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About The frontier. (O'Neill City, Holt County, Neb.) 1880-1965 | View Entire Issue (Oct. 6, 1904)
HOW DEMOCRATS DO THINGS / _ Dreamed They Fathered National Irrigation, but Facts Show It Was Only a Dream. TRUE HISTORY OF REPUBLICAN MEASURE Federal Aid to Irrigation Originated with a Republican Administration Fifteen Years Ago—Roosevelt’s Per sonal Triumph. The Democratic party would hare the uninitiated believe that it is responsible for all good things. Where it could not be successfully contradicted within a given time, it would not hesitate to claim the cred-'t for the Decalogue, the Christian era. the discovery of America, the Declaration of Independence, the ad ministrations of Washington and lin c-oln, the construction of the Panama canal, or, in fact, any old thing. The Democratic press now has the hardihood to openly assert that the party of negation and calamity is responsible for the National Irrigation Act. In keeping with the traditional revelations of its notorious “hindsight” it has dis covered that this same National Irriga tion Act of President Roosevelt’s is cal culated to add a new industrial empire to the United States. It would fain give Ibis the “me-txx>” accent, but it is too late. What are the recorded facts? Let History Speak. The first move on the part of the fed eral government to reclaim the arid West began as far back as 1S89, under Presi dent Harrison’s Republican administra tion. when a bill was passed by Congress authorizing an investigation of this sub ject with a view of ascertaining to what extent the arid regions of the United States can be benefited by irrigation. This bill appropriated $100,000 for topo graphical surveys for the fiscal year end ing June 30, 1889. The money was to be used under the direction of Major Powell, the then head of the geological survey. The work was placed under the super vision of tlie Secretary of the Interior, and Major Powell was directed to make liis report as early a's possible. Upon his report and the recommendations of the Secretary of the Interior, the $100, 000 was supplemented by an additional appropriation of $250,000 by the passage Of an act for the further investigation of the arid regions. A committee of Senators was appointed to visit the arid regions of the different Western States and territories, during the summer of 1890. it completed its work of investi gation and made its report after having traveled 12.000 miles and having been on the road fifty days. Republicans Lead the Way. The Republican national convention held in Philadelphia in June. 1900. re ferred to irrigation in the national plat form as follows: “In further pursuance of the constant policy of the Republican parly to provide free homes on the pub lic domain we recommend adequate Na tional legislation to reclaim the arid lands of the United States, preserving the control of the distribution of water for irrigation to the respective States and territories.” The Democrats, of course, imitating and following the lead of the Republican party in all matters of progress, adopted the following plank in their platform at Kansas City in July. 1900: “We favor an intelligent system of improving the arid laud of the West, storing the waters for the purpose of irrigation and the holding of such lauds for actual settlers.” Roosevelt Priwc Mover. In his message to the Fifty-seventh Congress President Roosevelt clearly and vigorously urged the enactment of legis lation in aid of development by irrigation . of the great arid portions of our coun ' try. Encouraged by the President’s earnest and vigorous recommendation, the members of both branches of Con gress from the arid and semi-arid States met in the early days of the session, ap poiiited a committee of one from each of the said States and territories, with Sen ator Warren of Wyoming, a Republican, as chairman, for the purpose of drafting uu irrigation measure. This committee labored earnestly and faithfully, and finally presented to the fuli representation from the West a bill which was accepted by them, introduced in the Sepate by Senator Hansbrough, a Republican, and in the House by Rep resentative Newland*. which hill, with subsequent amendments, was the founda tion for the present national irrigation act. Oil May 14. 1902, in presenting the bill to the House Congressman Newlauds re ferred to President Roosevelt's message on irrigation and quoted the same in its entirety, thus admitting that the Presi dent’s influence for the measure was the •strongest at that time. President Altera Bill. This measure was known as the Hans brongh-Newianjls bill, and became the basis upon which the committee work was done, but as drafted it never became a law. It was discussed by a self-con stituted committee of representatives from all the States concerned, which met nearly every day during December and on Dec. 2S agreed upon the form of the revised hill, which, after still further changes by the Senate committee, passed the Senate without revision on March 2, 1902. But in the form in which it was rec ommended by the general committee of (t which Mr. Newlauds was secretary, and in which it passed the Senate, the bill was unacceptable to President Roosevelt os affording speculators and large land owners opportunity to monopolize the benefits of tile act. Mr. Roosevelt there fore sent for Senator Hansbrongh: and Representatives Metcalf. Moody and Reeder, all 'Republicans, who would have charge of the hill in the House, and warn ed them that unless changed in certain respects he should be compelled to veto i it. > t'lirricmnttn the Sharks. The specific changes that he required • era, first, tb."L the Secretary of the In terior should be empowered to withdraw from entry all lands proposed to be irri gated, instead of only those required for reservoirs and ditches as provided in the bill: that no water should be sold or de livered except to bona fide settlers, ac tually living on the land to which the water was applied—which was not in the Newlands bill—and that the words: “but State and territory laws shall gov ern and control the appropriation, use and distribution of the waters rendered available under this act,’’should be strick en out ns virtually subjecting the control of Federal work to State Legislatures, some of which he doubtless believed, but did not say so, to be unfit to exercise such a trust, and as certainly exposing the settlers to the dangers of endless and ruinous - litigation. At the Presi dent’s express requirement the bill was amended in these respects and became the law as it stands to-day. Unprecedented Force. There ihad been attempts for many years to get the government to go into the irrigation business, but all failed un til President Roosevelt took hold of the project. In his first annual message to Congress in 1901 he called attention to the necessity of providing water for the arid lands and said: “The object of the government is to dispose of the laud to settlers who will build homes upon it. To accomplish this object water must be brought within their reach.” The national government’s policy, he pointed out, should be to aid irrigation in the several States and territories in such a manner as will enable the people in the local communities to help them selves and a« will stimulate needed re forms in the State laws and regulations governing irrigation. He likewise re minded the East, which was against this policy at the time, that the reclamation and settlement of the arid lands will en rich every portion of our country just as the settlement of the Ohio and Missis sippi valleys brought prosperity to the Atlantic States. Final Personal Triumph. With his accustomed vigor and intelli gence President Roosevelt exerted influ ence in this direction on Congress, won the timid and the vacillating over to his side, and the National Irrigation Law was enacted on June 17, 1902. That law, be it remembered, grew out of his message of 1901, was enacted by a Republican Congress, ably coached by Mr. Roose velt. The measure became a law with his signature. The Republican National Irrigation Act of 1902, signed by Presi dent Roosevelt, was a fitting and natural supplement to the Republican Free Homes Law of 1802, signed by President Lincoln. To President Roosevelt, therefore, and to him alone, is due the fact that there was any National irrigation at all in that Congress, and that the law, as enacted, absolutely protects the poor man and renders any large homings of national irrigated land impossible forever. And this is how the Democrats are “responsible” for national irrigation. Resolutions by Business Men. At the ninth annual convention of the National Association of Agricultural Im plement and Vehicle Manufacturers, held at Minneapolis Oct. 15 to 17, 1902, the committee on resolutions reported as fol lows: Resolved, That we congratulate the coun try on the passage of the National Irriga tion Act and express our profound appre ciation of the aid and co-operation of Pres ident Roosevelt, and all friends of that measure In the Senate and House of Rep resentatives. In seeming the passage of that act. We believe this action by Congress marked the conception of one of the great est projects ever undertaken by any gov ernment, and that It Inaugurates a new era in the progress of till* nation anil the de velopment of Its Internal trade and com merce and the enlargement of the home market for all our manufactures; that the irrigable arid lands, which arc estimated to comprise nil area of over lUO.UUO.OUO acres, can and should he reclaimed just as rapidly as settlers will take them und re pay the cost to the government of Irriga tion works built for their reclamation. Why Justice Hus Not Been Done Before. The West has been for years insist ing that some legislation should be in augurated by Congress looking to the re clamation of the arid public lands owned by the government and constituting in some States 95 per cent of the area. One reason this agitation has progressed slow ly has been that the portion of the coun try most interested in the question is scantily settled and has not the influ ence in national councils which numbers give. j Another reason was that it was diffi cult for those living in humid States to form any proper conception of the irri gation question, and the senators and Representatives from States having no direct interest in the question have been slow to acquire the information neces sary to bring them to a full realization of its importance. It is not specially strange that so many American citizens should be unfamiliar with this subject. It is one that does not present itself in a practical way in the portion of our country which contains nine-tenths of our entire population. While the arid region is of vast extent, it is but thiniy settled. It is estimated that under the National Irrigation Act the West will be capable of sustaining 80,000,000 peo ple. Well Merited Tribute. In a leading editorial in Maxwell's Talisman,. George H. Maxwell, one of the best informed men on irrigation in the United States says: And those of this generation who will en joy these benefits snd advantages and the untold and countless millions who will la the years and In the generations to come In habit those lands and live in the homes which will be there created, will owe the great boon which will be theirs to the clear sighted courage and Inflexibility of purpose of President Roosevelt. It Is not possible to explain In such a way as to be under stood bv anyoue not familiar with every detail of the situation how much the friends of the notional Irrigation movement owe to President Roosevelt for his aid In bringing about the amendments to the Irrigation bill In tills session of Congress. Without his Interest and friendly interposition It Is doubtful whether the amendments of the bill could have been accomplished. Had It not been for the President, the friends of the national Irrigation movement who stand for home-making as against land specula tion, would have had to tight und defeat the eompromise committee lull and then be gin all over again, gather their forces ami make a new sturt In the next Congress. As It Is now, the work of the last three years has been preserved by the action or the President and the bill Is now In such shape that every friend of the home-maker can heartily support it. An Ideal American. Whnt this country want* now is men —not a few of them, but a multitude—a vast majority of her citizens who shall be just such men as Theodore Itoosevelt, of strong and rugged physique, shirking no labor, however hard, able to stand the strain of sturdy integrity, guided by high civic ideals, standing inflexible and inexorably for the truth and the right. His own words from his address, "The Strenuous Life,” may be taken as the very basis and foundation for a new source of philosophy and national policy which will guard against all social dan gers if the people of thi^ country will but heed them: In the last analysis, a healthy state can exist only when the men and women who make It up lead clean, vigorous, healthy lives; when the children are so trained that they shall endeavor not to shirk dltllcultles but to overcomo them, not to seek ease hut to Unow how to wrest triumph from toll and risk. The man must be glad to do a man's work, to dare and emlure and to labor, to keep himself and to keep those dependent upon him. The woman must be the housewife, the helpmeet of the home maker. the wise and zealous mother of many healthy children. Here is a remedy that goes to the foundation. The words are those of a leader and carry with them a warning and an admonition. Theodore Roosevelt has coined a word that we should take as a national watchword and set it up as a beacon light on every hilltop throughout the nation: "Homemaker.” METHUSELAH ANDTHESPHINX Come all ye Bryan Democrats, Vour peerless leader slinks: Come all ye bloated plutocrats, Forget your former kinks; The banners float for and you must vote for Methuselah aud the sphinx. Come all ye scattered Democrats That sulk like frightened minks, So lean that we can -see your slats. As hungry as the lynx; The banners float for and you must vote for Methuselah and the sphinx. Come all ye hopeless Democrats, While Parker thinks he thinks, Climb off the ship like frightened rats, Before the old thing sinks; The banners float for and you must vote for Methuselah and the sphinx. —Chicago Chronicle. Words of Cheer for the Democracy. It has been given out to the forlorn and drooping Democracy that “Willie Hearst is loosening up”; that he has been induced to put in a few thousands to open headquarters for the National Democratic Clubs. The hungry know well that this means that Hearst aspires to be a candidate again, but they are not worrying about 1908 now. Four years ago Hearst was presi dent and footer of bills for the National Democratic Clubs. The members met, if memory serves aright, at Indianapolis, expecting to greet their president. But lie sent one of his hired men to receive the greetings of liis admirers. This dampened the ardor of the crowd, de spite the fact that their fare back home was paid. The November election set tled the whole concern, but it seems that the N. D. C. is to be resurrected, what little there is left of its ashes. Democratic Financial Manaarement. On the 1st of July, 1892, the last year of the Harrison administration, the total bonded debt of the United States was, in round numbers, $585,000,000. On the 1st of July, 1897, the last year of the sec ond Cleveland administration, the total bonded debt was $843,000,000, an in crease of $258,000,000 during four years of perfect peace. July 1, 1892, the annual interest charge on the public debt was $gz,893, 000. July 1, 1897, it was $34,387,000, an increase of $11,494,000 during four years of Democratic administration. A party that cannot administer the government during a short period of four years without largely increasing the public debt and the annual interest ac count is not fit to be entrusted with the control of affairs. Two Judges with Political Pasts. Democracy can always be depended on to blunder. The nomination of Judge Parker was a blunder, because he re ceived his early political training from D. B. Hill, one of the most notorious wire-pullers and workers in devious ways New York hns produced. The nomina tion of D. Cady Herrick for Governor of New York, also was a blunder, be cause he was "boss'’ of the Democratic “machine” at Albany before his election to the bench. The Albany "machine” has « reputation as unenviable as Tam many’s. The last few years of Republican ad ministration have added untold millions to the agricultural wealth of the country by opening new markets for farm pro ducts at constantly improving prices. The beauty of the Republican policy of pro tection is that it develops manufactur ing and agricultural interests on paral lel lines. “We do not have to guess at onr con* vlctlons, and theh correct the guess if It seems unpopular. The Principles which we profess are thoee in which wc believe with heart and soul and strength. Men may differ from nsi but they cannot accuse ns of ahiftiaess or insincerity.”-Roosevelt's letter of ac ceptance. According to astronomers it is about 25 trillions of miles, as the crow flies, from the earth to Alpha Centauri, the nearest fixed star. It is about the same distance from Ksopus to the White House by the Democratic route. WAGES AND COST OF LIVING Grot'squs Attempt by Democrats to Twist Facts for Campaign Consumption. GROSSLY IRAGCURATE STATEMENTS Country Is Not in Throes of a Disastrous Business Depression, and Workingmen Continue to Prosper — What the Figures Show. Nothing ooulil better illustrate the in finite capacity of the -(emocratic party for doing the wrong thing at the right moment than its attempt to outface acknowledged industrial conditions with the bald statement of its campaign text book—"that business depression of this -year is greater than was that of 1893 and 1894.” As there are as many milliorf Ameri can voters as there are millions engaged in industrial pursuits whose exi*erieucc spans the decade, and who know this to be most fortunately false, there is no need to waste time in refuting it. The Democratic depression that prevailed from 1893 to 1897 paralyzed industry in every section of the United States, and its pinch was felt in every home. The “business depression of —/s year” is so largely a figment of Democratic imagi nation that it requires a magnifying glass to be seen, and wlint there is of it is rapidly fading from sight as the prospects ot a great Republican victory become more certain. But the Democratic campaign book is not satisfied with this grotesque generali sation. so jt attempts to controvert the Republican1claim of prosperous times in farm, office and workshop with the as sertion that no one is better off by rea son of increased incomes, because the cost of living has increased dispropor tionately. How utterly and irrationally absurd is* this contention is proved by the fact that if prices were advancing more rapidly than the earnings of the grent mass of the people, the great mass of the people would soon be irretrievably insolvent or their purchases worn., be so curtailed that the volume of business would be enormously reduced. There is no possibility of making a scientific comparison of tue relative in crease in wages and the cost of living, because they are controlled by different factors. The rate of wages is controlled by industrial conditions: the co4t of liv ing is controlled by the individual. No man can fix his income at will; any man can limit his expenditures. Let condi tions provide sufficient wages to the workingman, and it rests with him to say by what margin he will live within his income. The larger that income the larger his possible surplus. If better wages breeds extravagance, the result, in the language of Mieawber, is misery; if they are expended with economy, the result is an accumulation of wealth and happiness. Convincing Testimony. Good times under Republican admin istration has provided the better wages, nnd the economy of the American peo ple has piled up the means of content ment and happiness, as is evidenced by the following statement of the number of depositors and deposits in the savings hanks of the United States for the eleven years from 1893 to 19UJ, inclusive: Year. No. Depositors. Deposits. 1888 .4.880,588 $1,785,150,857 1894 .4,777.087 1,747,901,280 1895 .4,875,519 1,810,597.023 1396 . 5.065,494 1,007,156.277 1897 . 5.201,132 1.939,370,033 1898 . 5,383.740 2,005,631,208 1899 . 5,087,818 2.230.300,954 1900 ..6,107,083 2.449,547.883 11X11 .6.358.723 2.597,094,580 1902 . 6,066,672 2.750,177,290 11X13 ...7,305,228 2,933,204.845 The Democratic depression of 1S93 nnd 1894, to which the campaign book inadvertently directs attention, was marked by a falling off in deposits of over $37,000,000 in one year. Between 1893 and 1903 the average due each depositor increased from $3(19 to $417. More significant than the increase in deposits is the fact that in 1903 there were 2,474,029 absolutely new savings bank depositors in the United States, marking an increase of nervrV 50 per cent, during a period whei^the total population only increased 24 per cent. Col. Wright’s Summery. Turning now to the direct comparison of the advance in wages and cost of liv ing during the period under review, the Democrats affect the greatest contempt for the government statistics, which, under the able, conscientious nnd un biased direction of Carroll D. Wright, present the following instructive sum mary: Course of employment, wages, hours o ot food, and purchasing power of weekly e 1903. (Relative numbers computed on basis Employes— Horn Relative week Year. Number uuinl 1893 . 99.2 1894 . 94.1 18(95. 96.3 1398 . 98.3 1397 .100.9 1898 .100.3 1899 .110.9 1900 .115.5 1901 .119.1 11*02 .123.6 1903 .126.4 These figures present the results of an extensive investigation into the wages and hoars of lubor in the leading manu facturing and mechanical industries of the United States during the period nam ed. It has designed to cover thoroughly the principal destinetlve occupations, and Mr. Wright, in submitting it (see Bulle tin of th? Bureau of Labor, No. 53, July, 1904,) oay«: “It is believed that the data presented are more comprehensive and representative so far as the manu factoring and mechanical industries are concerned than any that have been here tofore published.” The figures ns to income and expen diture are summarized from doga gath ered from 2,507 families, in 33 States, whose average income from all sources was $927 a year, whose average expen diture was $708, and whose average expenditure for food was $320 per fam ily, or 42.54 per cent, of the average expenditure for all purposes. This data was corroborated by other information in less detail form, from 25,440 families, and so is entitled to be accepted ns rep resentative. The most cursory examination of the above table reveals tile fart that the purchasing power of wages, measured by retail prices of food, was 5 per cent, greater in 1003 than in 1803, and this in spite of the fart that the hours per week had been reduced 3.7 per cent. But more conducive to the wide dis semination of tile prosperity than these proofs of the increased purchasing pow er of wages, is the fact revealed in the column .giving tile relative number of persons employed in the establishments investigated. Between 1894 and 1003 the increase in the number of employes re ceiving these wages with increased pur chasing [rower was 34.3 per cent., while in the meantime the population of the i United States only increased 21 per cent. Democracy’* Last Resort. Disheartened and disgusted with the wide distribution of prosperity in the homes, workshops and bank accounts of American wage earners, demonstrated by these figures, the Democrats appeal to "railroad labor as affording the most ac curate barometer of wages." Here, they say, “a large proportion of the employes are union men, whose wages are com paratively steady.” > Then the compilers of the Democratic campaign book begin to joggle with the very averages and percentages they af fect to despise. They institu^ compari sons between 1892, when railway wages were at high tide, and 1901, when they had scarcely recovered from Democratic recession of 1893-1890. They suppress the fact that the statistical average of railway wages was less affected by the Democratic hard times than the average of other industries, for the obvious rea son that as forces were reduced in num bers the proportion of high priced em ployes retained because of their experi ence was greater. -iney aiso cunemae rneir comparisons with the year ending June 30th, 1902, well knowing that the statistics of the Interstate Commerce Commission for that year only reflect a month or two of the advance in railway wages o'f that calendar year, which did not reach flood tide until July, 1DQ3. Not until the statistics of the Interstate Commerce Commission for the year 1903-1904 are published next summer will it be pos sible to make an authoritative compari son of the wages of railway employes and the cost of living in the year 1903. But the report of the Commission for the fiscal year 1003 is available, and it furnishes the following data, which throws light on the rich slice of pros perity which has fallen to the share of railway employes: Nt’MnER AND COMPENSATION OF !w,m4M:1'I'OIES IN THE YEARS }'***• Number. Compensation. 1903 .1,812,537 $775,321,415 ISO" . S23.478 405.8O1.31S Increase . 4SI),001 $309,710,834 Increase per cent.. 50.4 66.5 Increase of compensation relatively over nnmber . 7,1 That this relative increase of compen sation, compared with that in the num ber of railway employes, does not tell the whole truth is proved by the follow ing tnble: AVERAGE DAILY COMPENSATION OF CERTAIN DISTINCTIVE CLASSES OF RAILWAY EMPLOYES FOR TI1K YEARS ENDING JUNE SOT II, 1897. AND 1903 (vide sixteenth ominnl report of the statistics of rsllways In the middle States for 1003, p. 43.) Dally Compen- Increase average sntlon per Class. 1897. 1903. cent. Englnemen .$3.05 $1.01 9.9 Firemen . 2.05 2.28 11.2 Conductors . 3.07 3.38 lo!l Other trainmen . 1.90 2.17 14.2 Section foremen _ 1.70 1.78 4.7 Other trackmen . 1.10 1.32 13.8 What the Figures Prove. It will be observed that these six dis tinctive classes of railway employes, em bracing almost half of all the railway employes In the United States (591,475 in 1903 against 308,503 in 1S97) were receiving an average daily compensation t labor, weekly earnings and retail prices lrniugs relatively to prices of food 1393 of average for 1890-1800-1900.) Retail Tur. power s per Weekly prices weekly wages relative earnings of food rel. to price ier relative, relative, of food. 00.3 101.2 104.4 96.9 99.8 97.7 Ml.# 98.0 00.1 9.3.4 97.-H 100.6 99.8 99.5 95.5 104.2 99.0 99.2 96.3 102.0 99.7 10O.0 98.7 101.3 90.2 101.2 99.5 101.7 98.7 104.1 100.1 103.0 95.1 105.9 1 05.2 lno.7 97.3 109.3 110.9 98.6 90.0 112.3 110.3 101.8 during the year 1902-3 more than 10 per cent, greater than during the year 1890 1897. Moreover, it Is u notorious fact that these averages do not begin to rep resent the increase in the earnings of railway employes during the summer of 1903. when the rale of pay of certain classes was raised from 10 to 15 per cent. In that year, too, there were 227.912 more persons eniployed in the six classes named than in 1897, and according to the Interstate Commerce Commission they were receiving the increased daily aver age pay where they received nothing in the year last uumed. Finally, returns gathered from the an nual reports for the year ending June 30th, 1904, of eight representative rail ways in different parts of the country, having a total mileage of 10,587 miles, indicate that the compensation of their employes has increased more than 10 per cent, over the year previous, while «be number of their employes has remained , practically stationary, as is shown in the following table: Number unit compensation of employee of eight representative railways: Year ending Compensa* June30— No. employes. lion. • lflot .104,344 flit!,490,667 1903 .103,891 UO.gti.l.flOT Increase . 463 6,216.570 Increase per cent... 0.4 10.3 Here at last we see truly reflected the effect of the horizontal raise in the wages of railway employes made as the result of the widespread labor agitation in the summer of 1903. The advance was variously estimated at the time as train 12 to 15 per eent.. and any statistics that fail to show it must be distorted by the introdnotion of some factor, such as a disproportion of low price labor tending to reduce the average. In connection with the above proof of the 10 per cent, advance in railway wages in one year, it should be remem bered that the decline in prices la-gun in 1003 continues. If the Democrats are willing to ac cept the pay of railway labor as the most accurate barometer of wages, the Re publican party can call to the witness stand 1.312.337 railway employes to testify to the fact that, measured by what it will buy, their income of 1904 is higher than it was in 1897, and near ly half a million of them can truthfully nfllrm that they received no compensa tion whatever in 1897 where, according to the above system of average compen sation, they now divide some $275,000, 000 among them, or about $508 apiece. KILKENNY HARMONY. That la the Kind that Frevnlls Among New York Democrat*. Not since the traditional cats of Kil kenny wore hung across a line by their tails has there been such nn amusing harmony of subdued discord as is heard in New York, now that Judge D. Cady Herrick has been nominated by the Dem ocrats for governor. Judge Parker want ed Edward M. Shepard, or District At torney Jerome nominated for governor in order to galvanize bis campaign into the semblance of life. David P>. Hill wanted John B. Stanch field. because Stanciitieid best represent ed the organization outside of New York City, to which Mr. Hill owes his ascend ancy in the State Democracy. Mt. Hiil had uo use for Herrick, who, as Demo cratic boss of Albauy County, has been a thorn in his side'for years. But. it is said, he accepted Herrick and put him in nomination on the principle of the salesman who sold a coat marked $15 for $10, on doubtful credit, because he would lose less if the bill was never paid. Hill will lose less in Herrick’s defeat than if he had succeeded in nomi nating liis friend Stanchlield. Senator Patrick H. McCarren, the Brooklyn boss, to whom Judge Parker owes ins nomination, wanted Comptrol ler Grout nominated, and for a time lie had Mr. Hill's ostensible support for Grout. Judge Parker aud Hill went back on McCarren; the former to ptacatf Charles F. Murphy and Tammany, and the latter because he couldn’t help him self. Tammapy accepted Herrick because it was williug to accept anybody who stood for the discomfiture of Boss McCarren. As a tomahawk in the hands of Charles F. Murphy with which to dispatch Mc Carren, D. Cady Herrick would serve Tammany much better than either Shep ard or Jerome. Besides, did not Judge Herrick's career on the bench present sterling claims on the admiration and necessities of 'Tam many? His abuse of his judicial posi tion to the political exigencies in Albany is along the line of what Tammany con siders the higher walks of polities. 'More over, hns he not practically pardoned an official blackmailer and protector of dis orderly houses by imposing a paltry tiiia of $1,000 on the notorious police Captain Diamond?—a stroke of judicial leniency toward corruption in New York City pe culiarly attractive to Tammany. If jo would so act as judge, what prodigies of clemency to “good men” might he not perform as governor? So Tammany drop ped Mayor McClellan and swallowed Herrick and his record with genuine rel ish and noisy gusto. Not so. however, the Democratic press • of New York City. The WORLD takes its medicine with evident nausea; tha TIMES turns Herrick’s picture to (ho wall and fixes its gaze on Judge Parker, with the reflection that one bonorabla nomination in four years is as far as tbs New York Democracy can be expected to pander to the somewhat blunted moral sentiment of its constituency. The EVENING POST openly repudiates Herrick, saying that a proper regard for its own reputation forbids giving him the negative support of silence. Prom this brief resume it may hs gathered that the elements for a harmo nious Democratic caiupaigu in New York are all that could be desired—from a Republican point of view. Porker's Admission. Judge Parker's letter of acceptance stands pat—on Republican achievements, but coyly admits that its writer would be a safer man at the National throttle than President Roosevelt so long as a Republican Senate sits on the safety valve. If the protective tariff is "rob bery” he is willing to turn sneak thief; if we burglarized Panama be is willing to keep the stolen goods; if order No. 78 lets down the liars for a pension scandal he will revoke the order, but let tbe bars remain down just the same. It is a very pretty confession that the Repub licans have administered the government so wisely, diligently and effectively that they deserve a vacation, while tie tries his prentice hand at running it without reversing a single lever. Prnlse from » Democratic Newspaper. The New York Times, one of tbe Democratic newspapers which has Itcen deuouuci" • President Roosevelt's Philip pine policy, recently printed ap editorial leader on the settlement of the Priam' laud question. The article coin-lodes: "It is creditable both to the intelligence ami ihe humanity of the goverumont.” If the Times was less partisan it isnild truthfully say that every a t of tbe Roosevelt administration in dealing with the Philippine question was creditable to the I'nited States. ■‘The expend itnree of the Notion have been managed in a spirit of ee immy as far removed from waste ns tr-m niggardliness! ami in the future every effort will be continued to e i-urr hn eronom v os atrict ns ir csn.i.ttid.nitb efficiency.”—Itoon veii'r n-n«r <n - c. i 'Sism.