| PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE j i Wilson Voices Policy of Pan-Americanism, Urges Defense J Measures, Investigation of Railway Problems, Vocation- j al Education and Requests Laws to Punish Seditious | Americans and Troublesome Aliens. j Washington, D. C., I>*e. 7. Prosiden Wilson today In his annual message t congress explain'd American Ideal with reference to tho future, spoke o the nc"d of stronger defense it* orde to uphold the Monroe doctrine aiv touched upon internal problems. U specifically scored the nn-America* Actions of some citizens and the activi lives of certain aliens and requeste* the enactment of laws to punish of fenders. The message follows: Gentlemen of the Congress: Since 1 las had the privilege of addressing you 01 the state of the union the war of nation on the other side of the sea, which ha* then only begun to disclose its porten tons proportions, has extended itH threat i-ning and sinister scope until it ha: aw,-tit within itH llame some portion o eve ry quarter of the globe, not except Ing our own hemisphere, has altered til* whole face of international affairs, an* sow presents a prospect of reorganize lion and reconstruction such a.s states men and peoples have never been caller upon to attempt before. We have stood apart, studiously ticu Irak Tt was our inantfest duty to do so Not only did we have no part or Interes .n the policies which seem to hav* brought the conflict on; It was necessary if a universal catastrophe was to b* avoided, that a limit should be set t* the sweep of destructive war and tha lomc part of the great family of nation* should keep the processes of peace alive if only to prevent collective economl* ruin and the breakdown throughout th* world of the industries by which Its pop utatlon8 are fed and sustained. It wai manifestly tho duty of the self governed nations of this hemisphere to redress, 1 possible, the balance of economic loss am confusion in the other. If they could dr nothing more. In the day of readjust ment and recuperation, wo earnestly iiopt and believe that they can he of inflnitr service. New U. S. Relationships. in this neutrality, to which they werr bidden not only by their separate lift md their habitual detachment from thr politics of Europo, but also by a deal JKSrocptton of International duty, thr itntea of America have become consdou* *f a new and more vital community of in crest and moral partnership in affairs more dearly conscious of tho many com mon sympathies anrl interests and rlutle* Which bid them stand together. Thero was a time in the early days oi sir own great nation and of the repub Ics fighting their way to independencr n Central anrl South America when thr tovernmont of the United States looker: ipon itself as In some sort tho guardlnr »f the republics to the south of her ai igainst any encroachments or efforts al bcflltfcal control from tho other side ol •he water; felt it its duty to play tilt rart even without Invitation from them *nd I think that we can claim that thr uyrk was undertaken with a true an* lisinterested enthusiasm for the freedom of the Americas and tho unmolested soil government of her independent peoples But it was always difficult to matntalr such a role without offense to the pride bf the peoples whose freedom of actlor we sought to protect, and without pro yoking serious misconceptions of our mo tives, and every thoughtful man of af fairs must welcome tho altered clrcum stances of the now day in whoso light we now stnnd, when there is no ctuln Bf guardianship or thought of wards, but instead, a full and lionoiablo assoclatlot as of partners between ourselves anr our neighbors. In the interest of al America, north and south. Our concerr for tho independence and prosperity oi the states of Central and South America is not altered. We retain unabated th< uplrit that has inspired us throughout th» whole life of our government and which was so frankly put into words by Presi dent Monroe. Wo still mean always tc make a common canso of national inde pendence and of political liberty ir America. But that purpose Is now bettei understood so far as it concerns our selves. It is known not to be a selflst: purpose. It is known to have in it nt thought of taking advantage of any gov ernment In this hemisphere or play Ins Its political fortunes for our own benefit All tho governments of America stand so far as we are concerned, upon a foot ing of genuine equality and unquestioned independence. Mexico and Liberty. We have been put to the test in th< rase of Mexico, and we have stood thi test. Whether we have benefited Mexicc by the course wo have pursued remaim to be seen. Her fortunes are in her owi hands. But we have at least proved tha we will not take advantage of her In hoi llstress and undertake to impose upoi ter an order and government of our owi Ihooslng. liberty is often a fierce am Intractable thing, to which no bounds cm tie set, and to which no bounds of a fev men's choosing ought over to be set Every American who has drunl at the true fountains of principle am tradition must subscribe without rcser vation to the high doctrine of the Vir ttinla bill of rights, which in the gren daj-s In which our government was sc up was everywhere amongst us aoeeptei as the creed of free men. That doetrln is: "That government is. or ought to lie instituted for the common benefit, pro lection, and security of the people, nu lion, or community;" that "of nil th rarlous modes and forms of government .hat Is the best which is capable of pro during the greatest degree of happiness • nil safety, and Is most effectually se cured against the danger of muladmln st ration, and that, when any govern ment shall be found inadequate or con traiy to these purposes, a majority of til commounlty hath an indubitable, inalien able and indefeasible right to reform. *1 ter or abolish it, in such manner as shu nc judged most conducive to ttie pub ho weal." We have unhesitatingly ap alied that heroic principle to the oas >f Mexico, and now hopefully await th rebirth of tho troubled republic, whir mil so much of which to purge Itself an «o little sympathy from any outside quar ter in the radical but necessary process We will aid and befriend Mexico, bu we will not coerce her, and our cours with regard to her ought to be sufficien ■roof to all America that we seek no po Itlcal suzerainty or selfish control. No Rivalry In Americas. The moral is, that the states of Amel ina are not hostile rivals, but cooperat ing friends, and that their growing sens of community of Interest, alike, in mat ters political and in matters economic, i likety to give them a new significance a factors in international affairs and i the political history of the world. 1 presents them as in a very deep an true sense a unit in world affairs, spir Itual partners, standing together becaus thinking together, quick with commo sympathies and common ideals. Sep arated they are subject to all the eros currents of the confused politics of world of hostile rivalries; united tn splri and purpose they cannot be disappolnte zf their peaceful destiny. This Is Pan-Americanism, tt has non of the spirit of empire tn It. It Is the em bodimmt, the effectual embodiment, c the spirit of law and Independence an liberty and mutual service. A very notable body of men recentl Wet In the city of Washington, at the lr ! vitatlon and as the guests of this gov » ornmeut, whose deliberations are likely < to hr- looked back to as marking a me morable turning point in the history of • America. They were representatives I spokesmen of the several independent s states of this hemisphere and were aw \ semhled to discuss the financial and com mercial relations of the republics of the I two continents which nature and political fortune have so intimately linked to gether. ! earnestly recommend to your perusal the reports of their proceedings, j and of the actions of their committees. You will get from them, 1 think, a fresh I conception of the ease and intelligence I and advantage with which Americans i of both continents may draw together in practical cooperation and of what the ■ material foundations of this hopeful part nership of interest must consist—of how we should build them and of how necos | nary it is that we should hasten their building. Destiny of Americas. There is, I venture to point out, an especial significance Just now attaching to this whole matter of drawing the Americas together in bonds of honorable partnership and mutual advantage be i cause of the economic readjusrtments which the world must Inevitably witness within the next generation, when peace i shall have at last resumed Its healthful tasks. In the performance of these tasks ; I believe the Americas to be destined to , play their parts together. I am inter ested to fix your attention on this pros pect now because unless you take it with in your view and permit the full sig nificance of it to command your thought I cannot find the right light In which to set forth the particular matter that lies at the very front of my whole thought, as I address you today. I mean national defense. Ideals of Democracy. No one who really comprehends the spirit of the great people for whom we are appointed to speak, can fall to per ceive that their passion is for peace, their genius best displayed in the practice of the arts of peace. Great democracies are not belligerent. They do not seek or de sire war. Their thought is of individual liberty and of the free labor that sup ports life and the uncensored thought that quickens it. Conquest and dominion are not In our reckoning, or agreeable to our principles. But Just because we de mand unmolested development and the undisturbed government of our own lives upon our own principles, of right and liberty, we resent from whatever quarter It may come, the aggression we ourselves will not practice. We Insist upon security In prosecuting our self chosen lines of na tional development. We do more than that We demand It also for others. Wo do not coniine our enthusiasm for Indi vidual liberty and free national develop ment to the incidents and movements of affairs which affect only ourselves. Wo fee! it wherever there is a people that tries to walk In these difficult paths of independence and right. From the first wo have made common cause with all partisans of liberty on this side the sea, and have deemed it as important that our neighbors should be free from all outside domination ns that wo ourselves should be; have set America aside as a whole for the uses of independent nations and political freemen. uan t Depend on Farmers. ,,2?* &r *unh bought* STOW all our poll of m«rc'y as a means of assorting th© rights of a people against aggression. And wo are as fiercely Jeal ous of coercivo err dictatorial power with wlthoT,tOW?rnat,M? a8 of session from without. Wo will not maintain a stand ing army except for uses which are as necessary In times of peace as In times of war; and we shall always see to It that our rail tary peace establishment is no larger Is actually and continuously needed for the uses of days in wlitoh no enemies move against us. But we do be Hove In a, body of free citizens ready and sufficient to take cure of themselves and of tho governments which they have set up to servo them. In our constitutions themselves wo have commanded that “tho right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed," ami our confi dence has been thut our safety In times of danger would lie in the rising of the nation to take earn of Itself, as the farm ers rose at Lexington. Must Understand War_ But war has never been a mete matter of men and guns. It Is a thing of disci plined might. If our citizens are ever to flaht effectively upon a sudden summons, they must know how modern fighting Is done, and what to do when the summons , comes to render themselves immediately available and Immediately effective And the government must be their servant In this matter, must supply them with the training they need to take care of them selves and ot It. The military arm of i their government, which they will not al ; low to direct them, they may properly uro I to serve them anti make their lndepend , ence secure—and not their own tndepend , ence merely but the rights also of those with whom they have made common cause, should they also be put in Jeopardy * They mast tie fitted to play the great I role In the world, and particularly in this ■ hemisphere, for which they arc qualified . by principle and by chastened ambition * to play. It Is with these Ideals la mind that the . plans of the department of war for more adequate national defense were conceived which will be laid before you. and which I urge you to sanction and put Into effect as soon as they can be properly scrutin ized and discussed. They seem to me the essential first steps, and they seem to me for the present sufficient. Proposed Army Increase. They contemplate an Increase of the standing force of the regular army from its present strength of 5,023 officers and 102,Wfi enlisted men of all services to a strength of 7,136 officers and 131,707 enlist ed men, or 141,813, all told, all services, rank and tile, by the addition of £2 com panies of coast artillery, 15 companies of engineers, 10 regiments of infaritrv, four regiments of field artillery, and four aero squadrons, besides 760 officers required for a great variety of extra service, especially the all important duty of training the citi zen force of which I shall presently speak, 3 732 non-commissioned officers for service i in drill, recruiting and ho like, ar.d the 1 necessary quota of enlisted men for the . quartermaster corps, the hospital corps, the .ordnance department, and other stmi t lar auxiliary services. These are the ad „ efitions necessary to rentier the army ade - quate for Its present duties duties which c tt has to perform not only upon our own - continental coasts and borders and at our interior army posts, but also In the Phil ippines, In the Hawaiian Islands, at the Isthmus and In Porto Rico. By way. of making the country ready - to assert some part of its real power i promptly and upon a larger scale, should . occasion arise, the plan also contemplates s supplementing the army by a force ol 9 400,000 disciplined citizens, raised in incre ments of 133,000 a year throughout a period of three years. This if is proposed : m do by a process of enlistment under ‘ which the serviceable men of tho country - would bo asked to bind themselves * serve with the colors for purposes of i training for short periods throughout . three years, and to come to the colors at 9 call at any time throughout an additional ' furlough" period of three years. This 7 force of 400.000 men would be provided t with personal accoutrements as fast as en 1 listed and their equipment for the field made ready to be supplied at any time, e They would be assembled for training at . stated Intervals at convenient places In t association with suitable units of the reg s ular army. Their period of annual train ing would not necessarily exceed twe months tn the year. y It would depend upon the patriotic feel - i lng of the younger men of the countn whether they responded to such a cat! to service or not. It would depend upon the patriotic spirit of the employers of the country whether they made It possible for the younger men In their employ to re spond under favorable conditions or not. I, for one, do not doubt the patriotic de votion either of our young men or ot those who give them employment—those for whose benefit and protection they would in fact enlist. I would look for ward to (he success of such an experiment with entire confidence. At least so much by way of prepara tion for defense seems to me to be abso lutely Imperative now. We can not do less. New Naval Plan. The program which will lie laid before you by the secretary of the navy Is sim ilarly conceived. It Involves only a shortening of the time within which plans loug matured shall lie carried out; bat it does make definite and explicit a pro gram whit-li has heretofore been only im plicit, held In the mlnils of the commit tees on naval affairs and disclosed in the debates of the two houses, but nowhere formulated or formally adopted. It seems i' Or n is a quesuun ui inuepenuence. n other nations go to war or seek to ham per each other's commerce, our merchants, it seems, arc at their mercy, to do with as they please. We must use their ships, and use them as they determine. We have not ships enough of our own. We cannot handle our own commerce on the seas. Our independence is provincial, and Is only on land and within our own bor ders. We arc not likely to be permitted to use even the ships of other nations In rivalry of their own trade, and are with out means to extend our commerce even where the doors are wide open and our goods desired. Such a situation is not to be endured. It is of capital importance not only that the United States should be Its own carrier on the seas and enjoy the economic independence which only an adequate merchant marine would give ft, hut also that the American hemisphere as a whole should enjoy u like indepen dence and self-efficiency, if it is not to be drawn into the tangle of European affairs. Without such Independence the whole Question of our political unity and self etermlnation Is very seriously clouded and complicated Indeed. Moreover. wro ean develop no true or ef fective American policy without ships of our own—not ships of war, but ships of peace, carrying goods and carrying much more; creating friendships and rendering indispensable services to all interests on this side of the water. They must move constantly back and forth between the Americas. They are the .only shuttles that can weave the delicate fabric of sympathy, comprehension, confidence, and mutual dependence in which we wish to clothe our policy of America for Ameri cans. Remove the Obstacles. The task of building up an adequate merchant marine for America private ciep ttiel must ultimately undertake and achieve, as it lias undertaken and achieved every other like task amongst us in live past, with admirable enterprise, intelli gence. and vigor; and it seems to me a manifest dictate of wisdom that we should promptly remove every legal obstacle thnt may sfund in the wav of this much to ne desired revival of our old Independence and tfhoirtd facilitate in every possible way the building, purchase, and American registration of ships. But capital cannot | accomplish this great task of a sudden, it must embark uikhi it by desrees, as tlie opportunities of trade develop. Something must be done at once; done to open routes and develop opportunities where they are as yet undeveloped; done to open the arteries of trade where the currents have not yet learned to run—especially between the two American continents, where they are, singularly enough yet to be created and quickened; and It Is ev.dent that only the government can undertake such beginnings and assume the Initial finan cial risks. When the risk has pissed and private capital begins to find its way In sufficient abundance Into these new chan nels, the government may withdraw. But it ea snot omit to begin. It should take tho first steps, and should take them at once. Our goods must not lie piled up at our ports and stored npon sidetracks m freight Bars which are dally needed on the roads; must not be left without means of transport tp airy foreign quarter. We most not await the permission of foreign shipowners and foreign governments to send them where we wlH. What Is Proposed. With a view to meeting these pressing . necessities of our commerce and availing ! ours*1”— “i the earlleei Doss'bie moment I of the present unpnrallocl opportunity oi | Hnking the two Americas together in j bonds of mutual interest and Service, an j opportunity which may never return again ; if we miss it now, proposals will'be made ! to the present congress for Che purchase or construction of strips to be owned and j directed by the government similar to those made to the last congress, but modl | fled in some essential particulars. I rec ommend rilese proposals to you for your prompt acceptance with the more confi I deuce because every month that has j elapsed since the former proposals were made has made the necessity for such action more and more manifestly impera tive. That: need was then foreseen; it is ! now acutely felt and everywhere realized I by those for whom trade is waiting but I who can find no conveyance for their goods. I am not so much interested In the | particulars of the program as I am in taking immediate advantage of the great opportunity which awaits us if wc will but act in this emergency, fn this mat ier, as in all others, a spirit of common counsel should prevail, and out of it should come an early solution of this pressing problem. Insular Problems. There is another matter which seems to me to be very intimately associated with Hie question of national safety and prepa ration for defense. That is our policy towards the Philippines and the people ol ■ *Uco* Out treatment of them and their attitude towards'us are mani lestly of the first consequence in the de velopment of our duties in the world and m getting a free hand to perform those duties, u e must be free from every un necessary burden or embarrassment; and there Is no better way to be clear of em barrassment than to fulfil our promises and promote the interests of those de pendent on us to the utmost. Bills for the alteration and reform of the govern ment of the Philippines and for rendering luller political Justice to the people of Porto Rico were submited to the Sixty third congress. They will be submited also to you. I need not particularize their details. You are most of you al ready familiar with them. But I do rec ommend them to your early adoption with the sincere conviction that there are few measures you oould adopt which would more serviceably clear the way for the groat policies bo,* which we wish to make good, now and always, our right to lead in enterprises of peace and good will and economic and political freedom. The fflttus for the armed forces of the nation which I have outlined, and for the general policy of adequate preparation for mobMzation and defense, involve of course very large additional expenditures of money—expenditures which will con siderably exoeed the estimated revenues of the government. It is marie my duty bv law’, whenever the estimates of expen diture exoeed the estimates of revenue, to call the attention of the congress to tlie fact and sxiggest any means of meet ing the deficiency that it may be wise or possible far me to suggest. I am ready to believe that it would be my duty to do so in any case; aad I feel particularly bound to speak of the matter when it ap pears that the deficiency will arise di rectly out of the adoption by the congress of measures which I myself urge it to adopt. Allow me, therefore, to speak briefly of the present state of the treas ury and of the fiscal problems which the next year will probably disclose. navy are authorized by the congress, the i deficit in the general fund of the treasury on the 13th of June, 1917, Will be nearly $235,000,000. To this sum at least $50,000.0TO should be added to represent a safe work ing balance for the treasury, and $12,000, mates In 1917: and these additions would make a total deficit of some $297,000,000. If the present taxes should be continued present taxes should he continued throughout this year and the next, how ever, there would be a balance in the treasury of some $76,600,000 at the end »f the present fiscal year, and a deficit at the end of the next year of only some $50,000,000, or, reckoning in $62,0*0,000 fior deficiency appropriations and a safe treasury balatfce at the end of the year, a total deficit of some $112,009,poo. The obvious moral of the figures is that it is a plain couneel of pmdonee to continue all of the present taxes or ttieir equiva lents, and c(inline ourselves to the prob lem of providing $IE,fl00.00O of new rev enue rather than $297,900,000. Must Pay as We Go. How Shan we obtain the new revenue? We are frequently reminded that there are millions of bonds which the treasury is authorized under existing law to sell to reimburse the sums paid out of current revenues for the construction of the Pan ama canal: and It is true that hosite to the amount of approximately $222,000,000 are now available for that purpose. 1 rlor to 1913 $134,631,960 of these bonds had actu ally been sold to recoup the expenditures at the Isthmus: and now constitute a con siderable iiem of the public deft. But I. for one, do not believe that the people of this country approve of postponing the payment of their bills. Borrowing money is short-sighted finance. It can be Justi fied only when permanent things are to We accomplished which many generations win certainly benettt by and which it seams hardly fair that a single genera tion Bhonhl pay for. The objects we aro now proposing to spend money for eiwinot be so classified, except In the sense that everything wisely done may be said to be done in the interest of posterity as well as in our own. It seems to me a elixir dic tate of prudent statesmanship and frank finance time in what we are now. I hope, about to undertake we should pay as we go. The people of the country arc en ntled to know Just what burdens of tax ation they are to carry, and to know from the outset, now. The new blll3 should be paid by internal taxation. To what sources, then, shall we turn? This Is so peculiarly a question which the gentlemen of the House of Representatives are expected under the constitution to propose an answer to that you will hardly expect me to do more than discuss It In very general terms. We should be follow ing an utmost universal example of mod ern governments If we were to draw the greater part or even the whole of the revennes we need from the income taxes. By somewhat lowering the present lim its of exemption and the iigure at which the surtax shall begin to be. imposed, and by Increasing, step by step throughout the present graduation, the surtax itself, the income taxes as at present apportioned would yield spans sufficient to balance the books of the treasury at the end of the fiscal year 1917 wrthoot anywhere mak ing the burden unreasonably or oppres sively heavy. The precise reckonings are fnlly and accurately set out in the report of the secretary of the treasury which will be immediately laid before you. And there are many additional sources of revenue which can Justly be resorted ta without hampering the industries of the country or putting any too great charge upon Individual expenditure. A tax of 1 per cent per gallon on gasoline and j naptha would yield, at the pre»ent estl malod production. $10,000,000; a tax of 60 cents per horse power on automobiles and internal explosion engines, $10,000,000; a stamp tax on bank checks, probably $1S. 000,00); a tax of 25 cents per ton on pig iron. $10,000,000; a tax of 50 cents per ton on fabricated iron and steel, probably $10. 000.000. In a country of great industries ukc this it ought to be easy to distribute | the burdens of taxation without making | them anywhere near too heavily or too ex clusively upon any one set of persons or undertakings. What is clear, is. that the industry of tills generation should pay the hills of tlris generation. i iiave spoken to you todav, gentlemen, upon a single theme, the thorough prepa ration of the nation to care for its own security and to make sure of entire free dom to play the impartial role in tii.s hemisphere and in the world which we all believe to iiave been providentially as signed to it. ! have had in my mind no thought of any Immediate or particular danger arising out of our relations with other nations. We are at peace with all the nations of the world, and there is rea son to hope that no question in. contro versy between this and other govern ments will lead to any serious breacli of amicable relations, grave as some dif ferences of attitude and policy have been and may yet turn out to he. I am sorry to say that the gravest threats against our national peace and safety have been uttered within our own borders. There are citizens of the United States, I biush to admit, born under other flags but wel comed under our generous naturalization laws to the full freedom and opportunity of America, who have poured the poisen of disloyalty into the very arteries of our national life; who have sought to bring the authority and good name of our gov ernment into contempt, to destroy our in dustries wherever they thought It effec tive for their vindictive purposes to strike at them, and to debase our politics to the uses of foreign intrigue. Their number is not great as com pared with the whole number of those sturdy hosts by which our nation has been enriched in recent generation out of virile foreign stocks; but it is great enough to have brought deep disgrace upon us and to have made it necessary that we should promptly make use of processes of law by which we may be purged of their corrupt distempers. America never witnessed anything like this before. It never dreamed it possible that men sworn into its own citizenship, men drawn out of great free stocks such as supplied some of the best and strongest elements of that little, but how heroic, nation that in a high day of old staked its very life to free itself from every entanglement that had darkened the fortunes of the older na tions aud set up a new standard hero— that men of such origins and such free choices at allegiance would ever turn in malign reaction against tiie government and people who had welcome and nur tured them and seek to make tills proud country once more a I Kittled of European passion. A litle while ago such a thing would have seemed incredible. Because It was Incredible we made no preparation for It. We would have been almost ashamed to prepare for It, as if we were suspicious of ourselves our own comrades and neighbors. But the ugly and incred ible thing has actually come about aud we are without adequate federal laws to deal with it. I urge you to enact such laws at the earliest possible moment and feel that in doing so I am urging you to do nothing less than save the honor and self respect of the nation. Such crea tures of passion, disloyalty and anarchy must be crushed out. They are not many, but they are infinitely malignant, and the hand of our power should close over them at once. They have formed plots to de stroy property, they have entered Into conspiracies against the neutrality of the government, they have sought to pry Into every confidential transaction of the government In order to serve interests alien to our own. It Is possible to deal with these things very effectually. I need not suggest the terms in which they may be dealt with. L/ioiv/ai nmci i^dTiSt I wish that it could be said that only a few men misled by mistaken senti ments of allegiance to the governments under which they were born, had been guilty of disturbing the self possession and misrepresenting the temper and prin ciples of the country during tliese days of terrible war, when it would seem that every man who was truly an American would instinctively make it his duty and his pride to keep the scales of judgment even and prove himself a partisan of no nation but his own. But it cannot. There are some men among us, and many resi dent abroad who, though born and bred in the United States and calling them selves Americans, have so forgotten themselves and their honor as citizens as to put their passionate sympathy with one or the other side In the great Euro pean conflict above their regard for the peace and dignity of the United States. They also preach and practice disloyalty. No laws, I suppose, can reach corruptions of the mind and heart; but I should not speak of others without also speaking* of these and expressing the even deeper hu miliation and scorn which every self pos sessed and thoughtfully patriotic Ameri can must feel when he thinks of them and of the discredit they are daily bring ing upon us. Domestic Affairs. While we sp^ak of the preparation of the nation to make sure of her security and her effeotive power we must not fall j into the patent error of supposing that her real strength comes from armaments and mere safeguards of written law. It comes, of course, from her people, their energy, their success in their undertak ings, thejr free opportunity to use the natural resources of opr great home land and of the lands outside our continental borders which look to us for protection, for encouragement, and for assistance in their devdlntfMfneift-. from the organization and freedom and vitality of our economic life. The domestic questions which en-i gaged the attention of the last congress* are more vital to the nation in this its tirm* of test than at any other time. We cant not adequately make ready for any trlafl of our strength unless we wisely anefl promptly direct the force of our laws intql these all-important fields of domestic ac-sd tlon. A matter which it seems to me wt|l should have very much at heart is the cre-d ation of the right instrumentalities by. which to mobilize our economic resources in any time of national necessity. 1 take it for granted that I do not need your au thority to call into systematic consultation with the directing officers of the army and navy men of recognized leadership and ability from among our citizens who arc* thoroughly familiar, for example, with the transports ion facilities of the country ami therefore competent to advise how they may be co-ordinated when the need arises, those who can suggest the best ; way in which to bring about prompt co operation among the manufacturers of the country, should it be necessary, and those who could assist to bring the tech nical skill or the country to the aid of the government in the solution of particular problems of defense I only hoix> that if1 I should find it feasible to constitute such an advisory body the congress would be j willing to vote the small sum of money; that would be needdil to defray the ex- i penses that would probably be necessary*; to give it the clerical and administrative machinery with which to do serviceable work. Vocational Education. What is more important is, that the In dustries and resources of the country ' should be available and ready for mo bilization. It is the more impera- , tively necessary, therefore, that we should promptly devise means for doing what we have not yet done; that we should give intelligent fed eral aid and stimulation to industrial and vocational education, as we have long . done in the large tick! of our agricultural j industry; that, at the same time that safeguard and conserve the natural rer sources of the country we should put therm at the disposal of those who will use tberry: promptly and intelligently, as was sough® to be done in the admirable bills submitted to the last congress from its oommHteqsy on the public lands, bills which I earnestly* recommend in principle to your considera tion; that we should put into early opera tion some provision for rural credits*, which will add to the extensive borrowing facilities ah-eady afforded the farmer by the reserve bank act adequate inatrumenr tall ties by which long credits may be ob tained on land mortgages: and that wb should study more carefXilly tfrpn they have hitherto been studied the right adap tation of our economic arrangements tx> changing conditions. Many conditions about which we hqrvd repeatedly legislated are being altered | from decade to decade, it is evident, un- ! I «ler our very eyes, and are likely to , change even more rapidly a/rd more cadi- J j catty in the days immediately ahead offl | us. when peace has returned to the world and the nations of Europe once more take ] [ up their tasks ot commerce and Industry j j w'th the energy of those who must be | stir themselves to build anew. Just what ihese changes will be no one can certainly ] foresee or confidently predict. There are calculable, because no stable, elements the problem. The most we can do is make certain that wo have the neces : y instrumentalities of information coti antiy at our service so that we may i i '■ sure that we know exactly what we i are dealing with when we come to act. I lli- should be necessary to act at ail. ! \\ o must first certainly know what it is i that we are seeking to adapt ourselves to. I 1 may ask the privilege of addressing you i m A broadcloth in African brown duvetyne deeply bordered with seal skin. On some coats the fullness is very fetching Niturallv rhp older heavier woman will have this style less extreme.