion, too much effort to cover up, or to
make little account of, the difference
between honest Populists and honest
Democrats. There are honest men In
all parties. It cannot be doubted that
there are honest monometalists, and
a great many of them. There are also a
great many men who believe gold and
silver must be used together as standard
money, and that all paper currency
must be redeemed In these metals. We
also know that the Pooullsts stand
solidly on the principle that money, re
gardless of what it is stamped on, is not
gold, or silver, or both, but a govern
ment (currency) certificate of value re
ceived, which value, received by the
government, Is its security for Issue,
and all the security it needs to make it
a legal tender for all debts public and
private.
Between the gold men and silver men
there is relentless, irreconcilable war,
a war of 21 years standing, and the gold
men have won in every pitched battle.
And between the gold men and the sil
ver men (properly so-called) on the one
handj and the standard paper money
men on the other, there is also a great
political gulf. Honest men belonging
on either side cannot cross it. We be
lieve that the difference between paper
money (Issued to tho people at ccst
through government bapks) and metal
lic or so-called intrinsic value money, is
the difference between freedom and
dependence, between liberty and op
pression. The men who honestly believe in the
Intrinsic value redemption theory of
money cannot come to us, and it Is out
of the question for us to go to them
We are speaking now of those who
have established their opinions. And it
is this class, leaders of thought in the
Democrat and Populist rauks, that it has
been suggested should come together,
Hon. C. E. Casper; it will be admitted,
is an honest Democrat, a representa
tlve of that free silver minority element
in the Democratic party which is sup
posed to nvst nearly approach us. But
hear what be say In hit last two issues
of tho David City Pre:
You The editor of tha Calloway In
dependent) are rlproiriotitly for silver
only for the purpose of catching D.-mo-craUo
vote. You sewpt ilvor at a
temporary expediency, and with a uper
lilhui ego'.Utn that Uca ev-n the pre
teni of curtty or cordiality, you tay
to Bryan ltaruocrau, them I nmai in
our back kitchen fur re pt-ntant ionrr
like you fallow. Uah:
The Itryan Democrat are Bryan
Dtimorrtte became lin-y billeve la
llryan. Ihey bUUjire the 'VnHieratl
party it at btmeet a the iVpulUt Party
with a good mny mora of them, llryan
Will ibo tnngot tett that wmtd ba
bnnuht afc'atnt l!n. yet h r h'gher
la use year vilh the hU Cleveland
cuckoo ooinhioaih u on hi ba k, thtn
any other American, and yet tm k
bl.n U it on a era ked inuurnt'a
and t'and m (xata!naVton a U,eOvtr.a
trtln, by ! ri.il! I! t fikt,
tlo brt!f ertiif tTtn v. !v, d rains.
Not ruuvh! Brian Deaiuemtt are nut
tektisf a savior ea thoee V tun,
Ttt Dryta Dercxra't ar t frf
coinage ofliiver because they believe
in the use of silver as money of ultimate
redemption. They have refused to give
up their principlet f ir loaves and fishes
They have alio demonstrated that they
can', be bullied or cowed neither wlil
they be beguiled with chaff into sub
scribing to any narrow creed. The
Populist party was organized m a
greenback party pledged to an irre
deemable paper currency.
Now, my dear brother, you are not a
fool. If you hold to your old views you
are not a friend to silver. The two sys
tems are irreconcilable. No one doubts
that if the Populists were in fall con
trol of the government they would din
card both gold and silver and substitute
paper.
If silver was restored fiatlsm would
die so dead in one year that Gabriel's
trump would never reach one of Its
advocates.
If you wait for the Bryan Democrats
to subscribe to all the mush and gush
ol the Omaha platform as the only
terms upon which you will fellowship
them, the winter of disappointment may
lengthen out until the ice will have
accumulated a thousand feet deer on
the lake of Gehenna bfore they will
ever do it
As we said to start with we like op
ponents who have opinions and freely
express them. Now what do the half
dozen or bo who in our party have
publicly favored fusion say to these
ideas of our free silver Democrats?
THE SURPLU8 NAMES PROPOSED.
It may be interesting to our readers
to look over the numerous names pro
posed for our paper which we are unable
to use. The name selected wa chosen
by a unanimous vote of the Company, bu
there are a number of very good name
in the list below.
Money.
The Age.
The Sun.
Business.
The Progress.
Lincoln Order.
The Emancipator.
People's Palladium
Altrurla.
Armageddon. .
The Western World.
The Populist Press.
The Workers World.
Nebraska Citizen.
Nebrabka Populist.
The Lincola Sun.
The Champion.
The People s Champion.
The Populist.
The Tripod.
The Lamentation of Justice.
The Nebraska Wa'chman.
People'b Watchman.
Nebraska Vox Popull.
Pentagraph.
The Great Nazarene of the West.
The Commonwealth.
Sunlight.
The Light of Freedom.
The Populist Educator.
Righteousness.
Social Problems.
The Western Financial Reformer.
We can use but one name, and our
contemporaries who wish new names
are welcome to names ia the above list
which may strike their fancy. We
thank our friends heartily for the in
terest and trouble they have taken to,
send us in names. Shall be glad to hear ,
how they like The Wealth Makeiis.
Dun reported 2,080 failures with lla-.
billtiesof S30,000,000 in January. Febru
ary furnished 1260, with liabilities of
about $15,000,000. As we are continu
ally pointing out, this ia nearly all
caused by the ' financiers" and their
system of banking, which compels all
industry and business to pay .the per
centage of money which is needed to
empty the markets and keep the de
mand forigoods equal to the supply, in
to the hands of fortune gathering money
lenders. The yearly aggregate pay
ment of Interest which tho lenders save
leaves an exactly corresponding per
centage of goods in the market which
the producers can not call for; and as
year by year this la repeated the condi
tion of the market gradually gets into a
state of glut, or overproduction as It is
improperly called, and stoppage of work
liquidation aid distress follow. But
whoever oppofc4i the present destructive
usury system and proposes a new, equit
able system is denounced by the fat
leeches as a dangerous financial heretic.
ESEAMESS Or ESEA1T2.
The best laid schemes ol mice and
men fail often to work. And the llry
an led free silver fusion scheme to lift
W.J. into the Senate anddivldethe
State offljes with a paity which except
by trading can have nothing, it one of
the schemes which have no chance to
succeed even In getting started. The
Incubators ot thi thing seemed to fig
ure about like this:
"Qryan it trusted by the I'opulUu '
and It popular bocauno he bat b,uo t!y
advocated free silver and an Income
tax. To bo ture he hat 'never favored
their thrre great cardinal, doctrine
vli . a government banking, paper mon
ey system, government ownerthtn of
the railroad, and teetrlctloti of land
monopoly. Hit five silver talk will
catch them vadly enough. They don
boiUve what they profr to, any w, 7,
And we can get thir ka.lvr who want
to bo governor or to be elclJl to ra
Mbef state buy! p!j nicr than aay
U.Uf !, to Ua! th. wl.n!f d rot oof
hcep Into oar DuusxraU. erabraou,
D da't th IVpu'iUt C efcreae at II at
tloge tugf(t that te party la to
o rutiij campaign Ht!h i.if to UUt
luuvt and th advoreay of frt ilvf
I