| PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE j
i Wilson Voices Policy of Pan-Americanism, Urges Defense J
Measures, Investigation of Railway Problems, Vocation- j
al Education and Requests Laws to Punish Seditious |
Americans and Troublesome Aliens. j
Washington, D. C., I>*e. 7. Prosiden
Wilson today In his annual message t
congress explain'd American Ideal
with reference to tho future, spoke o
the nc"d of stronger defense it* orde
to uphold the Monroe doctrine aiv
touched upon internal problems. U
specifically scored the nn-America*
Actions of some citizens and the activi
lives of certain aliens and requeste*
the enactment of laws to punish of
fenders. The message follows:
Gentlemen of the Congress: Since 1 las
had the privilege of addressing you 01
the state of the union the war of nation
on the other side of the sea, which ha*
then only begun to disclose its porten
tons proportions, has extended itH threat
i-ning and sinister scope until it ha:
aw,-tit within itH llame some portion o
eve ry quarter of the globe, not except
Ing our own hemisphere, has altered til*
whole face of international affairs, an*
sow presents a prospect of reorganize
lion and reconstruction such a.s states
men and peoples have never been caller
upon to attempt before.
We have stood apart, studiously ticu
Irak Tt was our inantfest duty to do so
Not only did we have no part or Interes
.n the policies which seem to hav*
brought the conflict on; It was necessary
if a universal catastrophe was to b*
avoided, that a limit should be set t*
the sweep of destructive war and tha
lomc part of the great family of nation*
should keep the processes of peace alive
if only to prevent collective economl*
ruin and the breakdown throughout th*
world of the industries by which Its pop
utatlon8 are fed and sustained. It wai
manifestly tho duty of the self governed
nations of this hemisphere to redress, 1
possible, the balance of economic loss am
confusion in the other. If they could dr
nothing more. In the day of readjust
ment and recuperation, wo earnestly iiopt
and believe that they can he of inflnitr
service.
New U. S. Relationships.
in this neutrality, to which they werr
bidden not only by their separate lift
md their habitual detachment from thr
politics of Europo, but also by a deal
JKSrocptton of International duty, thr
itntea of America have become consdou*
*f a new and more vital community of in
crest and moral partnership in affairs
more dearly conscious of tho many com
mon sympathies anrl interests and rlutle*
Which bid them stand together.
Thero was a time in the early days oi
sir own great nation and of the repub
Ics fighting their way to independencr
n Central anrl South America when thr
tovernmont of the United States looker:
ipon itself as In some sort tho guardlnr
»f the republics to the south of her ai
igainst any encroachments or efforts al
bcflltfcal control from tho other side ol
•he water; felt it its duty to play tilt
rart even without Invitation from them
*nd I think that we can claim that thr
uyrk was undertaken with a true an*
lisinterested enthusiasm for the freedom
of the Americas and tho unmolested soil
government of her independent peoples
But it was always difficult to matntalr
such a role without offense to the pride
bf the peoples whose freedom of actlor
we sought to protect, and without pro
yoking serious misconceptions of our mo
tives, and every thoughtful man of af
fairs must welcome tho altered clrcum
stances of the now day in whoso light
we now stnnd, when there is no ctuln
Bf guardianship or thought of wards, but
instead, a full and lionoiablo assoclatlot
as of partners between ourselves anr
our neighbors. In the interest of al
America, north and south. Our concerr
for tho independence and prosperity oi
the states of Central and South America
is not altered. We retain unabated th<
uplrit that has inspired us throughout th»
whole life of our government and which
was so frankly put into words by Presi
dent Monroe. Wo still mean always tc
make a common canso of national inde
pendence and of political liberty ir
America. But that purpose Is now bettei
understood so far as it concerns our
selves. It is known not to be a selflst:
purpose. It is known to have in it nt
thought of taking advantage of any gov
ernment In this hemisphere or play Ins
Its political fortunes for our own benefit
All tho governments of America stand
so far as we are concerned, upon a foot
ing of genuine equality and unquestioned
independence.
Mexico and Liberty.
We have been put to the test in th<
rase of Mexico, and we have stood thi
test. Whether we have benefited Mexicc
by the course wo have pursued remaim
to be seen. Her fortunes are in her owi
hands. But we have at least proved tha
we will not take advantage of her In hoi
llstress and undertake to impose upoi
ter an order and government of our owi
Ihooslng. liberty is often a fierce am
Intractable thing, to which no bounds cm
tie set, and to which no bounds of a fev
men's choosing ought over to be set
Every American who has drunl
at the true fountains of principle am
tradition must subscribe without rcser
vation to the high doctrine of the Vir
ttinla bill of rights, which in the gren
daj-s In which our government was sc
up was everywhere amongst us aoeeptei
as the creed of free men. That doetrln
is: "That government is. or ought to lie
instituted for the common benefit, pro
lection, and security of the people, nu
lion, or community;" that "of nil th
rarlous modes and forms of government
.hat Is the best which is capable of pro
during the greatest degree of happiness
• nil safety, and Is most effectually se
cured against the danger of muladmln
st ration, and that, when any govern
ment shall be found inadequate or con
traiy to these purposes, a majority of til
commounlty hath an indubitable, inalien
able and indefeasible right to reform. *1
ter or abolish it, in such manner as shu
nc judged most conducive to ttie pub
ho weal." We have unhesitatingly ap
alied that heroic principle to the oas
>f Mexico, and now hopefully await th
rebirth of tho troubled republic, whir
mil so much of which to purge Itself an
«o little sympathy from any outside quar
ter in the radical but necessary process
We will aid and befriend Mexico, bu
we will not coerce her, and our cours
with regard to her ought to be sufficien
■roof to all America that we seek no po
Itlcal suzerainty or selfish control.
No Rivalry In Americas.
The moral is, that the states of Amel
ina are not hostile rivals, but cooperat
ing friends, and that their growing sens
of community of Interest, alike, in mat
ters political and in matters economic, i
likety to give them a new significance a
factors in international affairs and i
the political history of the world. 1
presents them as in a very deep an
true sense a unit in world affairs, spir
Itual partners, standing together becaus
thinking together, quick with commo
sympathies and common ideals. Sep
arated they are subject to all the eros
currents of the confused politics of
world of hostile rivalries; united tn splri
and purpose they cannot be disappolnte
zf their peaceful destiny.
This Is Pan-Americanism, tt has non
of the spirit of empire tn It. It Is the em
bodimmt, the effectual embodiment, c
the spirit of law and Independence an
liberty and mutual service.
A very notable body of men recentl
Wet In the city of Washington, at the lr
! vitatlon and as the guests of this gov
» ornmeut, whose deliberations are likely
< to hr- looked back to as marking a me
morable turning point in the history of
• America. They were representatives
I spokesmen of the several independent
s states of this hemisphere and were aw
\ semhled to discuss the financial and com
mercial relations of the republics of the
I two continents which nature and political
fortune have so intimately linked to
gether. ! earnestly recommend to your
perusal the reports of their proceedings,
j and of the actions of their committees.
You will get from them, 1 think, a fresh
I conception of the ease and intelligence
I and advantage with which Americans
i of both continents may draw together in
practical cooperation and of what the
■ material foundations of this hopeful part
nership of interest must consist—of how
we should build them and of how necos
| nary it is that we should hasten their
building.
Destiny of Americas.
There is, I venture to point out, an
especial significance Just now attaching
to this whole matter of drawing the
Americas together in bonds of honorable
partnership and mutual advantage be
i cause of the economic readjusrtments
which the world must Inevitably witness
within the next generation, when peace
i shall have at last resumed Its healthful
tasks. In the performance of these tasks
; I believe the Americas to be destined to
, play their parts together. I am inter
ested to fix your attention on this pros
pect now because unless you take it with
in your view and permit the full sig
nificance of it to command your thought
I cannot find the right light In which
to set forth the particular matter that
lies at the very front of my whole
thought, as I address you today. I mean
national defense.
Ideals of Democracy.
No one who really comprehends the
spirit of the great people for whom we
are appointed to speak, can fall to per
ceive that their passion is for peace, their
genius best displayed in the practice of
the arts of peace. Great democracies are
not belligerent. They do not seek or de
sire war. Their thought is of individual
liberty and of the free labor that sup
ports life and the uncensored thought
that quickens it. Conquest and dominion
are not In our reckoning, or agreeable to
our principles. But Just because we de
mand unmolested development and the
undisturbed government of our own lives
upon our own principles, of right and
liberty, we resent from whatever quarter
It may come, the aggression we ourselves
will not practice. We Insist upon security
In prosecuting our self chosen lines of na
tional development. We do more than
that We demand It also for others. Wo
do not coniine our enthusiasm for Indi
vidual liberty and free national develop
ment to the incidents and movements of
affairs which affect only ourselves. Wo
fee! it wherever there is a people that
tries to walk In these difficult paths of
independence and right. From the first
wo have made common cause with all
partisans of liberty on this side the sea,
and have deemed it as important that
our neighbors should be free from all
outside domination ns that wo ourselves
should be; have set America aside as a
whole for the uses of independent nations
and political freemen.
uan t Depend on Farmers.
,,2?* &r *unh bought* STOW all our poll
of m«rc'y as a means
of assorting th© rights of a people against
aggression. And wo are as fiercely Jeal
ous of coercivo err dictatorial power with
wlthoT,tOW?rnat,M? a8 of session from
without. Wo will not maintain a stand
ing army except for uses which are as
necessary In times of peace as In times
of war; and we shall always see to It that
our rail tary peace establishment is no
larger Is actually and continuously
needed for the uses of days in wlitoh no
enemies move against us. But we do be
Hove In a, body of free citizens ready and
sufficient to take cure of themselves and
of tho governments which they have set
up to servo them. In our constitutions
themselves wo have commanded that “tho
right of the people to keep and bear arms
shall not be infringed," ami our confi
dence has been thut our safety In times
of danger would lie in the rising of the
nation to take earn of Itself, as the farm
ers rose at Lexington.
Must Understand War_
But war has never been a mete matter
of men and guns. It Is a thing of disci
plined might. If our citizens are ever to
flaht effectively upon a sudden summons,
they must know how modern fighting Is
done, and what to do when the summons
, comes to render themselves immediately
available and Immediately effective And
the government must be their servant In
this matter, must supply them with the
training they need to take care of them
selves and ot It. The military arm of
i their government, which they will not al
; low to direct them, they may properly uro
I to serve them anti make their lndepend
, ence secure—and not their own tndepend
, ence merely but the rights also of those
with whom they have made common
cause, should they also be put in Jeopardy
* They mast tie fitted to play the great
I role In the world, and particularly in this
■ hemisphere, for which they arc qualified
. by principle and by chastened ambition
* to play.
It Is with these Ideals la mind that the
. plans of the department of war for more
adequate national defense were conceived
which will be laid before you. and which
I urge you to sanction and put Into effect
as soon as they can be properly scrutin
ized and discussed. They seem to me the
essential first steps, and they seem to me
for the present sufficient.
Proposed Army Increase.
They contemplate an Increase of the
standing force of the regular army from
its present strength of 5,023 officers and
102,Wfi enlisted men of all services to a
strength of 7,136 officers and 131,707 enlist
ed men, or 141,813, all told, all services,
rank and tile, by the addition of £2 com
panies of coast artillery, 15 companies of
engineers, 10 regiments of infaritrv, four
regiments of field artillery, and four aero
squadrons, besides 760 officers required for
a great variety of extra service, especially
the all important duty of training the citi
zen force of which I shall presently speak,
3 732 non-commissioned officers for service
i in drill, recruiting and ho like, ar.d the
1 necessary quota of enlisted men for the
. quartermaster corps, the hospital corps,
the .ordnance department, and other stmi
t lar auxiliary services. These are the ad
„ efitions necessary to rentier the army ade
- quate for Its present duties duties which
c tt has to perform not only upon our own
- continental coasts and borders and at our
interior army posts, but also In the Phil
ippines, In the Hawaiian Islands, at the
Isthmus and In Porto Rico.
By way. of making the country ready
- to assert some part of its real power
i promptly and upon a larger scale, should
. occasion arise, the plan also contemplates
s supplementing the army by a force ol
9 400,000 disciplined citizens, raised in incre
ments of 133,000 a year throughout a
period of three years. This if is proposed
: m do by a process of enlistment under
‘ which the serviceable men of tho country
- would bo asked to bind themselves
* serve with the colors for purposes of
i training for short periods throughout
. three years, and to come to the colors at
9 call at any time throughout an additional
' furlough" period of three years. This
7 force of 400.000 men would be provided
t with personal accoutrements as fast as en
1 listed and their equipment for the field
made ready to be supplied at any time,
e They would be assembled for training at
. stated Intervals at convenient places In
t association with suitable units of the reg
s ular army. Their period of annual train
ing would not necessarily exceed twe
months tn the year.
y It would depend upon the patriotic feel
- i lng of the younger men of the countn
whether they responded to such a cat! to
service or not. It would depend upon the
patriotic spirit of the employers of the
country whether they made It possible for
the younger men In their employ to re
spond under favorable conditions or not.
I, for one, do not doubt the patriotic de
votion either of our young men or ot
those who give them employment—those
for whose benefit and protection they
would in fact enlist. I would look for
ward to (he success of such an experiment
with entire confidence.
At least so much by way of prepara
tion for defense seems to me to be abso
lutely Imperative now. We can not do
less.
New Naval Plan.
The program which will lie laid before
you by the secretary of the navy Is sim
ilarly conceived. It Involves only a
shortening of the time within which plans
loug matured shall lie carried out; bat
it does make definite and explicit a pro
gram whit-li has heretofore been only im
plicit, held In the mlnils of the commit
tees on naval affairs and disclosed in the
debates of the two houses, but nowhere
formulated or formally adopted. It seems
i' Or n is a quesuun ui inuepenuence. n
other nations go to war or seek to ham
per each other's commerce, our merchants,
it seems, arc at their mercy, to do with
as they please. We must use their ships,
and use them as they determine. We
have not ships enough of our own. We
cannot handle our own commerce on the
seas. Our independence is provincial, and
Is only on land and within our own bor
ders. We arc not likely to be permitted
to use even the ships of other nations In
rivalry of their own trade, and are with
out means to extend our commerce even
where the doors are wide open and our
goods desired. Such a situation is not to
be endured. It is of capital importance
not only that the United States should
be Its own carrier on the seas and enjoy
the economic independence which only an
adequate merchant marine would give ft,
hut also that the American hemisphere
as a whole should enjoy u like indepen
dence and self-efficiency, if it is not to be
drawn into the tangle of European affairs.
Without such Independence the whole
Question of our political unity and self
etermlnation Is very seriously clouded
and complicated Indeed.
Moreover. wro ean develop no true or ef
fective American policy without ships of
our own—not ships of war, but ships of
peace, carrying goods and carrying much
more; creating friendships and rendering
indispensable services to all interests on
this side of the water. They must move
constantly back and forth between the
Americas. They are the .only shuttles
that can weave the delicate fabric of
sympathy, comprehension, confidence, and
mutual dependence in which we wish to
clothe our policy of America for Ameri
cans.
Remove the Obstacles.
The task of building up an adequate
merchant marine for America private ciep
ttiel must ultimately undertake and
achieve, as it lias undertaken and achieved
every other like task amongst us in live
past, with admirable enterprise, intelli
gence. and vigor; and it seems to me a
manifest dictate of wisdom that we should
promptly remove every legal obstacle thnt
may sfund in the wav of this much to ne
desired revival of our old Independence
and tfhoirtd facilitate in every possible
way the building, purchase, and American
registration of ships. But capital cannot
| accomplish this great task of a sudden,
it must embark uikhi it by desrees, as tlie
opportunities of trade develop. Something
must be done at once; done to open routes
and develop opportunities where they are
as yet undeveloped; done to open the
arteries of trade where the currents have
not yet learned to run—especially between
the two American continents, where they
are, singularly enough yet to be created
and quickened; and It Is ev.dent that
only the government can undertake such
beginnings and assume the Initial finan
cial risks. When the risk has pissed and
private capital begins to find its way In
sufficient abundance Into these new chan
nels, the government may withdraw. But
it ea snot omit to begin. It should take
tho first steps, and should take them at
once. Our goods must not lie piled up at
our ports and stored npon sidetracks m
freight Bars which are dally needed on
the roads; must not be left without means
of transport tp airy foreign quarter. We
most not await the permission of foreign
shipowners and foreign governments to
send them where we wlH.
What Is Proposed.
With a view to meeting these pressing
. necessities of our commerce and availing
! ours*1”— “i the earlleei Doss'bie moment
I of the present unpnrallocl opportunity oi
| Hnking the two Americas together in
j bonds of mutual interest and Service, an
j opportunity which may never return again
; if we miss it now, proposals will'be made
! to the present congress for Che purchase
or construction of strips to be owned and
j directed by the government similar to
those made to the last congress, but modl
| fled in some essential particulars. I rec
ommend rilese proposals to you for your
prompt acceptance with the more confi
I deuce because every month that has
j elapsed since the former proposals were
made has made the necessity for such
action more and more manifestly impera
tive. That: need was then foreseen; it is
! now acutely felt and everywhere realized
I by those for whom trade is waiting but
I who can find no conveyance for their
goods. I am not so much interested In the
| particulars of the program as I am in
taking immediate advantage of the great
opportunity which awaits us if wc will
but act in this emergency, fn this mat
ier, as in all others, a spirit of common
counsel should prevail, and out of it
should come an early solution of this
pressing problem.
Insular Problems.
There is another matter which seems to
me to be very intimately associated with
Hie question of national safety and prepa
ration for defense. That is our policy
towards the Philippines and the people
ol ■ *Uco* Out treatment of them
and their attitude towards'us are mani
lestly of the first consequence in the de
velopment of our duties in the world and
m getting a free hand to perform those
duties, u e must be free from every un
necessary burden or embarrassment; and
there Is no better way to be clear of em
barrassment than to fulfil our promises
and promote the interests of those de
pendent on us to the utmost. Bills for
the alteration and reform of the govern
ment of the Philippines and for rendering
luller political Justice to the people of
Porto Rico were submited to the Sixty
third congress. They will be submited
also to you. I need not particularize
their details. You are most of you al
ready familiar with them. But I do rec
ommend them to your early adoption with
the sincere conviction that there are few
measures you oould adopt which would
more serviceably clear the way for the
groat policies bo,* which we wish to make
good, now and always, our right to lead
in enterprises of peace and good will and
economic and political freedom.
The fflttus for the armed forces of the
nation which I have outlined, and for the
general policy of adequate preparation
for mobMzation and defense, involve of
course very large additional expenditures
of money—expenditures which will con
siderably exoeed the estimated revenues
of the government. It is marie my duty
bv law’, whenever the estimates of expen
diture exoeed the estimates of revenue,
to call the attention of the congress to
tlie fact and sxiggest any means of meet
ing the deficiency that it may be wise
or possible far me to suggest. I am ready
to believe that it would be my duty to
do so in any case; aad I feel particularly
bound to speak of the matter when it ap
pears that the deficiency will arise di
rectly out of the adoption by the congress
of measures which I myself urge it to
adopt. Allow me, therefore, to speak
briefly of the present state of the treas
ury and of the fiscal problems which the
next year will probably disclose.
navy are authorized by the congress, the
i deficit in the general fund of the treasury
on the 13th of June, 1917, Will be nearly
$235,000,000. To this sum at least $50,000.0TO
should be added to represent a safe work
ing balance for the treasury, and $12,000,
mates In 1917: and these additions would
make a total deficit of some $297,000,000. If
the present taxes should be continued
present taxes should he continued
throughout this year and the next, how
ever, there would be a balance in the
treasury of some $76,600,000 at the end »f
the present fiscal year, and a deficit at
the end of the next year of only some
$50,000,000, or, reckoning in $62,0*0,000 fior
deficiency appropriations and a safe
treasury balatfce at the end of the year,
a total deficit of some $112,009,poo. The
obvious moral of the figures is that it is
a plain couneel of pmdonee to continue
all of the present taxes or ttieir equiva
lents, and c(inline ourselves to the prob
lem of providing $IE,fl00.00O of new rev
enue rather than $297,900,000.
Must Pay as We Go.
How Shan we obtain the new revenue?
We are frequently reminded that there are
millions of bonds which the treasury is
authorized under existing law to sell to
reimburse the sums paid out of current
revenues for the construction of the Pan
ama canal: and It is true that hosite to
the amount of approximately $222,000,000
are now available for that purpose. 1 rlor
to 1913 $134,631,960 of these bonds had actu
ally been sold to recoup the expenditures
at the Isthmus: and now constitute a con
siderable iiem of the public deft. But I.
for one, do not believe that the people of
this country approve of postponing the
payment of their bills. Borrowing money
is short-sighted finance. It can be Justi
fied only when permanent things are to
We accomplished which many generations
win certainly benettt by and which it
seams hardly fair that a single genera
tion Bhonhl pay for. The objects we aro
now proposing to spend money for eiwinot
be so classified, except In the sense that
everything wisely done may be said to be
done in the interest of posterity as well
as in our own. It seems to me a elixir dic
tate of prudent statesmanship and frank
finance time in what we are now. I hope,
about to undertake we should pay as we
go. The people of the country arc en
ntled to know Just what burdens of tax
ation they are to carry, and to know from
the outset, now. The new blll3 should
be paid by internal taxation.
To what sources, then, shall we turn?
This Is so peculiarly a question which the
gentlemen of the House of Representatives
are expected under the constitution to
propose an answer to that you will hardly
expect me to do more than discuss It In
very general terms. We should be follow
ing an utmost universal example of mod
ern governments If we were to draw the
greater part or even the whole of the
revennes we need from the income taxes.
By somewhat lowering the present lim
its of exemption and the iigure at which
the surtax shall begin to be. imposed, and
by Increasing, step by step throughout the
present graduation, the surtax itself, the
income taxes as at present apportioned
would yield spans sufficient to balance
the books of the treasury at the end of
the fiscal year 1917 wrthoot anywhere mak
ing the burden unreasonably or oppres
sively heavy. The precise reckonings are
fnlly and accurately set out in the report
of the secretary of the treasury which will
be immediately laid before you.
And there are many additional sources
of revenue which can Justly be resorted
ta without hampering the industries of
the country or putting any too great
charge upon Individual expenditure. A tax
of 1 per cent per gallon on gasoline and
j naptha would yield, at the pre»ent estl
malod production. $10,000,000; a tax of 60
cents per horse power on automobiles and
internal explosion engines, $10,000,000; a
stamp tax on bank checks, probably $1S.
000,00); a tax of 25 cents per ton on pig
iron. $10,000,000; a tax of 50 cents per ton on
fabricated iron and steel, probably $10.
000.000. In a country of great industries
ukc this it ought to be easy to distribute
| the burdens of taxation without making
| them anywhere near too heavily or too ex
clusively upon any one set of persons or
undertakings. What is clear, is. that the
industry of tills generation should pay
the hills of tlris generation.
i iiave spoken to you todav, gentlemen,
upon a single theme, the thorough prepa
ration of the nation to care for its own
security and to make sure of entire free
dom to play the impartial role in tii.s
hemisphere and in the world which we
all believe to iiave been providentially as
signed to it. ! have had in my mind no
thought of any Immediate or particular
danger arising out of our relations with
other nations. We are at peace with all
the nations of the world, and there is rea
son to hope that no question in. contro
versy between this and other govern
ments will lead to any serious breacli of
amicable relations, grave as some dif
ferences of attitude and policy have been
and may yet turn out to he. I am sorry
to say that the gravest threats against
our national peace and safety have been
uttered within our own borders. There
are citizens of the United States, I biush
to admit, born under other flags but wel
comed under our generous naturalization
laws to the full freedom and opportunity
of America, who have poured the poisen
of disloyalty into the very arteries of our
national life; who have sought to bring
the authority and good name of our gov
ernment into contempt, to destroy our in
dustries wherever they thought It effec
tive for their vindictive purposes to
strike at them, and to debase our politics
to the uses of foreign intrigue. Their
number is not great as com pared with
the whole number of those sturdy hosts
by which our nation has been enriched
in recent generation out of virile foreign
stocks; but it is great enough to have
brought deep disgrace upon us and to
have made it necessary that we should
promptly make use of processes of law by
which we may be purged of their corrupt
distempers. America never witnessed
anything like this before. It never
dreamed it possible that men sworn into
its own citizenship, men drawn out of
great free stocks such as supplied some
of the best and strongest elements of that
little, but how heroic, nation that in a
high day of old staked its very life to free
itself from every entanglement that had
darkened the fortunes of the older na
tions aud set up a new standard hero—
that men of such origins and such free
choices at allegiance would ever turn in
malign reaction against tiie government
and people who had welcome and nur
tured them and seek to make tills proud
country once more a I Kittled of European
passion. A litle while ago such a thing
would have seemed incredible. Because
It was Incredible we made no preparation
for It. We would have been almost
ashamed to prepare for It, as if we were
suspicious of ourselves our own comrades
and neighbors. But the ugly and incred
ible thing has actually come about aud
we are without adequate federal laws to
deal with it. I urge you to enact such
laws at the earliest possible moment and
feel that in doing so I am urging you to
do nothing less than save the honor and
self respect of the nation. Such crea
tures of passion, disloyalty and anarchy
must be crushed out. They are not many,
but they are infinitely malignant, and the
hand of our power should close over them
at once. They have formed plots to de
stroy property, they have entered Into
conspiracies against the neutrality of the
government, they have sought to pry
Into every confidential transaction of the
government In order to serve interests
alien to our own. It Is possible to deal
with these things very effectually. I
need not suggest the terms in which they
may be dealt with.
L/ioiv/ai nmci i^dTiSt
I wish that it could be said that only
a few men misled by mistaken senti
ments of allegiance to the governments
under which they were born, had been
guilty of disturbing the self possession
and misrepresenting the temper and prin
ciples of the country during tliese days
of terrible war, when it would seem that
every man who was truly an American
would instinctively make it his duty and
his pride to keep the scales of judgment
even and prove himself a partisan of no
nation but his own. But it cannot. There
are some men among us, and many resi
dent abroad who, though born and bred
in the United States and calling them
selves Americans, have so forgotten
themselves and their honor as citizens as
to put their passionate sympathy with
one or the other side In the great Euro
pean conflict above their regard for the
peace and dignity of the United States.
They also preach and practice disloyalty.
No laws, I suppose, can reach corruptions
of the mind and heart; but I should not
speak of others without also speaking* of
these and expressing the even deeper hu
miliation and scorn which every self pos
sessed and thoughtfully patriotic Ameri
can must feel when he thinks of them
and of the discredit they are daily bring
ing upon us.
Domestic Affairs.
While we sp^ak of the preparation of
the nation to make sure of her security
and her effeotive power we must not fall
j into the patent error of supposing that
her real strength comes from armaments
and mere safeguards of written law. It
comes, of course, from her people, their
energy, their success in their undertak
ings, thejr free opportunity to use the
natural resources of opr great home land
and of the lands outside our continental
borders which look to us for protection,
for encouragement, and for assistance in
their devdlntfMfneift-. from the organization
and freedom and vitality of our economic
life. The domestic questions which en-i
gaged the attention of the last congress*
are more vital to the nation in this its tirm*
of test than at any other time. We cant
not adequately make ready for any trlafl
of our strength unless we wisely anefl
promptly direct the force of our laws intql
these all-important fields of domestic ac-sd
tlon. A matter which it seems to me wt|l
should have very much at heart is the cre-d
ation of the right instrumentalities by.
which to mobilize our economic resources
in any time of national necessity. 1 take
it for granted that I do not need your au
thority to call into systematic consultation
with the directing officers of the army
and navy men of recognized leadership
and ability from among our citizens who
arc* thoroughly familiar, for example, with
the transports ion facilities of the country
ami therefore competent to advise how
they may be co-ordinated when the need
arises, those who can suggest the best ;
way in which to bring about prompt co
operation among the manufacturers of
the country, should it be necessary, and
those who could assist to bring the tech
nical skill or the country to the aid of the
government in the solution of particular
problems of defense I only hoix> that if1
I should find it feasible to constitute such
an advisory body the congress would be j
willing to vote the small sum of money;
that would be needdil to defray the ex- i
penses that would probably be necessary*;
to give it the clerical and administrative
machinery with which to do serviceable
work.
Vocational Education.
What is more important is, that the In
dustries and resources of the country '
should be available and ready for mo
bilization. It is the more impera- ,
tively necessary, therefore, that we
should promptly devise means for
doing what we have not yet done;
that we should give intelligent fed
eral aid and stimulation to industrial and
vocational education, as we have long .
done in the large tick! of our agricultural j
industry; that, at the same time that
safeguard and conserve the natural rer
sources of the country we should put therm
at the disposal of those who will use tberry:
promptly and intelligently, as was sough®
to be done in the admirable bills submitted
to the last congress from its oommHteqsy
on the public lands, bills which I earnestly*
recommend in principle to your considera
tion; that we should put into early opera
tion some provision for rural credits*,
which will add to the extensive borrowing
facilities ah-eady afforded the farmer by
the reserve bank act adequate inatrumenr
tall ties by which long credits may be ob
tained on land mortgages: and that wb
should study more carefXilly tfrpn they
have hitherto been studied the right adap
tation of our economic arrangements tx>
changing conditions.
Many conditions about which we hqrvd
repeatedly legislated are being altered
| from decade to decade, it is evident, un- !
I «ler our very eyes, and are likely to
, change even more rapidly a/rd more cadi- J
j catty in the days immediately ahead offl
| us. when peace has returned to the world
and the nations of Europe once more take ]
[ up their tasks ot commerce and Industry j
j w'th the energy of those who must be
| stir themselves to build anew. Just what
ihese changes will be no one can certainly
] foresee or confidently predict. There are
calculable, because no stable, elements
the problem. The most we can do is
make certain that wo have the neces
: y instrumentalities of information coti
antiy at our service so that we may
i i '■ sure that we know exactly what we
i are dealing with when we come to act.
I lli- should be necessary to act at ail.
! \\ o must first certainly know what it is
i that we are seeking to adapt ourselves to.
I 1 may ask the privilege of addressing you
i m<Jp’ at length on this important matter
i a little later in your session.
Transportation Problem.
, In the meantime may I make this sug
gc uon'. The transportation problem is
[ an exceedingly serious and pressing one
in triis country. There lias from time to
i time of late been reason to l'ear that, our
railroads would not much longer bo able
to cope with it successfully, as at present
equipped and coordinated. 1 suggest that
it would he wise to provide for a commis
sion of inquiry to ascertain by a thorough
canvass of the whole question whether
our laws as at present framed and ad
ministered are as serviceable as they
m.ght he in the solution of the problem.
It Is obviously a problem that lies at thu
very foundation of our efficiency as a
people. Such an inquiry ought to draw
out every circumstance and opinion
worth considering and we need to know
all sides of the matter if we mean to do
anything in the field of federal legisla
tion.
No one, I am sure, would wish to take
any backward step. The regulation of
the railways of the country by federal
commission has had admirable results
and has fully justified the hopes and ex
pectations of those by whom the policy
of regulation was originally proposed.
The question is not what should we un
do? It is. whether there is anything else
we can do that would supply us with ef
fective means, in the very process of reg
ulation. for bettering the conditions un
der which tiie railroads are operated and
for making them more useful servants of
the country as a whole. It seems to mo
that it might be the part of wisdom
therefore, before further legislation in
this field is attempted, to look at the
whole problem of coordination and effi
ciency in the full light of a fresh assess
ment of circumstance and opfhton, as a
guide to dealing with the several parts
of it.
For what we ore seeking now, what in
my mind Is the single thought of this
message, is national efficiency and secur
ity. We serve a great nation. We should
serve it in the spirit of its pecular genius.
It is the genius of common men for self
government, industry, justice, liberty ar.d
peace. We should see to it that it lacks
no instrument, no facility or vigor of law.
to make it. sufficient to play its part witli
energy, safety and assured success. In
this we are no partisans but heralds and
prophets of a new age.
Boots for Russian Troops.
By the end of October, the Jiji re- v
porta, 1,000,900 pairs of boots had been |
exported from Japan to Russia, and it A
further reports that a contract has^
been signed calling for the delivery of \
from 50,000 to 100,000 pairs a month \
until the cessation of hostilities. The \
contract price was not made public, \
but it is generally assumed to be $425,
000 for 100,000 pairs. Japan’s capacity
for the manufacture of boots is such
that it will probably have no difficulty
in filling the order.
The same paper is authority for the
statement that an order for munitions
of war worth $8,500,000 has been
placed with an Osaka merchant, but
no details of the nature of the supplies
are given.
Another Japanese paper reports a
war order for 3,500,000 yards of woolen
cloth valued at $5,000,000. It remarks
that a result of this order will be a tre
mendous rise in the price of woolen l
cloth because of the domestic require- Mr
ments. This is the second large wool- 1
en cloth order from Russia.
Assasination Poor Asset.
From the Springfield Republican.
Senator Weeks will never ride into ths
presidency of the United States on the is
sue that the assassin dictator Hugrta
should have been recognized as president
of Mexico.
Ventilating apparatus that auto
matically changes the air in a tele
phone booth each time it is used has
been patented by an Illinois inventor.
New Jersey has 23 cities under com
mission rule.
Rome district last year produced
179,900 metric tons of olives. .
France and Russia are now in di
rect communication by wireless, two
powerful stations having been recently
completed.
The belting used on machinery in the
Russian oil fields is made of camel's
hair, resisting grease better than rub
ber, leather or cotton.
Using a modified wireless receiving 9
instrument, a French scientist has been ^
able to detect thunderstorms more
than 300 miles distant.
LONG COAT FETCHING
T >
A broadcloth in African brown
duvetyne deeply bordered with seal
skin. On some coats the fullness is
very fetching Niturallv rhp older
heavier woman will have this style
less extreme.
