Plattsmouth weekly journal. (Plattsmouth, Neb.) 1881-1901, July 19, 1894, Image 7

Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page. It is also available as plain text as well as XML.

    1 I
I ; '
Judge Grosscup's Instructions to
the Special Grand Jury.
Charge of Conspiracy and Inciting to
Insurrection Preferred A galas t
American Railway Vnlon
A special federal grand jury was
sworn in at Chicago on Tuesday, the
10th, for the purpose of investigating
the charges of inciting- to insurrection
and of conspiracy that have been
brought against President Debs, of the
American Railway union, and the offi
cers, directors, organizers and all who
'have, by word or action, interfered
with the transportation of the govern
ment mail and interstate commerce
law. In his instructions to the jury
Judge Grosscup said:
"In your deliberations, gentlemen of the
Jury, sixteen of your number will constitute a
Quorum. A grand Jury can consist of any
number from sixteen to twenty-three, not
less than sixteen. You will elect, after you
retire, somebody to act as your clerk. You
will have the attendance of the district
attorney and such other officers of the
irovermcnt as may have been designated
for that purpose. You will have the right to
tend for witnesses and for papers and for
books. You will have the right to inquire of
the pivernmcnt and of counsel what their
conception of the law of any Riven state of
facts is. and if you are not satisfied with that
you will have the right to present such ques
tions directly to the court. Your deliberations
houid be conducted in secret. No grand Juror
should allow the secrets of the jury room to
escape either from the jury room or from his
breast. The newspaper fraternity is very en
terprising and is a force in modern life that is
of great usefulness, amusement and pleasure
to the citizens, but you should not allow the
newspapers nor anybody else to obtain in
formation of what is going on in your room
until the work is completed and you have made
. u formal report to the court. Any violation of
this duty will be a violation of the obligation
which you have taken.
-I have regarded the occasion that has sum
moned you here as of sufficient consequence
for me to incorporate what I have to say to you
n writing. I may add. what you probably
know, that it will require the affirmative vote
of twelve of your number before you can find
an indictment.
The I'urpope of the Inquisition.
You have been summoned here to inquire
whether any of the laws of the United States
within this judicial district have been violated.
You have come in an atmosphere and amid oc
currences that may well cause reasonable men to
question whether the government and laws of
the United states are yet supreme. Thanks to
resolute manhood and to that enlightened in
telligence which perceives the necessity of vin
dication of law before any other adjustments
are possible, the government of the United
State is supreme.
"You doubtless feel, as I do, that the oppor
tunities of life, in the present conditions, are
not perhaps entirely equal, and that changes
are needed to forestall some of the tendencies
of current industrial life: but neither the torch
of the incendiary, nor the weapon of the insur
rectionist, nor the inflamed tongue of
him who incites to fire and the sword
is the instrument to bring about reforms.
To the mind of the American peop'.e.
to the calm, dispassionate, sympathetic judg
ment of a race that is not afraid to face deep
changes and responsibilities there has as yet
been n adequate apeaL Men who appear aa
the advocates of great changes must tirst sub
mit them to discussion, discussion that reaches
not simply the parties interested but the wider
circle of society, and must be patient as
veil as persevering, until the public intelli
gence has been reached aud the public judg
ment made up. An appeal to force before that
hour is a crime not only against the govern
ment of existing laws, but against the cause
Itself: for what man-of uny intelligence sup
poses that any settlement will abide which is
induced under the light of the torch or the
ahadow of an overpowering threat?
"With the questions behind present occur
rences, therefore, we have, as ministers of the
law and citizens of the republic, nothing now
to do. The law as it is must first be vindi
cated before we turn aside to inquire how the
law or practice as it ought to be can be effect
ually brought about, tiovernment of law is in
peril, and that issue is paramount.
What the Law Terms Insurrection.
"The government of the United States has
enacted laws designed. Erst, to protect itself
and its authority as a government: and sec
ond, to protect its authority over those agencies
to which under the constitution and 'aws. it
extends governmental regulations. For the
'former purpose, namely, to protect itself and
its authority as a government, it has enacted
that every person who entices, sets on foot.
iKsir-t-s or engages in any rebellion or insurrec
tion against the authorities of the United
States or the laws thereof, or who gives aid or
comfort thereto, and any two or more persons
in any suite or territory who conspire to over
throw, put down, or destroy by force the gov
ernment of the United States, or to levy war
against It or to oppose by force the authority
thereof, or by force to prevent, hinder or delay
the execution of any law of the United States,
or by foice to seize, take or possess any prop
erty of the United States, contrary to the
authority thereof, shall be visited with cer
tain severe penalties named therein.
Insurrection is a rising against civil or po
litical authority, the own and active opposi
tion of a number of persons to the execution of
law in a city or ttiite The laws of the United
States forbid, under penalty, any person from
obstructing or retarding the passage of the
mail, and make it the duty of the officers to ar
rest such offenders and bring th ra before the
court. If. t'.jsvefore. it shall appear to you that
any person or persons have willfully obstruct
ed or retarded the mails, and that their at
tempted arrest for such offense has been op
posed by such a number of persons as would
constitute a general uprising in that particular
locality, and as threatens for the time being
ttie civil and political authority, then the fact
of an insurrection within the meaning of the
law has been established: and he who by
speech, writing, promise, or other inducement,
assists In setting it on foot, or carrying it
along, or gives it aid or comfort, is guilty also
of a violation of law.
When .Men Hrrom Insurgents.
"It is not necessary that there should be
blood shed. It is not necessary that its dimen
sions should be so portentous as to Insure
probable success to constitute an insurrection.
It is necessary that the rising should be in op
position to the execution of the laws of the
United States, and should be so formidable as
fur the time being to dery the authority of the
United states. When men gather to resist the
civil or political power of the United States, or
to oppose the execution of its laws, and are in
such force that the civil authorities are inad
equate to put them down, and a considerable
military force is needed to accomplish that re
sult, they become insurgents, and every per
son who knowiugly inrites. aids or abets them,
no matter what his motive may be. is likewise
an insurgent- This penalty is severe, and. as I
have said, is designed to protect the govern
ment and its authority against direct attack.
Laws to I'rotect the Mails.
"There are other provisions of the law de
signed to protect those particular agencies
whinb come within governmental control. To
those I will now call vour attention.
"The mails are in the special keeping of the
f overnment and laws of the United States. To
nsure their unhindered transmission it is
made an offense to knowingly and willfully ob
Ktruet or retard the piixm-'o of the mails, or
any carriage, horse, driver or carrier carrying
the same. It Is also provided that if any two
or more persons cousprre together to commit
any offense against the United states, and one
or more of such per-ons do auy act to effect
the object of the conspiracy, all the persons
thereto shall be suited to a severe penalty.
"Any person knowingly aud willfully doing
any act which contributes or is calculated to
contribute to obstruct or hinder the mails, or
who knowingly nu willfully takes a part in such
acts, no matter how trivial, if intentional, is
Cwllty of violation of the Bret of these provis
on8. and any such person who conspires with
one or more other persons, one of whom subse
quently commits the offense, is likewise guilty
it aa oSena against the United Mate.
pi act? urn re a tnrouen four inches of j cupancy of the office the court baa
rock and n through four feet of a j elevated from a common justice
Ofter substance. A blast was Tint in rr the rtirnitv nf n rnnl fnnrt
"What constitutes conspiracy tc hinder or
obstruct the mails will be touched upon in
connection with the subject to which I now call
your attention.
"The constitution places the regulation of
commerce between the several states and be
tween the states and foreign nations, within
the keeping of the United States government
Anything which is designed to be transported,
for commercial purposes, from one state into
another, and is actually in transit, and any
passenger who is actually engaged in such in
terstate commercial transaction, and any car
or carriage actually transporting or engaged tc
transport such iassenger or thing, are the
agencies and subject matter of interstate com
merce; and any conspiracy in restraint of such
trade or commerce, is an offense against the
United States.
Commerce Must Be Free.
"To restrain is to prohibit, limit, confine or
abridge a thing. The restraint may be per
manent or temporary. It may be intended to
prohibit, limit or abridge for all time or for a
day only. The law draws no distinction In this
respect- Commerce of this character is in
tended to be free except subject to regulation
by law at all times and for all periods. Tem
porary restraint, therefore, is as intolerable as
permanent and practical restraint by actual
physical interference aud as criminal as that
which flows from the arrangements of business
or organization. Any physical interference,
therefore, which has the effect of restraining
any passenger car or thing constituting an ele
ment of interstate commerce, forms the foun
dation for this offense.
"Rut to complete this offense, as also that of
conspiracy to obstruct the mails, there must
exist, in addition to the resolve or purpose, the
element of criminal conspiracy.
"What is criminal conspiracy? If it shall ap
pear to you that any two or more persons cor
ruptly or wrongfully agree with each other
that the trains carrying the mails and inter
stale commerce should be forcibly arrested,
obstructed, and restrained, such would clearly
constitute a conspiracy. If it shall appear to
you that- two or more persons wrongfully
agreed witli each other that the employes of
the several railroads carrving the mails and
interstate commerce should quit, and that suc
cessors to them should by threats, intimida
tion, or violence be prevented from taking
their places, such would constitute a criminal
Rights of I-alor Defined.
I recognize, however, the right of labor to
organize. Kach man in America is a freeman,
and so long as he iloes not interfere with the
rights of others has the right to do with that
which is his as he pleases In the highest
sense a man's arm is his own. and aside frora
contract relations no one but himself can di
rect when it shall be raised to work or be
dropped to rest. The individual option to
work or to quit is the imperishable right of a
freeman, but the raising or dropping of the
arm is the result of a will that resides in the
brain, and much as we may desire that such
will should remain entirely independent there
is no mandate of law which prevents their as
sociation with others or their responsibility to
a higher will.
"The Individual may feel himself alone un
equal to cope with the conditions that confront
him. or unable to confront the myriad of con
siderations which ought to control his con
duct. He is entitled to the highest wnge that
the strategy of work or cessation from work;
may bring, and the limitations upon intelli
gence and opportunities may be suc h that he
does not choose to stand upon his own percep
tion of the strategic or other conditions. Hii
right to choose a leader, one who serves,
thinks and wills for hfm. a brain skilled to ob
serve his nece-sity. is no greater pretensioa
than that which is recognized in every othef
department of industry- So far and within
reasonable limits, associations of this char
acter arc cot only not unlawful, but are in mj
judgment benelicial when they do not restrain
Individual lilerty and are under enlightened
and conscientious leadership. But they are
subject to the same laws as other association
The Responsibilities of Leaders.
"The leaders to whom are given the vast,
power of judging and acting for the members
ure simply in that resnect their trustee?;. Their
conduct must be judged like that o other
trustees, by the extent of their .'awful author
ity and the good faith with which they can ex
ecute it. No man in his individual right can
lawfully demand and insist upon conduct by
others which will lead to injury W a third per
son's lawful rights.
The railroads carrying the malls and inter
state commerce hare a ri-rht to the service ol
e:ich of their employes and until ach lawfully
chooses to quit, and anv concerted action upon
the part of others to demand or insist unde ef
fective penalty or threat upon t&eir quitting,
to the in'urv of the mail service or the prompt
transportation of interstate con merce. is a
conspiracy unless such demand ct insistence
Is in pursuance of a lawful authoritv conferred
upon them by the men themselves, and Is made
In good faith in execution of sucft authority.
The demand and insistence unir effective
penalty or threat, injury to the transportation
of the mails or interstate commerce being
proven, the burden falls upon th-jse making
the demand or insistence to show lawful au
thoritv and good faith in its execution.
"Let me illustrate: Twelve carpenters nro
building a house. Aside from cor.tract rela
tions each can quit at leisure. A thirteenth
and a fourteenth man. strangers to them by
concerted threats of holding them Cp to public
odium or private malice, induce them to quit
and leave the house unfinished. The latter in
no sense represent the former or their wishes,
but are simply interlopers for mischief, and
ure guilty of conspiracy against the employer
of the carpenters: but If upon the trial for such
results the thirteenth and fourteenth men
prove that instead of being stranpers they are
trusts. agents or leaders of the twelve, with
fall power to determine for them whether
their wage is such that they ought to continue
or to quit and that they have in good faith de
termined that question, they are not then. so
far as tho law goes, conspirators: but if it
should further appear that the supposed au
thority was not used in the interest of the
twelve, but to further a personal ambition or
malice of the two. it would no longer justify
t heir conduct. Ioing a thing under cloak of
authority is not doing it with authority. The
injury of the two to the employer in such an
instance would only be aggravated by their
treachery to the associated twelve, and both
employer and employes should with equal in
sistence ask for the visitation of the law.
How to Determine Guilt.
"If it appears to you. therefore, applying the
illustration to the occurrences that will be
brought to your attention, that any two or
more persons by concert insisted or demanded
under effective penalties and threats upon
men quitting the employment of the railroads
to the ol struction of the mails or interstate
commerce, you may inquire whether they did
these acts as strangers to these men advised to
quit, or whether they did them under the
guise of trustees or leaders of an association
to which these men belonged: and if the latter
appears you may inquire whether their acts and
conduct in that respect were in good faith and
in conscientious execution of their supposed
authority, or were simply the use of that au
thority a- a guise to advance personal ambi
tion or satisfy pride or malice.
"There is honest leadership among these, our
laboring fellow-citizens, and there is doubtless
dishonest leadership. You should not brand
any act of leadership as dishonest or in bad
faith unless It clearly so appears: but If it does
so appear, if any person is shown to have be
traced that trust, and his acts fall within the
dellnition of crime as I have given it to von. it
is alike the interest and pleasure and the duty
of every citizen to bring him to swift and
heavy punishment.
I wish ngnin. in conclusion, to impress upca
you the fact that the present emergency is to
vindicate law. If no one has -violated the law
under the rules I have laid down, it needs no
vindication: but if there has been such viola
tion there should be quick, prompt and ade
quate indictment.
"J confess that the problems which were
made the occasion or pretex for our present
disturbances have not received, perhaps, the
consideration they deserve. It is onr dory, as
citizens to talrc them up and. by candid and
courageous discussion, to ascertain what
wrongs exist and what remedies can be ap
pli d. But neither the existence of such prob
lems nor the neglect of the public hitherto to
fdequately consider them justices the viola
tl m of law or the bringing on of general law
lessness. Let us first restore peace and pun-
l isa tne offenders of law. and then the atmos-
nhere will be clear to think over the claims of
t iose who have real grievances, h irst vindi
j cate the lav . Until that is done no other ques
tion is in order. ,
A United States Marshal Shot.
Since preparing this charge my attention
has been called to the fact that a deputy mar
Khnl of this court has probably been shot. In
that cornier ion I wish to call your attention
to section .t.t of the revised statutes, which
p-ovtdes if any two or more persons conspire
to injure, oppress, threnten or intlm idate any
citizen in the free exercise or enjoyment of any
right or privilege secured to him by the consti
tution or laws of the United States, or because
of his having so e.rercised the same, or if any
two or more persons go in disguise on the high
way or on the premises of another with the in
tent to prevent his free exercise or enjoyment
of any right or privi'ege so secured, they shall
be lined not more than $5,000 and imprisoned
not more than ten years.
"If a deputy marshal exercising his powers
under thi; constitution and laws of thefcnned
States has been injured, oppressed. tieat
ened or intimidated by any citizen anywhere,
and that has been the reult of a conspiracy
under the uelin.tions of conspiracy that i have
(riven to you. the offenders have made them
selves liable to indictment under this section
"tientioiaen. j&a may retire. -
How the McKlnley Doctrine Is Preached
by Pampered Panderers.
No rogue e'er felt the halter draw
with good opinion of the law or the
district attorney, and the Manchester
Mirror and Farmer, chief protection
bunco steerer for the state of New
Hampshire, protests most earnestly
against my kicking its large protec
tion paunche. In reply to my indict
ment, it assures the republican voters
whom it is misleading and befooling
on this question:
1. That I am a hired writer for the
sugar trust, paid by it to defend its
2. That there is now no tax on su
gar; that the McKinley bill put sugar
on the free list, and that the wicked
democrats are now trying to put a tax
on sugar that will benefit the trust by
S2.80 per ton.
3. That there never was a sugar trust
under republican legislation, or while
the republicans taxed sugar, and that
it is under the law putting sugar on
the free list, under, the abominable
"free trade" in sugar of the McKinley
bill, that the sugar trust has grown
rich and insolent.
4. That every man (except one) in
the sugar trust is a democrat, and that
all the contributions of the sugar trust
have been made to the democratic
There are many more statcmeats of
this kind with which it proposes to
hoodwink the ignorant and vicious re
publican voters of New Hampshire
too 'Ignorant to refer to the law and
sec for themselves what the facts are;
too vicious to even care what the facts
are when the truth has been shown
them. Each republican vote which
this protection bunco-steerer can re
tain for the republican party next No
vember is worth $110 in crisp green
backs to the league of four hundred
and fifty American protected trusts,
and if bluffing will keep even one vote
from straying, it does not propose to
les" that one, or its percentage on any
one it can steer into the game for its
employers to swindle. That it is crim
inally dishonest, that it is a partner of
the protection thioves, sharing their
plunder, must be the unbiased opinion
of nny honest man who reads its an
swer to my straightforward statement
of facts and ligures, not one of which
it attempts to impeach.
"This World hireling of the gang that has
plai.ned and is about to execute this stu
pendous robbery calls the pending bill one to
reduce the profits of the trust three-fourths,
and says he proposes to plant his well-shod
heel square in the stomach of all who oppose
It. 'The well-shod heels' of that animal are
the heels of an ass that is staggering under the
load bis brutal owners have piled upon him.
and w hose voice is badly broken by the bray
ing which a cruel keeper extorts from him
with the goad. But listen further to the noise
that fomes echoing from among the bats that
nest In his stomach up through the vacuum in
his siiull and out through the orifices of his
vile uose."
That is its only answer to my state
ment that the McKinley bill pro
tect" the sugar trust with a duty of
Sll.'-O per ton; that the proposed sen
ate bill reduces this McKinley protec
tion of the trust to a dutj- of S2.S0 per
ton. It cannot deny that the sugar
trust yearly receives under the Mc
Kinley law S'20.000,000 blood money and
blackmail. It cannot deny that the
senate bill substitutes a tax of one
eighth of a cent in place of the present
tax of one-half of a cent, as the pro
tection of the trust. It cannot deny
that the senate bill compels the sugar
trust to pay into the treasury S1-V000,-
000 of the S20.000.01K) blackmail now
paid to it yearly by the people, and
that all other taxes on sugar levied by
the senate bill go into the treasury.
Itdoesnot deny, and cannot deny, that
under the McKinley bill we must pay to
the sugar trust S'-JO, 000.000 blackmail
yearly, as we have done since 1'JO. and it
does not den3that the defeat of a dem
ocratic reform measure which cuts this
blackmail down is what the trust
is working for. It cannot meet
facts or figures. It dare not quote
the present law or the proposed law.
There is nothing left but to denounce
me as the paid advocate of the sugar
trust! Retween 1SMS and lfSOO there was
not a fact or a figure in connection
with the exposure of the sugar trust's
thefts used in any newspaper or in any
public utterance that I did not supply:
no other writer furnished anything;
and tiiis same defender of protection
ther. denounced me for my persistent
attack on the sugar trust, as 'the paid
clerk of a gang of foreign importers,"
as '"a liar hired by British gold" to de
fame honest men. The exposure that
1 made of the sugar trust blackmail
between lSG and 1890 forced a reduc
tion to the present theft of S20.000.000.
Because I am fighting now to either cut
this blackmail off altogether or reduce
it to Sj,000,030, this protection bunco
Bteerer denounces me as the paid agent
of the trust, in order to defeat any
change and keep the 20,000,000 black
mail for the trust. It is an old trick of
the pickpocket to shout "Stop thief
at his accuser. This editor has such
confidence in the stupidity and ignor
ance of his readers that he knows it
will be successful in diverting atten
tion from himself to call me a "hire
ling of the sugar trust" Not one of
his readers cares enough for the truth
to pin him down to the figures and
facts, if he had sufficient intelligence
to understand them. Tariff Rule, in
N. Y. World.
Repabl leans Resort to Any Means to Gain
It is anything to win with the repub
licans this 3-ear. IVinciples don't
count Nothing counts but votes twice
if possible. Nothing matters except to
get back to power, staked recklessly
and iost on McKinleyism. To that end
no deal will be surprised, no concession
of principle refused, no fusion untried,
no straddle too great to be attempted.
As to the silver question the repub
licans propose to be all things to all
men, but with a decided tendency to
abanO.on former declarations in favor
of sound money, and join hands again
with the silver extremists in an effort
to save protection at the expense of
the currency.
As to the tariff they will reaffirm
only so much of their devotion to Mo-
lumaiucu iui
h,tv MiMi att0n,i,nnn
moned.andit is feared that the
Kinleyism as they think they can win
on. ishould they win by a pledge of
moderate protection, their treatment
of former promises of this character
leaves no doubt of what they will do
when they have the chance. They
are prepared to trick the country if
they can, by any pretense of repent
ance and reform, such as they made at
the time of their famous tariff com
mission. One republican member of the house
from Pennsylvania was frank enough
to say the other day that in his judg
ment his party, in selecting a presi
dential candidate and constructing a
platform in 1896, "would be governed,
not by what is right or wrong in an
abstract sense or by what this or that
candidate thinks, but by considera
tions entirely apart from either morals
or statesmanship" probably very far
apart and partly financial. These con
siderations were further explained in
this simple fashion:
"The democratic party is going to pass a bill
which will be moderately protective, but will
impose lower taxes on the whole than the Mo
Klnley act. If business revives next winter
and keeps up pretty well the republican na
tional convention will undoubtedly adopt a
moderate protectionist platform, contending
thac the revival U due to the fact that the pro
tective principle has been preserved in the
democratic bill. If times continue hard, how
ever, the convention will insist that the reason
of this is to be found in the fact that duties
were reduced too far. and will accordingly
adopt a stiff tariff programise, outdoing the
McKinley act If anything."
And 6o they hops to catch us "a-com-ing
aud a-gwine," and pen us between
the sea and the iron works, where the
blundering cowardice of oir leaders
has placed us. At any rate, tills utter
ance, and the demand of the Ohio re
publican state convention, that the
McKinley rates be left untouched un
less they can be made higher, express
the real purpose of the republican
leaders, whatever may be the promises
by which, before the election, they
may seek to bamboozle the voters.
They are for protection, the highest
they can get, and to get it they will
promise tariff reform, free silver coin
age, more pensions, comfort for the
populists, offices for everybody, and
anything else that is good for votes.
Louisville Courier-Journal.
Incompetency of the Republicans aa
Shown by the Harrison Administration.
The receipts of the government from
all sources for the fiscal year ending
June 3. 1S94, were 5290.9003311, and the
expenditures, 5300.593,359. This shows
a deficit of 509,033,023. The dull times
had much to do with the discrepancy,
but the important fact to be consid
ered in relation to it is the inadequacy
of the existiner revenue laws. When
the McKinley bill was passed it was
the boast of its friends that an in
crease of the revenue would be the re
sult. It increased the taxes, but ma
terially reduced vhe revenues, and th
consequence is the deficit
That this is true may be proved by
the records. There ltas been no defal
cation on the part of any of the col
lecting agencies. No complaint comes
of a lack of zeal in the collections. No
money collected has been withheld
from the treasury. The plain Infer
ence, therefore, is that the law is de
fective, and the obvious remedy is in
the change of the statutes. It will not
do to rely on withholding payments,
as the Harrison administration did
during the closing months, or to issue
bonds now and then as the present ad
ministration was obliged to do once.
The laws must be adjuated on such a
basis as will meet the conditions.
No better evidence could be pre
sented of the incompetency of the re
publican party to administer the gov
ernment than the present condition of
the finances under the laws passed by
that party. It will be claimed, no
doubt, that during and for many years
after the war. that party displayed its
capability. lut that was before the
control of the part- passed from the
great men who organized it into the
hands of the boodlers who now direct
its affairs. It is neither unfair nor un
just to say that now there isn't a man
in the leadership of that party suffi
ciently equipped in statesmanship to
frame a revenue law that would serve
the purpose of bringing the receipts
and expenditures of the government
anywhere nearly- together. Kansas
City Times.
McKinley has alwa-s contended
that the presidential nomination
should seek the man. He is keeping
himself as prominently exposed as pos
sible in order to minimize the difficulty
of finding him. Detroit Free IVess.
Conger, of Ohio, in denouncing
McKinley and McKinleyism, is calling
down the wratli of party manipulators
and narrow-guage organs on his de
voted head. . What hurts and galls is
that he is telling the truth, a potent
force in political discussion with which
the g. o. p. leaders have as little as
possible to do. Conger is stirring up
the animals with a cattle puncher;
and the people are opening their eyes
to the meaning of the resulting exhi
bition. Detroit Free Press.
It is no new or extraordinary
thing for congress to extend the appro
priations for carrying on the govern
ment for a period of thirty days. It
has been done repeatedly before now
and without such a valid excuse. The
time of the senate has been all taken
up with the consideration of the tariff
bill, and properly so. The protest of
Senator Hoar against the adoption of
the concurrent resolution extending
the appropriations was only another
expiring grasp of McKinleyism. Bos
ton Herald.
"The amount of income tax Pres
ident Cleveland would have had to pay,"
says a journal which holds that every
thing the democrats do is wrong and
everything the republicans do is right,
"would have been over one thousand
dollars annually. The sugar trust
senators on the motion of Senator Hill
have relieved him from the burdens of
this taxation." "The sugar trust sen
ators" is one of those shafts of truth
which "find mark the archer never
meant," for the republican senators
voted solidly for Senator Hill's motion,
Louisville Courier-Journal
norm 1 1 oiLuiu 13 ixiuie com meuuauie ;
. t ,i..v
boy's T ni.; , ,r Vfzr ; ;
A Paraphrase from It is hop Andrewea' De
votions. Glory to Thee, all glory. Lord, to Thee.
Who grivest sleep by night, sweet sleep, to me;
Recruit to wastings. and to toil surcease;
For weary mind and body, rest and peace.
O grant, good Lord, the new day, in Thy fear.
And every day may bring my soul more near
To fullness of Christ's stature, drawing thence
All sweets of health and peace and innocence.
O grant, good IatS. that camping near my side.
Thy holy angel, faithful guard aud guide.
May ever win me to such works and ways
As save the soul and manifest Thy praise.
O grant, good Lord, whate'er amiss I wrought.
Neglect, offense, in deed or word or thought
Of bygone hours, may all be done away;
Forgiven now, and in the last great day.
O grant, good Lord (be this Thy gracious will) !
The world with plenty and with peace to till;
But chiefly. Lord, those mercies now I crave
Which sinners need, which souls immortal
O grant, good Lord, If aupht of lovely hue.
Just, honest, pure, of good report aud true.
If any virtue, any praise there be.
Grant we may think it, do It, all to Thee.
O grant, good Lord (so near life's narrow
That with a Christian death my life be
A death all void of sin and void of shame.
And painless, if I ask it without blame.
Above all grant, good Lord- since men must die
And then, be judged, that, with good comfort, I
Before my Judge appear at last, and stand
Among the blessed sheep at His right band.
J. E. C. Smedcs. in N. Y. Independent.
The Ambitions Not the Doubtful Are
Successful Ones.
"It is a tough old world," says one of
our eastern profossors in a late number
of a popular review. And what is his
conclusion from this fact? IJctter
leave the world alone and spare your
foolish pains. That is not the Chris
tian way of regarding a mighty task.
Roughly speaking all men are to be
divided into two classes; those to whom
nothing is possible and those to whom
all things are; possible. These two
classes to lie sure, overlay and shade
into eac other, but a man belongs to
that class whose animating spirit shows
itself in his views of life. There are,
for example, those who believe it is pos
sible to chop down a tree, but shake
their heads doubtfully over the propo
sition to tunnel the Rocky mountains.
"I have lived in Chicago now thirty
odd years." baid an acquaintance to us
the other day. "and in that time it has
been the crazy men who have become
rich." The men to whom it was impos
sible that this swamp should be con
verted to a metropolis are poor to-day.
They who have studied the past
know that there are no forces so
mighty as the silent forces. Our ora
tors talk about the power of a cyclone,
but the scientist knows that the pow
er which builds up a forest is mightier
than that which uproots a tree. That
which tosses a house in air is but a
feeble thing compared with the force
that (swings through immeasurable or
bits systems of suns and worlds and
satellites. Rude men were able to per
ceive that in the leaping mountain tor
rent which filled all the gorge with
uproar there was a power to grind
their corn; but a wise man came who
saw in the whispering steam from the
spout of a kettle a still mightier force;
and by and by a wiser dreamed that in
this silent and awful light which
played about the pole there was a still
more tremendous force which should
revolutionize the industries of man
kind. He who is looking for power
looks to find it where the silence is as
deep as that which wrapped the mount
of God when the prophet awaited the
revelation of the Divine presence.
And the mightiest of such silent
forces are the noblest ones. There are
those who assert that "Every man has
his price." It is a coarse away of say
ing that the meanest passions are the
most powerful. There were those who
thought that the pride and bi.rotry of
the duke of Alva were mightier than
the love of country and of liberty which
animated the beggars of Holland; but
they were feeble forces when brought
into conflict with the unselfish passions
of patriots and Hible lovers. During
those terrible years between 1S01 and
1805 there was not a day in which the
nation might not have saved its silver
and gold, by simply giving up its flag!
You could not plunge our republic into
war to-day for all the cod that swim
the banks of Newfoundland, or all the
seals that sprawl upon Alaskan islands;
but lay one rude touch upon the em
blem of its liberty and every rusty
sword from Maine to California would
leap from its ragged scabbard. It is
the "weak things" which always con
'ound the mighty.
The philosopher as well as the be
liever can thus understand why the
Christian does not fear to attempt the
transformation of this ungodly world.
For of all the noblest passions love is
still supreme. There is not a morning
in which the daily press does not record
some death for the sake of love. Now
it is a father snatching kis loy from
the flames; now a mother dying upon
the track where her babe had wan
dered. 15ut always and everywhere love
is the strongest as well as the swertest
thing in the world. And they who
sneer at the tht-ght that the cross can
ever conquer this "tough old world"
know not that the force which ani
mates the Christian life is the might of
personal and loving devotion to a per
sonal Redeemer.
Paint the sins of the world as black
as you may, love makes light of its con
quest. Christendom is not simply so
many people holding a common creed
which some consider it a du ty to propa
gate; it ie. so many millions of saved
souls who cherish in their hearts a love
for Christ, a love constraining them to
fortitude, and, if need be, to martyr
dom. No religion among all tV.--se pren- J
ed at the late parliament presented one j
to caU out love as did the Christian
faith. It is this power of a constrain- j
ing love which has made it victorious i
where others have fallen defeated. It j
is this love in th,e heart which enables
the soul to believe all things. Love !
ever questions its ability, but to every ;
ltnn vt t rf,o W v,5o or0nto
norace to ni i parents,
3, s fter promising
that he would give up his ladylove,
v, .L t ... . .,.., '
command: "Disciple all nations," re
sponds unhesitatingly: "I wilL" Chi
cago Interior.
The Blessing of the Unattsined May B
Greater to Is Than All That We Win
and Hold Besides.
Life is, in the main, a struggle for at
tainment. Without the hope of attain
ing that which seems worth striving
for, most of the toil of life would be
hopeless drudgery. The child and the
man alike look forward to some high
attainment, in the line of educa
tion or of position or of acquisition,
which shall meet and satisfy the desires
of the whole being, and for which they
are willing to toil and endure and suf
fer whatever may be essential to that
end. If the end striven for be at
tained, it may prove to be neither sat
isfactory nor worth the effort made for
its reaching. If it be not attained, the
disappointment is sure to be great; but
if it were worth striving . for, the in
fluence of it, even though, unattained,
may be a blessing in the life of him
who struggled for it, beyond all other
influence in his earthly career.
The hope of a home in the land prom
ised to God's people was an incitement
and an inspiration to Moses in the long
years of his life in Egypt and in Ara
bia. Looking forward to this as an at
tainment, he was willing to give up
the privileges and honors of a royal
palace, and to cast in his lot with an
oppressed people, in the hope that he
might aid in bringing them also to the
desired possession. Years passed on,
and he wearied in, but not of the strug
gle and endurance. His life was lived
for this, and death was many a time
braved for it. Rut when the attain
ment seemed just within his reach,
Moses was told of God to go up alone
o j to a mountain peak, and there have
a glimpse from afar of the goodly land
he must not enter. The only blessing
of his life was the blessing of the unat
tained. Was this nothing to him?
Was his life a failure? Nay:
This was the truest warrior
That ever buckled sword;
This the most gifted poet
That ever breathed a word:
And never earth's philosopher
Traced with his golden pen.
On the deathless page, truths half so sage
As he wrote down for men.
And the blessing of blessings for Moses
was the blessing of the unattained.
No man among the Hebrews gaine d
so much from the land of promise is
Moses gained. None of them felt w
deeply or so sacredly the influence cf
that land on their lives as he felt it on
his. Even Joshua and Caleb, who en
tered into it by struggle, had no such
place in its history as had he. When,
in the fullness of time, the Son of God1
stood transfigured on a mount cf
mounts in that holy land, it was Moses,
not Caleb or Joshua, who 6tool with
Him there; and the joy of Moses was
then all the greater because of what
had been to him the unattained in his
earthly lifetime. And thus it is in the
lives of many through the blessing of
the unattained.
A mother who has lived in loving
hope of a useful life for the son whom
she was training for God's service, finds
herself shut off from all this hope by
the son's sudden taking away, before
entering on his active career. All her
fond anticipations of the joy that her
son's work on earth would give to her
and to others are gone forever. Her
onlv blessing now in that son's Iife
here is the blessing of the unattained.
Yet that blessing may show itself in
her every look and word, and she may
be recognized by others as ministering
to many in Christ's service, for her ton
and for herself continually. She could
never have been what she is in that
service but for the opening of her lov
ing longing toward that which, while
unattained, is to her an ever-present
ideal of blessing.
A noble and worthy lover, who hrI
looked forward through years of strug
gle and of hope to a land of promise in
a blessed union of heart and life with
the woman who was worthy of him,
and of whom he was worthy, may be
called to take his farewell look at that
land from a mound of fresh earth this,
side its border. It is thenceforth for
evermore the unattained land to him;
but his thought and words may ha ve
color and tone from that vision of the
unattained while life remains, and his
fellow-men may feel the force of that
which he struggled for, as they could
never have felt it had he entered into
its possession. The world's deepest
thinkers and tenderest writers liava
spoken out under the hallowing influ
ence of the unattained. ,
High attainment is a worthy object
of aspiration and endeavor, but God
may make the unattained a richer
blessing to us than ever the attained
could be. It is in what we have lookedt
forward to that the blessing lies, not in
our gain of that toward which we
aspired and strove. The lofty ideal re
mains to us, even when th? hope of at
tainment is gone. God may, indeed,,
tell us that it is better for us never to
enter the land we rightly longed to
live in. but God will never tell us that
it would have been better for lis not to
hae had such love and longings for
that land. The blessing of the unat
tained may be greater to us than ail
that we win and hold besides. S.
Some of the Rani's Horn's Rare Bits of
A revival means a recovery of lost
Self-denial brings ns close to Christ.
To feel good is not the highest life,
but to be good is.
The sin we keep for a servant wil
soon liecome our master.
Importunity means holding on nnti
you get what you want.
Many people have been lot beaus
their heads refused to follow their
hearts. ,
The body of death is the vacated
tent of one who has gone to live in t
One decided, positive step toward
God turns the back squarely upon the
Without praise for God in his heart
no man can know just what it mean
to be rich.
portunity of hean'
ites, Ethel an
rtie little favor
foretlieir de
time policy
and instead