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About The frontier. (O'Neill City, Holt County, Neb.) 1880-1965 | View Entire Issue (Oct. 6, 1904)
—SUPPLEMENT TO— THE FRONTIER O’NEILL._NEBRASKA THURSDAY, OCTOBER 6. 1904. FOR REVENUE ONLY A DEMOCRATIC POLICY AND HOW IT WORKS IN PRACTICE. The Wlleon Tariff Law and Its Stu pendous and Disastrous Failure. with Four Tears of Accompanying Business Disaster. The Democratic poKcy has often beez announced to be "A TARIFF FOR, REVENUE ONLY." And what this high sounding policy always in practice has produced is DIMINISHING REVENUE AND INCREASING DEFICIT. 'l'be great business depression which overtook the country during the lasr Democratic administration was due not merely to the anti-protection features of Democratic tariff tinkering, but to the very serious falling off in government revenues whicli it occasioned. When there is a “condition of uncer tainty and instability” in business, which Mr. Parker himself has admitted follow ed past attempts in the tariff tinkering line, the imports of certain classes of dutiable goods are always sure to fall off even with the decreased tariff, for the reason that the people consume less for eign luxuries In hard times than in good. With the foreigners flooding the Ameri can markets with articles that can jnst os well be produced by American labor, our own people naturally have less finan cial means with which to buy foreign laces, silks, teas, wines, perfumes, dia monds, works of art, etc. As a revenue-producing measure the Wilson tariff law was a stupendous fail ure. Its authors showed colossal busi ness incompetence in their failure to make it supply anywhere near the amount of revenues required to meet the expenses of the government. The reve nue from the Wilson bill fell short of the estimates of its Democratic framers by no less a sum than $87,000,000, and this, including its sugar import tax, to which many of the Democratic leaders, including President Cleveland himself, had been bitterly opposed. This bill not only did direct dnmage to-mamifacturing Industry everywhere throughout the country, but it had disastrous effects on the nation’s credit, because in causing the revenues to drop heavily below the expenditures it forced the government to draw for its routine expenses on the treasury gold reserve, which was needed to preserve the gold standard of value, and this shrinkage in the gold reserve in turn necessitated the enormous bond is sues in which syndicates secured their notorious “rake-offs.” Ail through 1804 trade demoralization increased, and the government revenues for the lirst six months of the year turn ed out to be nbout $40,000,000 less than tile Democratic Secretary of the Treas ury, Mr. Carlisle, had estimated they would be in his report of December, 1803. Nevertheless the Democratic lead ers failed to heed the warning, but went ahead with their free trade tariff bill without paying the slightest attention to whether or not the bill could produce enough revenue for ruuning the govern ment. Davis Looks Ont for His Own Revenue. The House of Representatives not only struck oft the import taxes on coal, iron ore, and wool, which were exclusively protective duties, and therefore logical subjects for revision, from the Demo cratic standpoint, but it refused to con tinue the sugar duties, which were a revenue tux of the most productive char acter. The Senate, through the influ ence of H. G. Davis, now the Demo cratic vice presidential candidate, whose vast fortune was represented chiefly In coal lands, replaced the duty of 40 cents per ton on coal, which was an utterly Insignificant source of national revenue, hut it restored only such part of the sugar* duties at could play directly into the hands of the sugar trust. Consid ered merely as a law contrived to pro duce sufficient revenue, the Senate bill was undoubtedly superior to the House hill. The Senate sugar tariff, it is true, produced eventually hardly one-half as much revenue as had been yielded by the eugar tariff of 1883, but there was never theless collected from this source, in the first full year Under the ameuded Wilson act, the sum of $20,800,000, none of which revenue would have been obtained by the government under the House bill’s frec-sugar provisions. But the public refused for very obvious reasons to give the framers of the Senate amendments •ny credit for this achievement. On the eve of the passage of the Wilson bill in the upper house it was discovered that several Democratic Senators, whose votes controlled notion on the sugar du ties, were speculating in Wall street in sugar trust stock. The angry public clamor over these disclosures was follow ed by an open tetter from President Cleveland to his supporters in the House, declaring the senatorial changes to be ‘'outrageous discriminations and viola tions of principle”—an assertion which, !u riew of the platform of the majority, was certaiuly not unwarranted. From the floor of the Senate, the Democratic leaders retorted publicly with much show of indignation. When, finally, after a loug and stubborn struggle, the Senate tariff bill prevailed and passed both houses. President Cleveland refused to put iris name to U. and left the bill to become a law without his signature. From Had to Worse. The result of this haphazard reckoning on the revenue was a law which never produced a surplus. Even with its sugar import tax the yield of the Senate bill, in the succeeding year, fell short of the estimate of its authors by uo less a sum than $87,000,000. For this exceedingly ill-tiined miscalculation, the Democratic Fifty-third Congress is properly held re sponsible for the necessity of subsequent bond issues. It is true that both bouses bad added to the hill n tax of two per cent on incomes over $4,000, and in a vague, indefinite way had reckoned that' the product of this tax would make good whatever deficiencies might arise from other schedules. The income tax did not stand the test of examination by the United States Supreme Court, and no public revenue was ever derived from it. Even after the income tax was knock ed out by the £«preme Court, end even after it wag fully demonstrated that tha Wilson law was a stupendous failure as • producer of revenue, the Democratic par ty in Congress refused to amend it so that it could produce enough revenue. The saying, "Millions for defense, but not one cent for tribute,” in this case might have been expressed, “Millions of cost to the country in increasing deficit and loss of credit rather than one cent of protection to any industry in which Democratic leaders themselves did not happen to have some personal financial Interest, like coal and sugar.” WHEN NERO PLAYED A FID DLE WHILE ROME BURNED HE SHOWED NO MORE UTTER IN DIFFERENCE TO THE INTERESTS OF HIS COUNTRY THAN THE LEADERS OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY IN CONGRESS DID IN THAT DISTRESSFUL YEAR 1894 WHEN THEY PLAYED PETTY POLITICS, AND ALSO THE MAR KET FOR SUGAR STOCK, AND WITH BLIND INDIFFERENCE TO A FINANCIAL SITUATION THAT WAS ALREADY DANGEROUS. PUSHED TO ITS PASSAGE A BILL THAT IN TURN WAS TO PUSH THE NATION TO THE VERY VERGE OF BANKRUPTCY. The Stone Instead of the Loaf. The one single proffer of relief from tlie Wilson hill deficit during the entire session of the Fifty-third Congress, Dem ocratic in both branches, was a bill di recting the treasury to coin and use the $55,009,000 “seigniorage” theoretically acquired by the government in buying •ilver at the market price and paying it out in over-valued silver dollars. This bill was a case of offering to the financially distressed nation a stone when a loaf was asked for, for with the gold reserve crumbling to pieces owing to the increasing desire of persons ap prehending a slump to the silver basis to exchange paper and silver money for gold, and owing to the encroachments of the government itself upon the gold re serve because of the increasing deficit, it was obviously a case of trying to sup ply the straw to break the camel’s back to furnish this additional load of silver for the gold reserve to carry at a parity with gold. But what did the Democratic Con gress care if the seigniorage bill was to further damage the credit of the coun try? Never for a moment did the Dem ocrats care to go back on free trade, even to prevent a deficit in the treas ury,/and never for a moment did they c.are to go back on free silver, even to* prevent the fatal consequences to the national credit that the increasing deficit involved. , The seigniorage bill, however, was for tunately vetoed by President Cleveland, who on Qpc silver question at least was right while his party was wrong, and to whom credit is due for refusing to con cede anything to the free silver senti ment during the same period when Al ton B. l’arker and I-Ienry G. Davis were both actively aiding ami abetting free silver with their money and with their votes. Vindictive Treatment of the Proa perltjr Gooee. The Democratic party during those four years acted as if it deliberately sought to kill the goose that lays the golden egg of prosperity. It was a case of give the goose a hit in the head with a big stick, then in order to ward off any feturning signs of animation, a more severe hit, this time in the heart; and then, lest there should be a few sparks of vitality left, a violent kick with the foot, and then another, and then another. And there is nothing in the Democratic platform this year, or in the personal records of the Democratic candidates, Messrs. Parker and Davis, to suggest that the Democratic party would not again attempt the killing of the prosper ity goose if it got the chance. The Democrats want reduction in the tariff, but unless they should pursue a niggardly, drastic policy of cutting down present expenditures in furtherance of the honor and prosperity of the nation, they would need every bit of the present revenues from the tariff to make both ends meet. However, even by pursu ing a policy of ultra niggardliness iu ex penditures for the public good, extrav agance in other ways, coupled with their tariff revision policy, would probably more thau neutralize such saving and necessitate large bond issues. Why should the intelligent voters of the United States give the Democratic party the slightest chance to allow history to re peat itself in another doleful chapter of incompetence, scaudal, business disaster »nd hard times for all classes of people? Parker and Davis belong to the same school as Cleveland as regards free trade, except that Davis has been a protection ist when protection to himself through a high tariff on coal was involved. But ns regards free silver, neither of them showed the moral strength that Cleve land showed in trying to prevent the prosperity of the country from being ut terly crushed—for while Cleveland fought free silver, and fought it hard, Parker aud Davis both voted for it. Parker and the Trnete. Trust magnates having furnished the funds to carry on Parker’s campaign, will now be relegated to the rear. How ever, Cord Meyer of the sugar trust and other representatives of grasping corpo rations have such a hold on the Demo cratic candidate that they will continue to control him. Their relegation to the roar is merely a “blind” to deceive the people. When Parker visited New York he told his managers he <\\ not wish his remarks on the trusts “queered,” and that during the remainder of the cam paign the magnates who have been pa rading and jubilating over his nomina tion should be less open in their demon strations of joy. He further said he could not get close to the people as long as the trust magnates openly shouted for him. Whaf the judge meant was that his wealthy sponsors should “keep dark” until after election, when they could come to the front again. “Probably the greatest harm dona by ▼aat wealth la the haras that wa of moderate means do onreelvee when we let the vices of envy and hatred enter deep inte sir own naturae.”—From Roosevelt's speech st Providence, R. I., August 13rd, 1003. Under the lead of the Republican party nearly all of the time for over forty years the United States, from be ing a third-class power among the na tions, has become in every respect first. “The poorer classes of foreign Illit erates are need to conditions with I which, happily, onr workmen are un familiar.”—Senator Fairbanks In the Senate, January 11. 1808. YOUNG MAN! | Young man, what makes the natiw great? Not mart or boundary or state. Not argosies that sweep the sea— Tis none of these that make us free; Tis none of these that keep us grand. I What is it makes and builds the iand? ’Tis YOU! Young man, who is the country’s guide? Who stands her guard on every side? Not men of war that ride the foam, Nor mountains piercing heaven’s dome, Nor rivers rushing to the strand. Who has the sure and guiding hand? 'Tis YOU! Young man, who is the nation’s guard? Not sullen gates with cannon barred, Not harbor mouth or mountain pass Nor fortresses whsfre warriors mass. Whom does the nation choose for guard? Who o’er her fate keeps watch and ward? ’Tis YOU! Young man! Young man! The endless fight, The endless stress of wrong and right Wherein the ballot tells the tale Is on again—you must not fail! Start right, vote right, think right, young man— Who keeps the land Republican? ’Tis YOU! MR. FAIRBANKS’S LETTER. A Clear and Effective Statement of Republican Principles. Senator Fairbanks’s letter of accept ance is a document which appeals direct ly to the business men and workers gen erally. It states clearly some of the most important, but perhaps not sufficiently understood, tenets of the Republican party in its conflict with Democracy. In calling attention to the service done tj the entire country by the establish ment of the Bureau of Commerce and Labor, with a special department to deal with corporations, the Senator points out the first real attempt by the government to deal with the trust problem. He clear ly sees that the regulation of the great combinations of capital by law is pos sible. is necessary, aud he shows ths consistent course of the Republican party in this regard. As to our foreign policy Senator Fair banks rightly considers that we hafs much to be proud of in the firm, conser vative and thoroughly broad and Chris tian policy which has been adhered to during the years of Republican adminis tration. The tremendous expansion in our trade, our foreign interests and in fluence has been accomplished by peace ful methods, and no remote sign of war has appeared upon our horizon in tho years following the establishment of new National relations or our acquisition of a vast territory in the far East. In his enunciation of the Republican idea of the desirability of closer trade relations with our great neighbor, Can- j ada, the candidate for the Vice Presi- ' J deucy is peculiarly happy. He is plainly for a liberal movement for reciprocity between this country and the people just over the line to the north. He also emphasizes the value of the "open door” secured for. us in China, and promises a continuance of the benefits of that re sult of our recent foreign policy. As a whole, the letter of the Vice Pres idential candidate is a strong paper, ona which commands respect and confidence. Senator Fairbanks is meeting the Ameri can people face to face, from one end of the country to the other, in his very lively campaign. It is well, however, to have in hand his written opinions and a aspirations as a public man on the great >-Jff questions at issue at this moment. rrettj iiiru none Kepnblican. The Washington Star is perfectly right in intimating that all the pretty girls have gone Republican when it says: Better eat ready-made clothing and bet ter made shoes and hats are going on the shelves of the country store. Kural maid ens read the fashion notes and the aids to beauty, and the girls with a home-made look are becoming scarcer. One of the best pieces of work of the Republican party—fortunately for the party in power—has been its building up of the rural delivery system. It has ac complished a tremendous work In the extension of the work of the Postoffice Department. Candidate and Platform. This year's presidential election will not be won by any formal platform. The Republican platform is good, but the Re publican candidate is better. The truth is Mr. Roosevelt is the real platform for both parties. He is the main point of attack by the Democrats and the main source of strength for the Republicans. He would be elected without any plat form except the record of the party and his own. Democratic Trifling. The Democratic party professes a most sacred reverence for the constitu tion, yet by nominating an octogenarian for Vice President it has shown utter disregard for the provision of the con stitution which, in case of the death or inability of the President, devolves his duties upon the Vice President. No party has a right to trifle with great public interests in that maimer. The bill to endow agricultural colleges by land grants and to establish agricul tural experiment stations was introduced many years ago by a Republican Sena tor, Morrill *»f Maine, and was passed by a Republican Congress and signed by a Republican President. These colleges and experiment stations have been of im mense benefit to agriculture. They owe their establishment to the party that “does things.” This country is now in a high state of prosperity. Never before did all the economic forces work together so united ly for national welfare and prosperity as during the last few years. Would h be wise to exchange that condition for one not merely of uncertainty but of al most certain disaster? It is the amount of feed a farmer can raise for his stock and not the num ber of acres ranged over that will gauge his profit for the year. All things equal, irrigation insures t|^e maximum product for each acre of ground. The question is now being discussed as to whether a shadow can occupy space. < The answer must be in the affirmative to those who believe there is a moury plank in the St. Louis platform. BACKED BY THE TRUSTS. The Democratic Cash-Box Is Receiv ing Liberal Contributions. The trusts long ago recognized Presi dent Roosevelt as a dangerous foe to ille gal nnkiopolies. If the money power of the United States could have defeated Roosevelt’s nomination at the Chicago convention lit would have hastened to do so. It saw, in time, that the people had set their hearts upon Roosevelt’s candi dacy, and, leaving the Republicans out of the case, they turned to the Democrats. In Judge Parker they found, apparently, a mun of that cast of mind which toler ates questionable behavior, procrasti nates decisive action, and leans to prece dent so strongly as to balk advance—the very mun for the giant trusts to play with. When Judge Parker’s speech of accept ance was read, his remarks upon the trusts were anxiously scaned by the peo ple. Disappointment came to those who were not already awake to the actual na ture of David Bennett Hill’s mauipula tioms in connection with the nomination of Parker. “Wait till we see where the trusts put their money,” said one wavering Inde pendent, not yet willing to give up the hope of a Democratic tight upon illegal trusts. There was not long to wait. It is a matter of public knowledge that the great trusts are pouring money into the Democratic campaign treasury. The to bacco trust, the sugar trust, the oil trust, the New York transportation trust, all are known to have contributed liberally to Belmont’s treasure chest. These com binations of capital well know how and when to be liberal. They see in the election of Parker their only protection against a straightforward, conrageous chief executive who will enforce the United States laws for the control of combinations of capital and illegal mo nopolies. The trusts do not want Roosevelt for President. The great combinations of capital have delicate susceptibilities when it comes to their immediate or remote prospects for gain. Btet money cannot carry the presidential election. The cer tainty that the trusts are working for Parker will only send hundreds of thou sands of voters to the polls to cast their ballots for Roosevelt. Their own em ployes will vote against the candidate of the trusts. Judge Parker’s shuffling sen tences about a nonexistent “common law” and its possible dealings with the trusts gave the American people their first “jar” as to the position of the Dem ocratic nominee on this question. The heavy contributions of the ‘trusts to the Parker campaign fund have completed the awakeuing ns to the attitude of the great combinations and monopolies in this presidential election. Parker may well say, in this connec tion, as well as in the contemplation of most of his close associates, “Save me from my friends!” Per Capita Cost of Government. Democrats are circulating the state ment that the per capita cost of main taining the government of the United States is greater than in any other one of the leading countries. Thi^ is not | true. In New Zealand, the cost of gov ernment to each inhabitant is highest. It is $38.38. In Australia it is $37.69; in the United Kingdom, $21.39; in France, $17.84; Belgium, $17.40; Para guay, $17.30; Austria Hungary, $12.68; Argentina. $12.68; Cuba, $12.40; Neth erlands, $11.49; Portugal, $11.45; Spain, $10.09; Sweden, $9.54; German Empire, $9.45; Canada, $9.30. In the United States the per capita cost of govern ment is $7.97. The Pavings-Bank Test. In 1896, when McKinley was first elected, there were 988 savings banks; now there ure 1,078, an increase of 10 percent. In 1896 the number of depositors in savings banks was 5,065,494 and the total deposits $1,907,000,000; in 1903 tha number of depositors had increased to 7,305,288, and the deposits to $2,935,000, 000, an increase in round numbers of $1,028,000,000. As deposits in savings banks are mainly by wage earners and persons of moderate means the great in crease in the number of depositors and the aggregate deposits indicates general prosperity—the result of Republican pol icies and administration. assailing the tariff. Democrats Seem Determined to Force a Disturbing Issue. Signs increase that the Democratic leaders are determined to force the tariff issue to the front in the presidential cam paign. While Republicans will welcome the discussion of this question, well knowing that it is sure to add many thousands of votes to their majorities, they cannot but regret the selection of the tariff as the main issue, because of the unfortunate iufluenee it will have up on the business interests of the country. So far this year the presidential cam paign has not blocked business and finan cial activity. Affairs proceed as usual. In all lines of business there is a hope fulness and confidence which is most en couraging. But if the country is to be confronted with another visitation of tar iff revision agitation, with even a re mote chance of success in the election, there is bound to be a great slump in the industrial world and a corresponding depression in all business interests. I It is well remembered what happened ten years ago, when, as President Roose velt puts it, “the last attempt was made by means of lowering the tariff to pre vent some people from prospering too much. The attempt was entirely suc cessful. The tariff law of that year was among the causes which in that year and for some time afterwards effectually prevented anybody fjfom prospering too much, and labor from prospering at all. Undoubtedly it would be possible at the present time to prevent any of the trusts front remaining prosperous by the simple expedient of making such a sweeping change in the tariff as to paralyze the industries of the country.” The people of the United States will not soon court again the destruction and panic of 1893. Once is enough for one generation. There will be a tremendous vote against tariff legislation by the Democrats. The confidence of the country may stand even throughout a tariff revision campaign, but it is risking n good deal to raise that issue in the manner con templated. They, however, have every thing to gain and nothing to lose. They have got to have something to stand upon, and complete failure in every other attack made upon the Republican posi tion has driven them upon the thriff as a standing outpost of Republicanism which can always be assailed, when nothing else affords a convenient target. Bryan’s Name Cheered. It is not believed the Hon. Charles A. Towne was very much humiliated at Fort Wayne, Ind., when his audience wildly cheered mention of Bryan’s name and remained silent when Parker’s name was spoken. Mr. Towne was once a leader of Silverites who went to New York from Duluth, became counsel for corporations and is now campaigning in behalf of the candidate of the trusts. Though Towne ostensibly deserted Bryan for business reasons, he is believed to be still an ardent admirer of the Ne braskan. One of the incidental benefits of Re publican rule is the general improvement in the condition of the roads traversed by rural free delivery carriers. This is particularly true in Western States, where the improvement was most needed. The New York Herald has printed n facsimile of Judge Parker’s gold tele gram. It should furnish a eompanior piece by printing a facsimile of his silvei ballot in 1890 or 1900. THEODORE ROOSEVELT, A Man of Action, Who Con Be Belied on in Emergencies. Theodore Roosevelt occupies a unique position in the estimation of the Ameri can people. It is not that other men in public life are not honest, or earnest or incorruptible—these qualities are not rare. It is that Mr. Roosevelt combines them in an unusual way. He is possess ed of great physical vitality and mental energy; he has of his own taste and his own motion entered into various occu pations that have put him in touch and sympathy with all classes of men, high and low. When he was a ranchman he made the cowboys his friends so that when he became a soldier they clamored to be of his regiment. He became Police Commissioner in New York, not for “the money there was in it,” as was the cus tom in New York, but to see that certain abuses were remedied. They were rem edied in spite of the opposition of other members of the board. He became As sistant Secretary of the Navy in order to carry out certain plans of naval pro gress. He enlisted in the Spanish war from patriotic motives and made a rec ord. He was elected Governor of New York on account of his public services and was nominated for Vice President against his own wishes for the same reason. In all these positions and as President of the United States he has done his duty fearlessly and honestly. The people have learned to regard him as a man of action; as a man who does things, and who can be relied on in an emergency. In common phrase he is regarded as a man “who will do to tie to.” Against such a record as this the neg ative record of a man who has dope nothing but write legal opinions and in dorse Democratic platforms amounts to nothing. As a man of executive ability and of action Judge Parker is “not iu it.” _ Legislative Landmarks. Some of the landmarks of historic legislation created during President Roosevelt’s administration are: (1) The law for the civil government of tile Phil ippines; (2). Corporate legislation, chief of which is that creating the Department of Commerce and Labor, with broad powers, which, in the nature of things, must steadily grow; (3), Cuban reciproc ity, conferring material benefits on both Cuba and the United States; (4), The treaty -and laws that make the Panama canal a certainty; (5). The law for the irrigation of the arid lands of the great West. Against these accomplished results dur ing one administration of the party that does things, the Democratic party has nothing to offer hut empty words and high-sounding promises. “If onr opponents came into power and attempted to carry out tbeir promises to the Filipinos by giving them independence, and withdrawing American control from the islands,., the result would be frightful calamity to the Filipinos themselves, and in its larger aspect would amount to an in ternational crime. Anarchy would fotlowi and the most violent anarchic forces would be directed partly against the civil government, partly against all forma of religions and educational civilisation. Bloody conflicts would inevitably ensue in the archipelago, and last as inevitably the islands would become the prey of the first power which in its own selfish interest took up thetssk we had cravenly aban doned.”—Roosevelt’* letter of acceptance. Taggart's Prophecies. A tip to Republicans: Don't be scared by Chairman Taggart’s prophecies or claims regarding the political outlook. Iu 1804, when he was chairman of the Dem ocratic State Central Committee in In diana, he claimed the State by 10,000 votes up to the uight before the elec tion. The next day the Republicans car ried it by 40,000 plurality.
