SUPPLEMENT TO THE
\ y NEILL FRONTIER
Thursday, October 22,1890.
WORDS OF PATRIOTS.
Frominont Stump Speakers on
Sound Money, Protection and
National Honor.
RECENT CAMPAIGN ORATORY.
Makers of History Record Utterances
Which Are Bound to Live
for Ages.
What. the Republican Party Stands
For.
maj. Mckinley.
'“The political situation of the country
i fs peculiar. Wc have hud few parallels
I to our present political condition. We
WJiave but one political party which is
/ united, and that is ours. (Applause.)
.-A, DUcord reigns in all others. Our time
honored opponent, the Democratic party,
is torn and divided. Two national con
ventions have been held by it and two
national tickets presented, and their plat
forms are totally different on every suh
Joct and in almost every section. The
Pspuiist party has merged its organiza
tion into that of the Chicago Demo
cratic and St. Louis silver organizations,
and their allies are for the most part
harmonious except that each one has n
distinct and different candidate for vice
president. (Great laughter and ap
plause.) •
L
t
“Happily the Itepublican party was
never more closely united than now, both
in fact and in spirit, and there were
never better reasons for such union, and
■ever greater necessity for it than now’.
^Cheers and cries of ‘That’s right.’) It
la wedded, devotedly wedded, to party
principles. It stands as it has always
•tood, for an American protective tariff
which shall raise enough money to con
duct the several departments of the gov
ernment, including libera) pensions to
the Union soldiers. (Tremendous cheer
ing and hurrahs for McKinley.) A tariff
that will stop debts and deficiencies and
make the treasury of the United States
once more safe and sound in every par
ticular. (Applause.) It stands for a re
ciprocity that seeks out the markets of
the world for our surplus agricultural
and manufacturing products without sur
rendering a single day’s wages that be
longs to the American workman. (Ap
plause.) It believes in preserving a
home market for the American farmer
t plause), in the opening of the Ameri
> factories for the American workiug
n (applause), and the opening up of a
eign market wherever it can be done
with profit to all the great interests of
the United States.
“It is, too, for sound money (great
cheering), every dollar tvorth 100 cents
(renewed cheering), every dollar as good
as gold (continued cheering), and it Is op
posed alike to the free and unlimited
coinage of silver, and the issuance of ir
redeemable paper money to which the
allied party seemed firmly committed.
(Great applause.) It has always kept
silver at a parity with gold. It proposes
to keep that silver money in circulation
and preserve side by side gold and silver
and paper, each the equal to the other,
and each the equal of the best, and
the best never to be inferior to the hest
money known to the commercial nations
fit the world. (Load cheering.) It
will continue to favor a policy that will
give work to American citizens (ap
plause), markets to American farmers
(cries of ‘That's what we want,'), and
sound money to both. (Tremendous
cheerings and cries of ‘Hurrah for Mc
Kinley") We are now convinced after
three years of experience, whatever may
have been our political relations in the
past, of the truth of the observation of
jVebster, made more than half a century
ago. You will recall that he said:
‘That is the truest American policy
which shall most usefully employ Ameri
can capital and American labor and best
sustain the whole American population,’
(Great applause.)
6 W ■ ^ commerce anu manutac
v -£ur£8 Will prosper together or fail to
1 gotner. Equally true also were the
f words of John Quincy Adams, ‘That the
great interests of this agricultural, min
ing and manufacturing nation are so
linked in unison that no permanent cause
of prosperity to one of them can operate
without extending its influence to the
other.’ (Applnuse.) Wo cannot hare
commercial growth and expansion with
out national and individual honor.
“We cannot have commercial prosperity
without the strictest integrity both of
government and citizen. (Renewed ap
plause and cries of ‘That’s right.’) The
financial honor of this government is of
too vast importance, is entirely too sa
cred to be the football of party politics.
(Great applause and cries of ‘Good,
good.’) The Republican party has main
tained it and is pledged to maintain it.
It haB more than once ■ stood between
good faith and dishonor and when it
gave up the control of the government
our national honor had never before been
so high and unquestioned. (Applause.)
The Republican party is pledged to main
tain the credit pf the government which
is intimately associated with its smtless
name and honor, and this it will do un
der any circumstances and at anv cost
(Great cheering.) *
“It taxed the credit of the government
In the days of the war to its utmost ten
sion to preserve the government itself,
which, under God, it was happily en
abled to do. Following that mighty
struggle it lifted our credit higher than
It had ever been before and made it
equal to the oldest and wealthiest na
tions of the world. (Applause and
cries of ‘That's right.’) It is pledged
to maintain uncorrupted the currency
of the country of whatever form or
kind that has been used by national au
thority. It made the old greenback as
good as gold and has kept it as good as
gold ever since. It has maintained every
form of American money, whether sil
ver or paper, equal to gold, and it. will
\ Hot take any backward step. (Great up
\ plause and cries of ‘Good, good.’) \o
/ party ever went out of power which left
so maguifleant a record as the Repub
lican party. (Cries of ‘That’s right.’)
Our great war debt was more than two
thirds paid off. our currency unquestioned,
our credit untarnished, the honor of the
union unsullied, the country in its ma
terial conditions stronger than it had
ever been before; the workingmen better
employed and better pa id than ever be
fore with prosperity in every part of the
republic and in no part ail idle working
man who wanted to work. tTrciueudous
applause.)
Bryan tor Flat Money.
EX-SENATOU WARNER MILLER.
Mr. Bryan at heart Pares nothing for
the free coinage of silver. Mr. Bryan
is first and last a believer in fiat money,
and he is only using the free coinage
of silver to arrive at that finally. This
is a serious charge to make, but if 1
cannot prove it I will apologize publicly
for it.
I In the September number of the Arena
I —just last month—there is an article on
the currency by Mr. Bryan, in which
lie criticises Mr. Cleveland severely for
using bonds in time of peace, and espe
cially for selling them to a syndicate.
He says: “When the United States,
without waiting for the aid or consent
of any other nation, opens its mints to
the free and unlimited coinage of gold
and silver at the present legal ratio of
It! to 1 it will bring real relief to its peo
ple, and will lead the way to the restora
tion of bimetallism throughout the world.
It will then be prepared to perfect its
financial system by furnishing a paper
money invested with legal tender quali
ties and sufficient in volume to supply
the needs of the government. Its paper
money will not be loaned then to favor
ites, but will be paid out in the expenses
of government, so that all may receive
the benefits.”
This is fiat money, pure and simple.
Mr. Bryan proposes to stop taxation and
pay the expenses of the government by
printing fiat money. This government
once launched upon that boundless sea
would as certainly fall and go down as
did the French republic, which was set
up at the close of the last century by
a lot of theorists and revolutionists.
They issued during a few years forty
thousand millions of francs of fiat money
called assignats and mandats. They
gave a legal-tender quality to it, but
while it could pay debts they could
not compel people to take it in pur
chase. In other words, they could give
legal-tender quality to the money, but
they could not give purchasing power
to it. From day to day it was issued,
until finally it all disappeared as utterly
worthless. Not a single franc of it was
ever paid or redeemed, and the people
who had parted with their property
for it were rendered paupers. Their
property was gone and the money they
had received was valueless.
Shall this be a lesson to us? And
can we contemplate the probability of
putting into power as President of the
United States a man who holds such
views? In my humble opinion there is
but one way to bring us back to prosper
ity and to the path of progress, and that
is to return to the system of adminis
tration which has been of such great
benefit to us in the past, and to follow
in that path, to follow the lamp of ex
perience. To do that every true, honest
American citizen, without distinction of
party, should unite in this attempt at
restoration, and should by an overwhelm
ing majority stamp out now and forever
the heresy and the folly of a cheap and
debased currency.
Bryan as an Orator.
HENRY D. ESTABROOK.
But Mr. Brynn I know somewhat, and
find in his habits of life many things
to admire. He is a man of undoubted
talent, a talent for the stage, perhaps,
rather than for statecraft. He'is a kind
husband and an indulgent father. He
does not smoke or chew, drink or swear,
steal or gamble—in short, he has not a
single redeeming vice that I know of.
unless it might be lying: and even there
I have had spells of thinking he believes
himself. Moreover, Mr. Bryan is a man
of rare eloquence, although anyone read
ing his speeches would be pardoned for
doubting the assertion. Reduced to
cold type his words become mere rant
and bombast, while those self-same
words, spoken in Bryan's voice—a voice
as mellifluous as the sweetest pipe in
yonder organ—would stir your heart,
just as would the voice of a great sin
ger, by the very quality of tone. Add to
this a handsome, graceful presence and
u fire and energy of action, and you can
imagine that it matters very little to
Mr. Bryan’s audience what Mr. Bryan
says, so long as he keeps on saying it.
The mistake he made in Madison
Square garden was in the attempt to ar
gue. He ought never to do that, for
the divine attribute of reason was left
out of his mental makeup.
But, my friends, there is not a word
in this encomium which would not with
equal truth and appropriateness apply
to another famous Nebraskan, whose ex
ploits are inseparably linked with the
history of Omaha; whose habits are as
regular as the sun. whose character is
as impeccable as Bryan’s own, whose
presence is just as handsome, whose
powers of speech were formerly just as
great and have wrought many an audi
ence to tears, to laughter and to fren
zy; a man who, like Bryan, was pos
sessed of a talking devil, and who today,
jn Madison square,
bourne from which no
ev
Ne
No
ew York—that
obraskan booms
to return—is feeding breadcrumbs
to the sparrows. That man is George
Francis Train. And it must be remem
bered that Mr. Train once ran for the
presidency, just as Mr. Bryan is doing,
on a ticket of his own. 1 say that the
ticket on which Mr. Bryan is running
for the presidency is essentially his
own, although two other gentlemen have
been casually mentioned in connection
with it—one trying to get off and the
other trying to get on. Here, you ob
serve, is a sort of political cerebus, with
not the best of feeling between the ca
nine collaterals. Mr. Bryan’s predica
ment is not without embarrassment. He
must feel as bewildered with these two
appendages as the proverbial cat with
a like number of tails. He has probably
prevailed upon Mr. Sewall to stay where
he is, whereas Tom Watson wants to
..?#• *1*° wants to know where he is
at. He wants to know whether he is
a candidate for tlic viec-prcsideuev or
only a vermiform appendix.
An Assault on the National Govern
ment.
DON M. DICKINSON.
. I>t us see what confronts us. What
is this free government that we hear
about from the rostrum only occasion
ally on the Fourth of July and gala
days? But a word about this funda
mental expression, lip to the estab
lishment of the American government,
governments had failed on the face of
the earth for the object for which gov
ernments are formed.
The theory is that this is the best
government and the only free govern
ment which achieves for the people
the largest amount of happiness, corn
fort and prosperity for the greatest
number. Now. they had tried emper
ors, lodging absolute power of legisla
tion. the execution of laws, and all
judgment upon laws in one man. and
it failed: the people were oppressed
and made serfs. They tried then oli
garchy. a government of many men:
it. tailed for the purposes lor which it
was founded; so that all monarchy and
all systems and every republic in the
world had failed when our fathers
formed the l lilted States of America
and gave us a place in the family of
nations. (Applause.)
What was the peculiar part of the
government which promises permanency
which promises a republican or demo
cratic form of government, that could
Jive?' It was this: We established a
legislature to make laws, a congress* we
limited the powers of that legislature lo
ft written constitution-thus far, Jlr.
AN EXACTING PATIENT.
GET <\ pang
or- ouCg_
FREE SILVER
SPECTACLES
And
Double:
wealth
Dr. Bryant “There, sirt gaze at any objeet, your ivallet, for instancei it
looks as large again, doesn’t it ?”
Uncle Siam “Maybe, but it doesn’t weigh any heavier.”
—CUU-heo Inter-Ocean.
Congress, can you no. thus far and no
further, as laid down in this written doc
ument.
We named an officer to execute the
laws, called the President, conferring
upon him certain powers to execute and
carry out the provisions of Congress,
lfis powers were conferred and limited
by the written constitution: it had never
been done before. What then? Still a
further check in this new experiment.
To what tribunal or what umpire shall
it be referred to decide upon the question
whether Congress goes beyond its writ
ten license under this constitution of the
United States, and to what umpire shall
it be referred if the President shall go
beyond the powers conferred upon him
by this constitution of the United
States V
We had created a congress independ
ent of the President; we had created
a President independent of the con
gress, within the powers conferred by
the written instrument. Then the fath
ers decided that another check was
necessary: this President and this Con
gress, that we have set up, may go the
way of the* French republic, or the
Roman republic, and of other systems
of government that have been formed;
even with a written constitution they
may agree upon 'a certain construction.
We will set up here a tribunal, far re
moved from political contest, the Su
preme court of the United States (ap
plause), with power to say to the public
body hud the representatives of the state
and the Senate: “Thus far shall you
go in dealing with the rights of the peo
ple, thus far and no farther, and w'e
hold that yon are forbidden to do these
things hy this constitution of the United
States.” (Applause.)
They said further that the President,
occupying the office of the greatest po
tentate on earth, with these great pow
ers conferred upon him. he may trava
gress this constitution of the . Unihag
States, and there is no power to inlet
fere with him as it stands, except by
way of impeachment before the Seunte,
and if the Senate and the President
agree, that power would be futile, so
that we will name this great tribunal,
far away from pnrtisan politics, far
away from the passions of elections, far
away from the dictation of party conven
tions, and the decision of this tribunal
as to what may be done, or what may
not be done, by the President or the Con
gress of the^ United States, that decision
shall he final and binding on all the
people of the United States. (Ap
plause.)
Now, what have we today? In the
first place, we huve this extraordinary
proposition made. We find the powers
conferred upon the President of the
United States to execute the laws of
Congress in these two tilings; w« find
tUat by the law of Congress the'Presi
dent iTiust see to it that the mails of the
United States, the communications be
tween our commercial people. sha^ oe
kept open; that the mails shall go at all
hazards. (Annlausc.i
We find Congress providing, as be
tween the states, that tnc President shall
execute the law regarding the free trans
mission of freight and merehandise from
state to state. We find this power re
sisted, and find in the declaration of the
party platforms made at Chicago a state
ment in effect that the President of the
United States cannot execute the fed
eral laws; cannot execute the power
conferred upon him by Congress and the
Constitution of the United States, except
by leave of the governor of the state
(applause), and this is declared, fellow
citizens—mark it well—thiB is declared
by a body of people that came together
at Chicago and declared that they were
Jacksonian Democrats. (Laughter.)
Why. gentlemen, in 1832, John C. Cal
houn advised that n convention gather
in the state of South Carolina to con
sider the question whether President
Jackson coutd execute the law for the
collection of tariff, this high protective
tariff, and to execute the tariff law in
the state of South Carolina. That con
vention declared that the federal gov
ernment, through its President, had no
power to execute that federal law in that
state without the leave of the govern
ment of South Carolina.
AVhat did Jackson do? These people
call themselves Jacksonian Democrats,
and I speak by the card. Before the
latter end of 1832, Jackson ordered Gen.
Scott, then in command of the United
States armies, to establish his military
headquarters in the capital of South Car
olina. in the first place. (Applause.)
On the same day he ordered the two
most powerful ships in the American
navy to Charleston harbor. Next he or
dered the troops of the United Stntes
available on the Atlantic coast to con
centrate within striking distance of
South Carolina. (Applause.) And he
sent word to John C. Calhoun, not by
public proclamation, but in private—they
had been good friends before; he said:
"You tell John C. Calhoun that if he
persists in this treasonable advice to his
state, by the Ktcrnal. I will hang him
higher than Hainan. (Laughter and ap
plause.)
No Nc-tv Sectional Issue will be Tol
erated.
SENATOR rm itSTON.
My fellow citizens, there are other rea
sons yet why the loyal itentde of this
country should stand together at this
time. Senator Tillman of South Caro
lina, chairuoiu of the committee on resu
lutious, wlm represents neither the old
heroic South of hoe und Gordcfu and
Buckner and Hampton, nor the new
South of enterprise and energy and activ
ity and increasing manufacture, stood
up iu the Chicago convention and pro
claimed a new sectional issue, the South
and the West against the North and the
East. A new sectional issue between the
North *cd the South! Why, (Sod forbid!
Illinois sent out the Bower of her man
hood to the nation's battlefield under
Grant and Logan and Oglesby and l’ului
er to put an end to sectionalism be
tween the North and the South forever.
Illinois gave I.iucoln to the restoration
of the Union, that in his hallowed mem
ory the hearts of all the people might
grow together iu elose and lasting friend
ship. My father went out under Wis
consin's flag, and gave his life that there
should be and should remain a united
people. I have crossed the old Muson
und Dixon's line. Two weeks ago I
went from Washington to Richmond in
four hours—it took some of you four
years to make the same journey. I hnve
clasped in right good fellowship the
hands of the men who fought upon the
other side. The heroes of that great
war—South and North—will never uguin
enlist in another sectional strife.
It does not matter whether the Ameri
can cradle is rocked to the music of
Yankee Doodle or the lullaby of Dixie,
if the flag of the nation is displayed
above it; and the American baby can be
safely trusted to pull about the floor the
rusty scabbard and the battered canteen,
whether the inheritance be from blue or
gray, if, from the breast of a true moth
er and the lips of a brave father, its little
soul is filled ivith the glory of the Ameri
can constellation. A new issue between
the West and the East! why, God for
bid! I am a part of that mighty West.
I know its brave, enterprising, pioneer
people. I have seen them rescue the
wilderness nnd convert it into n garden.
They have been grently aided by the as
sistance of the East, by the use of money
which represents the accumulated sav
ings of two centuries nnd a half of East
ern thrift. The great West cannot live
and thrive without the cordial eo-opern
tion and support of the strong East, and
the East cannot live and grow and thrive
as it ought and should without the cor
dial co-operation, friendship and support
of the mighty West. United, we are a
nation powerful for the welfare of all
sections; divided, we are at the begin
ning of the downfall of the republic.
Nebraska put one stnr in the azure of
the flag, nnd Illinois put nnother, but
when they took their places iu the ling
they were no longer the stnrs of Illinois
and Nebraska, but the stars of the great
est nation of the earth, shining for the
welfare m>d protection of every section
and all the people.
Labor Needs an Unvarying and Re
liable Currency.
FRANK S. BLACK. CANDIDATE FOR
GOVERNOR OF NEW YORK.
“No man’B labor of yesterday or last
year can be preserved, except by some
representative or token of it, and money
is the almost universally udopted agent
for that purpose. Nothing in the world
should be so anxious us labor that the
token which represents it should be un
varying and reliable. * * * Who can
preset ve until tomorrow the labor of to
day? It cannot be done, and the only
means of securing its benefits is to re
ceive and preserve some token which
shall stand in its stead and which may
be used as future needs may require.”
And further on the speaker said: “If a
man is robbed, it is a crime nnd he may
have redress. If a bank fnils nnd pays
him only 53 cents on the dollar, it is a
misfortune, and he is not yet without
hoiie of recovery. But if he votes away
47 cents of every dollar, it is his own
fault, nnd he has nothing to condemn
but his own folly, which will remain
with him much longer than his money.”
Kfltoct of Inflation.
SENATOR LODGE.
Well, it is easy to mark up prices. A
man can go over his stock of goods in
the morning and mark them up with a
blue pencil; but you cannot go over the
salaries, nnd the wages of this country
with a blue pencil in the morning and
mark them up.
During our war, when we had an in
flated currency and prices rose, the aver
age price of commodities rose 89 per
cent.; labor rose about 40 per cent.
There was a net loss to labor of nbout
50 per cent., a net reduction of wages to
that extent. Labor always, in ease of
a depreciated currency, lags behind oth
er prices. It is inevitable; all history
nnd all experience shows it. They tried
it in France in the last century; they
tried the inflation of the currency to the
last extent. You read the history of
that period; you find in the debates of
the French convention at the time of the
Revolution—which resembled a good
deal, in many respects, the convention at
Chicago—you find it constantly said:
“We are so great; France is so powerful,
so civilized, so free, that she can raise
the price of money, she can maintain
any system she wants.” And they issued
the assignats based on the public land;
there was land behind them all: they
were not merely irredeemable paper;
they went on, I think, to the amount of
$8,IKK),000,(MM). nn<l finally the whole
structure collapsed. The government
would not take them, the paper became
absolutely worthless, and when that pa
per became worthless it was found, not
in the hands of the speculators: no, it
was found in the hands of the manu
facturers, of the business men, of the
workingmen of France. It was on them
that the loss fell, because they had ex
changed their labor anil their earnings
for this worthless impel-. That is the
history of all attempts to juggle with the
currency. The loss lands always in the
same place, and we can form no ex
ception to the great natural laws.
Jugglers with the National Credit.
CHAt’Nt'KY DEPEW.
“Bryan and Sewnll and Watson pro
claim a revolution. These jugglers with
the national faith and national credit,
with business and prosperity, with labor
and employment, are recklessly endeav
oring to precipitate one of those crises
in which capital and labor and homes
and wages are inextricably Involved.
The right of revolution is divine, but it
must have supreme justification. Under
our constitutions and institutions and
laws as they exist there is before ns
in the promises of the Populistic lenders
nothing but nn invitation to embark
upon that sea of repudiation and dishon
or which has wrecked every nation and
every people that ever embarked upon
it. This revolution promises to destroy
the Supreme court, to prevent the issue
of bonds and the use of the credit of
the country for any purpose, to debase
the currency, to issue, if need be, irre
deemable paper and flat money, and to
destroy the validity and the inviolability
of contracts between individuals. It
proposes to seise the railways and the
telegraphs, to enter upon a vague nnd
vast system of paterual government ami
to destroy those elements of American
liherty by which the government governs
least and the individual has unlimited
opportunity for industrial business, pro
fessional and political honors and emolu
ments.
“No one has ever doubted the wis
dom of the fathers of our republic. A
century of experiment has uhundnntly
•nd overwhelmingly justified their fore
sight, statesmanship and patriotism.
They saw the horrors of the French
revolution, nnd they made up their minds
to guard their country against the ex
cesses of temporary madness. They
created the executive and the legislative
branches of the government and made
them subject to frequent submission to
the will nnd judgment of the people, but
they enacted a written constitution un
der which the executive and the legisla
tive branches must act, nnd then they
created that new feature of government,
that palladium of the rights of the peo
ple and the permaueucc of our institu
tions, an independent judiciary, a court
which could say to a wild Congress:
‘You have overleaped the boundaries of
the constitution nnd you must bring
yourselves within its limits.’ Thev knew
from the precedents of liberty ‘behind
them that the judiciary can always be
trusted. There are two places under
our constitution where neither wealth
nor power gives any advantage to the
individual, where the richest nnd the
poorest, the most exalted and the hum
blest stand on the same plane; one is the
ballot box and the other the court. And
yet this Democratic and Populistic al
liance proposes to destroy this majestic
tribunal and mnke it simply the echo of
the party caucus which controls Congress
this year and may be driven into ob
scurity next.”
Integrity of the Courts.
EX-SENATOR JOHN C. SPOONER.
“There Is another proposition in that
platform which ought to strike terror to
the heart of every good citizen, what
ever his political affiliations heretofore
mny have been, and that is the pro|>osi
tion which even shocked David Bennett
Hill (laughter), whom I am faintly hop
ing will come out after a little for sound
money, and that is the suggestion that
(whenever the Supreme court of the
United States, in the exercise of the juris
diction vested in that tribunal by the con
stitution, renders a decision which is
not agreeable to Congress, they shall
proceed to pack that court in some way.
with judges who will reverse it, and who
will 1m- more complaisant. You recollect,
ladies and gentlemen, that the Supreme
court of the United States is created by
the constitution. There are three sub
divisions of our government, each inde
jiendeut of the other. The executive,
the legislative and the judiciary. The
Supreme court of the United States has
been, from the beginning, an honor to
this country; and its line of decisions,
tile great men who have been upon that
bench shedding luster upon our jurispru
dence and upon the jurisprudence of
the world, have abundantly vindicated
the wisdom of the framers of the
constitution in creating it, in making it
perpetual and in providing for the inde
pendent and fearless action by reason of.
the life tenure of its judges.
“I do not like to hoar men cast suspi
cion upon judges. Our last reliance is
in the integrity, the courage and the in
dependence of our judiciary. When the
people nre swayed by passion, when Con
gress may go wrong, when the Senate,
which may be intended to bo a conserva
tive body, may tie a revolutionary body,
we take comfort in the fact that we can
rely upon the patriotism, upon the wis
dom and upon the fearlessness of the
judiciary. (Applause.) The -man who
makes it his business iu public or pri
vate life to destroy the confidence of the
people in the judiciary is a public ene
my. (Applause.) It is a cowardly thing
to do. It is the next meanest thing to
whispering something about the charac
ter of a woman; and nothing on earth
can be meaner than that. (Applause.)
It is the next thing to it, to pass un
friendly comment and impeachment upon
judges, and the integrity of their pur
poses; heeuuse a judge cannot come
down from the bench and resent an in
tuit like (hat. I say the people in this
election onght to see to it that no Presi
dent is elected upon a platform which
calmly proposes, by unmistakable' sug
gi'stion, to make the Supreme court of
the United States, and other courts in
our system, the mere football of politics,
the mere tool of passions. (Applause,)
“I think Mr. Bryan thus far in his
talks—and he says, I understand, that
lie never set's n crowd without wanting
to talk to it—and I sympathize with him
a little in that respect: I used to feel that
way myself (laughter), but it was when
I was a gootl deal younger than I am
now. and didn't know n great deal;
"lieu I was about 3(i years old (laugh
ter), although I never expect to know
as much as I thought 1 knew then
(laughter)—Mr. Bryan in his speeches
has not much to say about this packing
of the Supreme court, hut it is in their
platform. That fact itself is another
reason which justifies the Democrats
of character and respectability In a re
volt against the nomination made and
platform promulgated at Chicago.”
THE BOOSTER HE WORE ON HIS HAT.
Gome, pause for a while In your play,
. , . My buy.
And put down your ball and your bat.
Attend to me well
While n story I tell
Of a mati who was tempted to stray.
And the rooster he wore on hla^hat°**
This man was a laborer skilled.
My boy.
Contented nnd happy tiiereat;
For lila job w«» secure,
«... And Il,H w«Kea were sure.
But his heart with a longing was filled,
_ . My boy.
For a rooster to wear on his hat.
One day some demagogues came, f
/t~, , My boy.
(For demagogue rend Democrat),
And spouted and brayed
In behalf of free trade.
Till they set all his fancy aflame,
_ . My boy.
For a rooster to pin on his hat.
He whooped like an Imbecile loon.
My boy.
For n candidate fussy nnd fat,
Whose Inflated renown
Soon collapsed and came down:
And It felt like a punctured balloon.
On the rooster that sat on the haf. b°*'
Now his partisans float In the soup.
Along with the bill they begat. ^
The cuckoos nil sigh
. .Nor their vanishing pie:
And the rooster Is sick wltu the roup.
Poor rooster that rode on the hat *’
.And poverty gits In the seat,
Where competence formerly sat,*
And the laboring man.
Through this fatuous plan, i
is now left with nothing to eat. 1
But the rooster he wore on hl's^atf’
Then take warning and never forget,
„ My boy, -■
Free traders are blind as a bat.
Tbelr promise of guod
Is adversity's food.
And the laborer long will regret.
The rooster be wore nn his hat**
—Indianapolis Journal
ABOU BIIX BRTAN.
Abon Bill Bryan, may his tribe decrease!
Awoke one night from a deep dream ot
peace:
And saw within the moonlight of his room.
Making It rich and allver-llke In bloom.
An angel writing In a.book of gold;
Exceeding gall hud made BUI Bryan bold,
And to the presence In the room he said:
“What wrltest tbon?" The vision raised
Its head.
And, with a look of what be might expect
Answered. “Their names who’ll get It la
the neck.”
“And am I one?” asked Abou. “I don't
know,”
Replied the angel. Abou spoke more low.
But cheerily still, and said, “I pray theob
sir.
Write me as one not liable to err.”
The angel wrote and vanished. The next
night
It came again with a great November light.
And showed the names of those 'knocked gal«
ley-west;
And lo: Bill Bryan’s name led nil the rest!
—Lincoln (Neb.) News.
COMB ROME.
“From Thomas Wataon.”
O! Bryan, dear liryau, come home with me
now.
The pops are all ready to run;
You aald you were coming right beak to the
P'atte,
As soon as your talking was done.
Come home, come home, Bryan, dear Bryan,
come home.
Foor Altgeld Is dying and Boles has gone
flat.
Don't tails any more, but come home.
O! Bryan, dear Bryan, come homo with me
now,
Why don't you come home while you can?
Free silver's all right (for the heathen),
thnt's so.
But you can't stuff It down a free man.
Come home, come home, Bryan, dear Bryan,
come home,
McKinley Is ready to give yon a blow.
That _ will knock yon quite flat, so come
home. —Lincoln (Neb.) Call.
CAMPAIGN NOTES.
Is the story true that thousands of
laboring men are wearing McKinley but
tons who intend to vote for Bryan? We
rather guess not. The laboring man in
not tlint sort of n hypocrite, if we cor
rectly estimnte him, and it is an insult to
him to say otherwise.
Mr. McKinley said: “Good money
never made hard times.’’ Mr. Bryan
said: “Money can be too good.” Will
the people of this country have difficulty
in determining which is right?
Among the best speeches being ms£a
in this campaign are those coming fsoat
that little tivo-stor.v i>oreh at Canton.
It requires no argument to see wh/
Bryan and his followers do not want ♦*
this about protection.
It is the mills and not the mints that
millions of workers want opened. Stop
the wheels in the head and let the wheels
in the machine shops go around.
The most pressing money question U
that of wages for the people and a rev
enue for the government.
Bryan is now being called the business
killer. He meanders through the East
making silver speeches and the mills and
factories close in his wake.
After reading Bryan's wool record in
Congress the farmer who votes for him
must either have a forgiving disposition
nr in his wits be on the wrong «idc of
the non compos mentis boundary ipie.
A farmer's illustration of the 00-cent
silver dollar is that it would be like offer
ing for sale a calf labeled “This, is
twins, and demanding double pri.-e for
it. And still some people pretend to
think that farmers are not watching pub
lic affairs.
