SUPPLEMENT TO THE \ y NEILL FRONTIER Thursday, October 22,1890. WORDS OF PATRIOTS. Frominont Stump Speakers on Sound Money, Protection and National Honor. RECENT CAMPAIGN ORATORY. Makers of History Record Utterances Which Are Bound to Live for Ages. What. the Republican Party Stands For. maj. Mckinley. '“The political situation of the country i fs peculiar. Wc have hud few parallels I to our present political condition. We WJiave but one political party which is / united, and that is ours. (Applause.) .-A, DUcord reigns in all others. Our time honored opponent, the Democratic party, is torn and divided. Two national con ventions have been held by it and two national tickets presented, and their plat forms are totally different on every suh Joct and in almost every section. The Pspuiist party has merged its organiza tion into that of the Chicago Demo cratic and St. Louis silver organizations, and their allies are for the most part harmonious except that each one has n distinct and different candidate for vice president. (Great laughter and ap plause.) • L t “Happily the Itepublican party was never more closely united than now, both in fact and in spirit, and there were never better reasons for such union, and ■ever greater necessity for it than now’. ^Cheers and cries of ‘That’s right.’) It la wedded, devotedly wedded, to party principles. It stands as it has always •tood, for an American protective tariff which shall raise enough money to con duct the several departments of the gov ernment, including libera) pensions to the Union soldiers. (Tremendous cheer ing and hurrahs for McKinley.) A tariff that will stop debts and deficiencies and make the treasury of the United States once more safe and sound in every par ticular. (Applause.) It stands for a re ciprocity that seeks out the markets of the world for our surplus agricultural and manufacturing products without sur rendering a single day’s wages that be longs to the American workman. (Ap plause.) It believes in preserving a home market for the American farmer t plause), in the opening of the Ameri > factories for the American workiug n (applause), and the opening up of a eign market wherever it can be done with profit to all the great interests of the United States. “It is, too, for sound money (great cheering), every dollar tvorth 100 cents (renewed cheering), every dollar as good as gold (continued cheering), and it Is op posed alike to the free and unlimited coinage of silver, and the issuance of ir redeemable paper money to which the allied party seemed firmly committed. (Great applause.) It has always kept silver at a parity with gold. It proposes to keep that silver money in circulation and preserve side by side gold and silver and paper, each the equal to the other, and each the equal of the best, and the best never to be inferior to the hest money known to the commercial nations fit the world. (Load cheering.) It will continue to favor a policy that will give work to American citizens (ap plause), markets to American farmers (cries of ‘That's what we want,'), and sound money to both. (Tremendous cheerings and cries of ‘Hurrah for Mc Kinley") We are now convinced after three years of experience, whatever may have been our political relations in the past, of the truth of the observation of jVebster, made more than half a century ago. You will recall that he said: ‘That is the truest American policy which shall most usefully employ Ameri can capital and American labor and best sustain the whole American population,’ (Great applause.) 6 W ■ ^ commerce anu manutac v -£ur£8 Will prosper together or fail to 1 gotner. Equally true also were the f words of John Quincy Adams, ‘That the great interests of this agricultural, min ing and manufacturing nation are so linked in unison that no permanent cause of prosperity to one of them can operate without extending its influence to the other.’ (Applnuse.) Wo cannot hare commercial growth and expansion with out national and individual honor. “We cannot have commercial prosperity without the strictest integrity both of government and citizen. (Renewed ap plause and cries of ‘That’s right.’) The financial honor of this government is of too vast importance, is entirely too sa cred to be the football of party politics. (Great applause and cries of ‘Good, good.’) The Republican party has main tained it and is pledged to maintain it. It haB more than once ■ stood between good faith and dishonor and when it gave up the control of the government our national honor had never before been so high and unquestioned. (Applause.) The Republican party is pledged to main tain the credit pf the government which is intimately associated with its smtless name and honor, and this it will do un der any circumstances and at anv cost (Great cheering.) * “It taxed the credit of the government In the days of the war to its utmost ten sion to preserve the government itself, which, under God, it was happily en abled to do. Following that mighty struggle it lifted our credit higher than It had ever been before and made it equal to the oldest and wealthiest na tions of the world. (Applause and cries of ‘That's right.’) It is pledged to maintain uncorrupted the currency of the country of whatever form or kind that has been used by national au thority. It made the old greenback as good as gold and has kept it as good as gold ever since. It has maintained every form of American money, whether sil ver or paper, equal to gold, and it. will \ Hot take any backward step. (Great up \ plause and cries of ‘Good, good.’) \o / party ever went out of power which left so maguifleant a record as the Repub lican party. (Cries of ‘That’s right.’) Our great war debt was more than two thirds paid off. our currency unquestioned, our credit untarnished, the honor of the union unsullied, the country in its ma terial conditions stronger than it had ever been before; the workingmen better employed and better pa id than ever be fore with prosperity in every part of the republic and in no part ail idle working man who wanted to work. tTrciueudous applause.) Bryan tor Flat Money. EX-SENATOU WARNER MILLER. Mr. Bryan at heart Pares nothing for the free coinage of silver. Mr. Bryan is first and last a believer in fiat money, and he is only using the free coinage of silver to arrive at that finally. This is a serious charge to make, but if 1 cannot prove it I will apologize publicly for it. I In the September number of the Arena I —just last month—there is an article on the currency by Mr. Bryan, in which lie criticises Mr. Cleveland severely for using bonds in time of peace, and espe cially for selling them to a syndicate. He says: “When the United States, without waiting for the aid or consent of any other nation, opens its mints to the free and unlimited coinage of gold and silver at the present legal ratio of It! to 1 it will bring real relief to its peo ple, and will lead the way to the restora tion of bimetallism throughout the world. It will then be prepared to perfect its financial system by furnishing a paper money invested with legal tender quali ties and sufficient in volume to supply the needs of the government. Its paper money will not be loaned then to favor ites, but will be paid out in the expenses of government, so that all may receive the benefits.” This is fiat money, pure and simple. Mr. Bryan proposes to stop taxation and pay the expenses of the government by printing fiat money. This government once launched upon that boundless sea would as certainly fall and go down as did the French republic, which was set up at the close of the last century by a lot of theorists and revolutionists. They issued during a few years forty thousand millions of francs of fiat money called assignats and mandats. They gave a legal-tender quality to it, but while it could pay debts they could not compel people to take it in pur chase. In other words, they could give legal-tender quality to the money, but they could not give purchasing power to it. From day to day it was issued, until finally it all disappeared as utterly worthless. Not a single franc of it was ever paid or redeemed, and the people who had parted with their property for it were rendered paupers. Their property was gone and the money they had received was valueless. Shall this be a lesson to us? And can we contemplate the probability of putting into power as President of the United States a man who holds such views? In my humble opinion there is but one way to bring us back to prosper ity and to the path of progress, and that is to return to the system of adminis tration which has been of such great benefit to us in the past, and to follow in that path, to follow the lamp of ex perience. To do that every true, honest American citizen, without distinction of party, should unite in this attempt at restoration, and should by an overwhelm ing majority stamp out now and forever the heresy and the folly of a cheap and debased currency. Bryan as an Orator. HENRY D. ESTABROOK. But Mr. Brynn I know somewhat, and find in his habits of life many things to admire. He is a man of undoubted talent, a talent for the stage, perhaps, rather than for statecraft. He'is a kind husband and an indulgent father. He does not smoke or chew, drink or swear, steal or gamble—in short, he has not a single redeeming vice that I know of. unless it might be lying: and even there I have had spells of thinking he believes himself. Moreover, Mr. Bryan is a man of rare eloquence, although anyone read ing his speeches would be pardoned for doubting the assertion. Reduced to cold type his words become mere rant and bombast, while those self-same words, spoken in Bryan's voice—a voice as mellifluous as the sweetest pipe in yonder organ—would stir your heart, just as would the voice of a great sin ger, by the very quality of tone. Add to this a handsome, graceful presence and u fire and energy of action, and you can imagine that it matters very little to Mr. Bryan’s audience what Mr. Bryan says, so long as he keeps on saying it. The mistake he made in Madison Square garden was in the attempt to ar gue. He ought never to do that, for the divine attribute of reason was left out of his mental makeup. But, my friends, there is not a word in this encomium which would not with equal truth and appropriateness apply to another famous Nebraskan, whose ex ploits are inseparably linked with the history of Omaha; whose habits are as regular as the sun. whose character is as impeccable as Bryan’s own, whose presence is just as handsome, whose powers of speech were formerly just as great and have wrought many an audi ence to tears, to laughter and to fren zy; a man who, like Bryan, was pos sessed of a talking devil, and who today, jn Madison square, bourne from which no ev Ne No ew York—that obraskan booms to return—is feeding breadcrumbs to the sparrows. That man is George Francis Train. And it must be remem bered that Mr. Train once ran for the presidency, just as Mr. Bryan is doing, on a ticket of his own. 1 say that the ticket on which Mr. Bryan is running for the presidency is essentially his own, although two other gentlemen have been casually mentioned in connection with it—one trying to get off and the other trying to get on. Here, you ob serve, is a sort of political cerebus, with not the best of feeling between the ca nine collaterals. Mr. Bryan’s predica ment is not without embarrassment. He must feel as bewildered with these two appendages as the proverbial cat with a like number of tails. He has probably prevailed upon Mr. Sewall to stay where he is, whereas Tom Watson wants to ..?#• *1*° wants to know where he is at. He wants to know whether he is a candidate for tlic viec-prcsideuev or only a vermiform appendix. An Assault on the National Govern ment. DON M. DICKINSON. . I>t us see what confronts us. What is this free government that we hear about from the rostrum only occasion ally on the Fourth of July and gala days? But a word about this funda mental expression, lip to the estab lishment of the American government, governments had failed on the face of the earth for the object for which gov ernments are formed. The theory is that this is the best government and the only free govern ment which achieves for the people the largest amount of happiness, corn fort and prosperity for the greatest number. Now. they had tried emper ors, lodging absolute power of legisla tion. the execution of laws, and all judgment upon laws in one man. and it failed: the people were oppressed and made serfs. They tried then oli garchy. a government of many men: it. tailed for the purposes lor which it was founded; so that all monarchy and all systems and every republic in the world had failed when our fathers formed the l lilted States of America and gave us a place in the family of nations. (Applause.) What was the peculiar part of the government which promises permanency which promises a republican or demo cratic form of government, that could Jive?' It was this: We established a legislature to make laws, a congress* we limited the powers of that legislature lo ft written constitution-thus far, Jlr. AN EXACTING PATIENT. GET <\ pang or- ouCg_ FREE SILVER SPECTACLES And Double: wealth Dr. Bryant “There, sirt gaze at any objeet, your ivallet, for instancei it looks as large again, doesn’t it ?” Uncle Siam “Maybe, but it doesn’t weigh any heavier.” —CUU-heo Inter-Ocean. Congress, can you no. thus far and no further, as laid down in this written doc ument. We named an officer to execute the laws, called the President, conferring upon him certain powers to execute and carry out the provisions of Congress, lfis powers were conferred and limited by the written constitution: it had never been done before. What then? Still a further check in this new experiment. To what tribunal or what umpire shall it be referred to decide upon the question whether Congress goes beyond its writ ten license under this constitution of the United States, and to what umpire shall it be referred if the President shall go beyond the powers conferred upon him by this constitution of the United States V We had created a congress independ ent of the President; we had created a President independent of the con gress, within the powers conferred by the written instrument. Then the fath ers decided that another check was necessary: this President and this Con gress, that we have set up, may go the way of the* French republic, or the Roman republic, and of other systems of government that have been formed; even with a written constitution they may agree upon 'a certain construction. We will set up here a tribunal, far re moved from political contest, the Su preme court of the United States (ap plause), with power to say to the public body hud the representatives of the state and the Senate: “Thus far shall you go in dealing with the rights of the peo ple, thus far and no farther, and w'e hold that yon are forbidden to do these things hy this constitution of the United States.” (Applause.) They said further that the President, occupying the office of the greatest po tentate on earth, with these great pow ers conferred upon him. he may trava gress this constitution of the . Unihag States, and there is no power to inlet fere with him as it stands, except by way of impeachment before the Seunte, and if the Senate and the President agree, that power would be futile, so that we will name this great tribunal, far away from pnrtisan politics, far away from the passions of elections, far away from the dictation of party conven tions, and the decision of this tribunal as to what may be done, or what may not be done, by the President or the Con gress of the^ United States, that decision shall he final and binding on all the people of the United States. (Ap plause.) Now, what have we today? In the first place, we huve this extraordinary proposition made. We find the powers conferred upon the President of the United States to execute the laws of Congress in these two tilings; w« find tUat by the law of Congress the'Presi dent iTiust see to it that the mails of the United States, the communications be tween our commercial people. sha^ oe kept open; that the mails shall go at all hazards. (Annlausc.i We find Congress providing, as be tween the states, that tnc President shall execute the law regarding the free trans mission of freight and merehandise from state to state. We find this power re sisted, and find in the declaration of the party platforms made at Chicago a state ment in effect that the President of the United States cannot execute the fed eral laws; cannot execute the power conferred upon him by Congress and the Constitution of the United States, except by leave of the governor of the state (applause), and this is declared, fellow citizens—mark it well—thiB is declared by a body of people that came together at Chicago and declared that they were Jacksonian Democrats. (Laughter.) Why. gentlemen, in 1832, John C. Cal houn advised that n convention gather in the state of South Carolina to con sider the question whether President Jackson coutd execute the law for the collection of tariff, this high protective tariff, and to execute the tariff law in the state of South Carolina. That con vention declared that the federal gov ernment, through its President, had no power to execute that federal law in that state without the leave of the govern ment of South Carolina. AVhat did Jackson do? These people call themselves Jacksonian Democrats, and I speak by the card. Before the latter end of 1832, Jackson ordered Gen. Scott, then in command of the United States armies, to establish his military headquarters in the capital of South Car olina. in the first place. (Applause.) On the same day he ordered the two most powerful ships in the American navy to Charleston harbor. Next he or dered the troops of the United Stntes available on the Atlantic coast to con centrate within striking distance of South Carolina. (Applause.) And he sent word to John C. Calhoun, not by public proclamation, but in private—they had been good friends before; he said: "You tell John C. Calhoun that if he persists in this treasonable advice to his state, by the Ktcrnal. I will hang him higher than Hainan. (Laughter and ap plause.) No Nc-tv Sectional Issue will be Tol erated. SENATOR rm itSTON. My fellow citizens, there are other rea sons yet why the loyal itentde of this country should stand together at this time. Senator Tillman of South Caro lina, chairuoiu of the committee on resu lutious, wlm represents neither the old heroic South of hoe und Gordcfu and Buckner and Hampton, nor the new South of enterprise and energy and activ ity and increasing manufacture, stood up iu the Chicago convention and pro claimed a new sectional issue, the South and the West against the North and the East. A new sectional issue between the North *cd the South! Why, (Sod forbid! Illinois sent out the Bower of her man hood to the nation's battlefield under Grant and Logan and Oglesby and l’ului er to put an end to sectionalism be tween the North and the South forever. Illinois gave I.iucoln to the restoration of the Union, that in his hallowed mem ory the hearts of all the people might grow together iu elose and lasting friend ship. My father went out under Wis consin's flag, and gave his life that there should be and should remain a united people. I have crossed the old Muson und Dixon's line. Two weeks ago I went from Washington to Richmond in four hours—it took some of you four years to make the same journey. I hnve clasped in right good fellowship the hands of the men who fought upon the other side. The heroes of that great war—South and North—will never uguin enlist in another sectional strife. It does not matter whether the Ameri can cradle is rocked to the music of Yankee Doodle or the lullaby of Dixie, if the flag of the nation is displayed above it; and the American baby can be safely trusted to pull about the floor the rusty scabbard and the battered canteen, whether the inheritance be from blue or gray, if, from the breast of a true moth er and the lips of a brave father, its little soul is filled ivith the glory of the Ameri can constellation. A new issue between the West and the East! why, God for bid! I am a part of that mighty West. I know its brave, enterprising, pioneer people. I have seen them rescue the wilderness nnd convert it into n garden. They have been grently aided by the as sistance of the East, by the use of money which represents the accumulated sav ings of two centuries nnd a half of East ern thrift. The great West cannot live and thrive without the cordial eo-opern tion and support of the strong East, and the East cannot live and grow and thrive as it ought and should without the cor dial co-operation, friendship and support of the mighty West. United, we are a nation powerful for the welfare of all sections; divided, we are at the begin ning of the downfall of the republic. Nebraska put one stnr in the azure of the flag, nnd Illinois put nnother, but when they took their places iu the ling they were no longer the stnrs of Illinois and Nebraska, but the stars of the great est nation of the earth, shining for the welfare m>d protection of every section and all the people. Labor Needs an Unvarying and Re liable Currency. FRANK S. BLACK. CANDIDATE FOR GOVERNOR OF NEW YORK. “No man’B labor of yesterday or last year can be preserved, except by some representative or token of it, and money is the almost universally udopted agent for that purpose. Nothing in the world should be so anxious us labor that the token which represents it should be un varying and reliable. * * * Who can preset ve until tomorrow the labor of to day? It cannot be done, and the only means of securing its benefits is to re ceive and preserve some token which shall stand in its stead and which may be used as future needs may require.” And further on the speaker said: “If a man is robbed, it is a crime nnd he may have redress. If a bank fnils nnd pays him only 53 cents on the dollar, it is a misfortune, and he is not yet without hoiie of recovery. But if he votes away 47 cents of every dollar, it is his own fault, nnd he has nothing to condemn but his own folly, which will remain with him much longer than his money.” Kfltoct of Inflation. SENATOR LODGE. Well, it is easy to mark up prices. A man can go over his stock of goods in the morning and mark them up with a blue pencil; but you cannot go over the salaries, nnd the wages of this country with a blue pencil in the morning and mark them up. During our war, when we had an in flated currency and prices rose, the aver age price of commodities rose 89 per cent.; labor rose about 40 per cent. There was a net loss to labor of nbout 50 per cent., a net reduction of wages to that extent. Labor always, in ease of a depreciated currency, lags behind oth er prices. It is inevitable; all history nnd all experience shows it. They tried it in France in the last century; they tried the inflation of the currency to the last extent. You read the history of that period; you find in the debates of the French convention at the time of the Revolution—which resembled a good deal, in many respects, the convention at Chicago—you find it constantly said: “We are so great; France is so powerful, so civilized, so free, that she can raise the price of money, she can maintain any system she wants.” And they issued the assignats based on the public land; there was land behind them all: they were not merely irredeemable paper; they went on, I think, to the amount of $8,IKK),000,(MM). nnosi tion which even shocked David Bennett Hill (laughter), whom I am faintly hop ing will come out after a little for sound money, and that is the suggestion that (whenever the Supreme court of the United States, in the exercise of the juris diction vested in that tribunal by the con stitution, renders a decision which is not agreeable to Congress, they shall proceed to pack that court in some way. with judges who will reverse it, and who will 1m- more complaisant. You recollect, ladies and gentlemen, that the Supreme court of the United States is created by the constitution. There are three sub divisions of our government, each inde jiendeut of the other. The executive, the legislative and the judiciary. The Supreme court of the United States has been, from the beginning, an honor to this country; and its line of decisions, tile great men who have been upon that bench shedding luster upon our jurispru dence and upon the jurisprudence of the world, have abundantly vindicated the wisdom of the framers of the constitution in creating it, in making it perpetual and in providing for the inde pendent and fearless action by reason of. the life tenure of its judges. “I do not like to hoar men cast suspi cion upon judges. Our last reliance is in the integrity, the courage and the in dependence of our judiciary. When the people nre swayed by passion, when Con gress may go wrong, when the Senate, which may be intended to bo a conserva tive body, may tie a revolutionary body, we take comfort in the fact that we can rely upon the patriotism, upon the wis dom and upon the fearlessness of the judiciary. (Applause.) The -man who makes it his business iu public or pri vate life to destroy the confidence of the people in the judiciary is a public ene my. (Applause.) It is a cowardly thing to do. It is the next meanest thing to whispering something about the charac ter of a woman; and nothing on earth can be meaner than that. (Applause.) It is the next thing to it, to pass un friendly comment and impeachment upon judges, and the integrity of their pur poses; heeuuse a judge cannot come down from the bench and resent an in tuit like (hat. I say the people in this election onght to see to it that no Presi dent is elected upon a platform which calmly proposes, by unmistakable' sug gi'stion, to make the Supreme court of the United States, and other courts in our system, the mere football of politics, the mere tool of passions. (Applause,) “I think Mr. Bryan thus far in his talks—and he says, I understand, that lie never set's n crowd without wanting to talk to it—and I sympathize with him a little in that respect: I used to feel that way myself (laughter), but it was when I was a gootl deal younger than I am now. and didn't know n great deal; "lieu I was about 3(i years old (laugh ter), although I never expect to know as much as I thought 1 knew then (laughter)—Mr. Bryan in his speeches has not much to say about this packing of the Supreme court, hut it is in their platform. That fact itself is another reason which justifies the Democrats of character and respectability In a re volt against the nomination made and platform promulgated at Chicago.” THE BOOSTER HE WORE ON HIS HAT. Gome, pause for a while In your play, . , . My buy. And put down your ball and your bat. Attend to me well While n story I tell Of a mati who was tempted to stray. And the rooster he wore on hla^hat°** This man was a laborer skilled. My boy. Contented nnd happy tiiereat; For lila job w«» secure, «... And Il,H w«Kea were sure. But his heart with a longing was filled, _ . My boy. For a rooster to wear on his hat. One day some demagogues came, f /t~, , My boy. (For demagogue rend Democrat), And spouted and brayed In behalf of free trade. Till they set all his fancy aflame, _ . My boy. For a rooster to pin on his hat. He whooped like an Imbecile loon. My boy. For n candidate fussy nnd fat, Whose Inflated renown Soon collapsed and came down: And It felt like a punctured balloon. On the rooster that sat on the haf. b°*' Now his partisans float In the soup. Along with the bill they begat. ^ The cuckoos nil sigh . .Nor their vanishing pie: And the rooster Is sick wltu the roup. Poor rooster that rode on the hat *’ .And poverty gits In the seat, Where competence formerly sat,* And the laboring man. Through this fatuous plan, i is now left with nothing to eat. 1 But the rooster he wore on hl's^atf’ Then take warning and never forget, „ My boy, -■ Free traders are blind as a bat. Tbelr promise of guod Is adversity's food. And the laborer long will regret. The rooster be wore nn his hat** —Indianapolis Journal ABOU BIIX BRTAN. Abon Bill Bryan, may his tribe decrease! Awoke one night from a deep dream ot peace: And saw within the moonlight of his room. Making It rich and allver-llke In bloom. An angel writing In a.book of gold; Exceeding gall hud made BUI Bryan bold, And to the presence In the room he said: “What wrltest tbon?" The vision raised Its head. And, with a look of what be might expect Answered. “Their names who’ll get It la the neck.” “And am I one?” asked Abou. “I don't know,” Replied the angel. Abou spoke more low. But cheerily still, and said, “I pray theob sir. Write me as one not liable to err.” The angel wrote and vanished. The next night It came again with a great November light. And showed the names of those 'knocked gal« ley-west; And lo: Bill Bryan’s name led nil the rest! —Lincoln (Neb.) News. COMB ROME. “From Thomas Wataon.” O! Bryan, dear liryau, come home with me now. The pops are all ready to run; You aald you were coming right beak to the P'atte, As soon as your talking was done. Come home, come home, Bryan, dear Bryan, come home. Foor Altgeld Is dying and Boles has gone flat. Don't tails any more, but come home. O! Bryan, dear Bryan, come homo with me now, Why don't you come home while you can? Free silver's all right (for the heathen), thnt's so. But you can't stuff It down a free man. Come home, come home, Bryan, dear Bryan, come home, McKinley Is ready to give yon a blow. That _ will knock yon quite flat, so come home. —Lincoln (Neb.) Call. CAMPAIGN NOTES. Is the story true that thousands of laboring men are wearing McKinley but tons who intend to vote for Bryan? We rather guess not. The laboring man in not tlint sort of n hypocrite, if we cor rectly estimnte him, and it is an insult to him to say otherwise. Mr. McKinley said: “Good money never made hard times.’’ Mr. Bryan said: “Money can be too good.” Will the people of this country have difficulty in determining which is right? Among the best speeches being ms£a in this campaign are those coming fsoat that little tivo-stor.v i>oreh at Canton. It requires no argument to see wh/ Bryan and his followers do not want ♦* this about protection. It is the mills and not the mints that millions of workers want opened. Stop the wheels in the head and let the wheels in the machine shops go around. The most pressing money question U that of wages for the people and a rev enue for the government. Bryan is now being called the business killer. He meanders through the East making silver speeches and the mills and factories close in his wake. After reading Bryan's wool record in Congress the farmer who votes for him must either have a forgiving disposition nr in his wits be on the wrong «idc of the non compos mentis boundary ipie. A farmer's illustration of the 00-cent silver dollar is that it would be like offer ing for sale a calf labeled “This, is twins, and demanding double pri.-e for it. And still some people pretend to think that farmers are not watching pub lic affairs.