WHY WE no BATTLE.
THE REPUBLICAN CAUSE IS ONE
OF PRINCIPLE.
Vtt« American *Uorlrln# of Protection
Muet He Siiktiilncit—Sullen! Feature*
\'y of the lleiiulillren Declaration of
Frluciplee at Minneapolis.
_____
New York Press: These are the
•allont features of the platform on
which the Hcpuhilean party proposes
to carry the coming election:
We believe in the Amcrlcun doctrine
of protection.
We believe that articles, except luxu
ries, which can not be produced in the
United State* should be admitted free
of duty.
We demand that on all Imports com
peting with the products of American
labor duties should be levied etjuul, to
the difference between wages here and
abroad.
We ask the people to pronounce a
verdict upon the cowardly course of
tho Democrats In attacking the tariff
piecemeal.
Wc believe in. reciprocity, which has
opened new murkets (or the products of
the workshop un«l the farm.
We believe in thu use of both gold
and silver money.
Wo demand that every dollar,
whether of gold, sliver, or paper, shall
be equal to every other dollar.
Wo believe in an International con
ference to secure a parity of gold and
silver throughout the world.
Wo demand that every citizen, rich
or poor, native or foreign born, white
';,jl1 or black, shall be permitted to cast one
'ballot and have it counted as he cast it.
We propose to beep on lighting till
wo have honest elections in every
State.
We favor the revival of our foreign
commerce in American ships.
We demand a navy to protect our in
terests and maintain the honor of our
flag.
Wo demand that arbitrary coinbina*
tions of capital to eouti^l trade condi
tions shall be rigidly regulated.
Wo believe in wise and consistent
civil service reform.
We believe in admitting all the Terri
tories into the Union as soon us they
are qualified for entrance.
We reaffirm the Monroe doctrine.
Wo demand the restriction of crim
inal,pauper, and contract Immigration,
We demand that the employes of
railroads, mines and factories shall In?
tlio free trade extremists have diverted
from the party's support a great body
of voters whose Democracy is un->
d mbtcd?"
Is TilIs a Tin Thite Mat
Congressman Scott of Illinois made
a speech in the House of Representa
tives on tile free wool bill on March
15, in which we find the following
statement:
"During tho year ending June 50.
IS!H, there was imported over l.ooo.ooo
pounds of tin plate. This would have
cost the consumers under the old law
810,000,000. Under the McKinley law
it cost 8??.000,000, being a direct tax
upon the consumers of tin of 812,000,
000 over and above what they would
have puid under the former law."
We print this as an example of the
many reckless assertions winch are
made daily by the would-be “reform
ers" of the present Congress. In IH'.M
we imported 1,057,711,501 pounds of tin
plate, the value of import price of which
w as 850,355,570.70; on this duties were
paid to the amount of 810,577,115.01
I making the price of the tin plate, duty
paid, about $47,000,000. [So Mr. Seotl
is just about 81,050,000,000 pounds out
of the way as to the quantity of tin plat,
imported and 837,000,000 as to the prici
paid for it. llut the crowning absurd
ity of all is the statement that beeaus
of the McKinley law we paid 812,000.
IK>0 more for this tin plate than we ,
would have paid under the old law. !
Mr. Scott, it will have been observed,
speaksof the year ending June 30, ism,
now, the tin-plate clause of the McKin
ley bill only went into effect on July
i, mm.
Can it be that this is a tin-plate lie?
—American Economist.
The Sugar Tax xml the Sugar lluuntjr.
One of the most impudent thing's we
have seen for u tong time is the follow
ing editorial reflection from the St.
Louis Kepnblie:
“This Republican shuflle in raw sugar
was really an increase in taxation of
some 810,001), 000 a year, or by the
amount of the l>ounty paid annually.”
The duty on sugar was n revenue
duty, a duty of the regular free-trade
type and was therefor u tax on the
consumer, being entirely paid by him.
This tax amounted in the year before
its abolition to almost 8‘>4,<100,000. Let
it not be forgotten that when
the Republicans, in accord
ance with the broad prin
ciple of logical protection—that no
duty should bo levied on an article
which we are not able or sure of lieing
able to produce in adequate quantity to
Free Lumber Kill*
Objection is made by Democrats to
the pnssuge through the House of the
free luinls-r bill “until after election,”
ns it might endanger North Carolina
to the party. Tlic effect of passing
the free iron-ore bill is also dreaded In
Alabama and Tennessee. No one ad
vocates delay any longer than after
election.
A Tariff1 Picture.
The prices of American gloves have
not risen under the McKinley law, but
the wages of the glovemakers have
risen. For example, glove cutters who
got #2 per day
in 1890 now get S~. :J.1 per day.
OroTer's Gall.
Grover's got a running mate
Different from his V8,
And he hasn't got his State
All he's got’s his same old weight
He may think that he can run.
He may think the tight la wol—
He will have a lot ot fun
Long before the work is done.
Ta ra ra boom de ay!
Has llolted Clerc'aud.
F. P. Olcott of New York, a leading
Democrat and president of the Central
Trust company, has openly bolted the
nomination of Cleveland. He says
Meveland is a Mugwump Republican,
and if he has to vote for a Republican
he prefers to vote for the sitnon pure
article, which is Harrison.—N. Y.
Tribune.
Has Surrendered.
The South Carolina Democracy lias
surrendered bodily to the Farmers’ Al
liance and the two have blended, the
Farmers’ Alliance platform being
adopted in toto. Jiut the great central
creed of both, which is not in the plat
form, continues the true bond of union;
“Down with the dam nigger.”
Why Not Grover?
The Socialists are talking of nomi
nating candidates for President and
Vice-President. That is their privi
lege, but what’s the matter with G.
Cleveland? Henry George says he
is just a lovely candidate, and Henry is
a good enough Socialist for any of
them.
Speaking of the effects of the Me
Kinley tariff on Canadian agriculture,
a Canadian contemporary says: “In
Ontario the horso and barley trade
have been all but destroyed,” which
simply means that American farmers
and horse raisers arc now supplying
portions of our markets formerly sup
plied by Canadian farmers.
HOVER TO FOLyriCIAN—To On the Nomination He Bows Before the Goddess of Furitv; to
Gat Elected He Bows Before the Tammany Hall Bummer. 3
protected against all needless dangers.
We sympathize with the oppressed in
’i avery land.
We demand freedom of speech and of
the press.
We believe in popular education.
We favor the construction and con
trol of the Nicaragua canal by Ameri
cans.
We, believe in self government for
Territories.
We believe that tho Columbian expo
sition should be made a success worthy
' of the dignity and progress of the na
tion, and that the government should
aid in this if necessary.
We sympathize with all legitimate
efforts to promote temperance and
morality.
We pledge to the loyal veterans of
the war for the Union the recognition
that is theirs by right.
■
‘ REPUBLICAN QAINS IN CITIES.
Tkt Km Torn San (Deiu.) Hits tks
Nall Sqnuretjr.
"No careful observer can have failed
to notice one distinguishing feature in
all the elections held this spring in
various parts of the country, both East
and West. That is that the Republi
cans appear to have made decided gains
in all the large cities. This was seen
► in Chicago, in Providence, in Milwau
kee, In the Michigan town elections,
and in those nearer home in New York,
particularly in Rochester, Syracuse,
Ijockport, Utica, Albany and Oswego.
Again it has just been seen in Jersey
City.
"Yet it is upon the cities of the coun
try that the Democracy absolutely de
pends for success in all the doubtful
States of the North this year. Unless
the cities do their full duty, the triumph
of the Democratic candidate noin
v inated irij, Chicago otherwise assured,
|§; will be im&eriiled. t'
1 “Why i-Hmild the Republicans in the
’jjix. apring elections of 1802 gain generally
, |; In the industrial cities of the country,
*' unless it is that in the discussion of the
national questions ineident to this
% . ftaae'm battle the revolutionary plans of
| ripply the home demand—voted to re
| peal the duty on sugar, the Democratic
i free-traders united to a man in oppos
[ iiijf this provision. As far the bounty,
| the object of which was to stimulate
experiment, that amounted last rear to
little more than *7,000.000. Thus the
balance on the right side of the ledger
| —i. c., in the consumer’s pockets—
comes to *47,000,000, all of which was
saved to him bv the McKinley tariff.
The tariff-is-a-tax liar and the MeKin
lcy-prices liar are already things of the
past. The tin-plate liar is in the last
throes. Is the sugar-bounty liar the
next on the bill?—American Econo
mist.
Tinnji'i Janr.
Tarsncy of Missouri, don’t see why a
man who can talk so beautifully and
intensely about the wrongs of the
workingman should not be chosen to
investigate the Homestead trouble and
to whoop it up for the Democratic
ticket. The rumor of Tarsney’s resig
nation is unfounded, as his jaw cannot,
at this crisis, be deprived of its oppor
tunity.—National Bulletin.
With No Good Hauntt.
The present Congress has appro
priated just as much money as the
"billion dollar” Congress did. The
only difference is that they have worked
with no regard to the needs of the pub
! lie business, but simply with a regard
to make a record of economy before the
people. The result is that the public
business is crippled with injudicious
cuts where money is really-needed, and
still the record is one of more money
spent than in the previous Congress.
Adlnl’i 1’lace In HUtory*
The Minneapolis Tribune says: “The
! only Adlai we read about in Scripture
was put to death, while his father was
hanged.!'
The Democrats " have nominated a
hanging ticket It will be remem
bered that Grover Cleveland hanged
two men with bis own hands rather
than pay some poor deputy *10 to do
the job for him.—Inter-Ocean.
It Killed George.
After the Democrats had circulated
his free trade, communistic volume,
“Progress and Poverty,” as a campaign
document, it is as little as Henry
George can do to howl for Cleveland.—
National Bulletin.
A Hold Kobberr.
From Albany, N. Y., comes the story
that in July, 1888, the bunco artist,
John Price, now serving a nineteen
year sentence at Dauncmora, slipped
up behind P. K. Dedrick just as he left
his carriage on the front of the Farm
ers and Mechanics’ bank and extracted
from the seat a package containing
535,000 in negotiable bonds. A few
days ago the bonds were received by
ex-District Attorney Hugh Keilly. The
package was it . and the accumu
lated interest u. .os them worth about
513,000. There is no clew from where
they came except that they wero sent
from New York city. The mystery lies
in the fact that they were returned at
all, as they are negotiable.
Traveling In Africa.
Still another African traveler, Cap
tain Binger, has gone through the sav
age regions of the west coast and the
Niger without an escort and in safety.
This Frenchman says that the natives
were everywhere peaceably inclined
toward him, and he was surprised at
their honesty. At one place he found
five or six sheds filled with merchan
dise and nobody was needed to guard
them, as there were no thieves among
the people.
Tom Hjrdo Hiding.
Tom Hyde, a somewhat notorious
character at Grafton, N. Dak., after
receiving a ten year sentence, escaped
last week. A very handsome reward
is awaiting the person who can reveal
his whereabouts. “
A Singular Fatal Accident
Walter Maroney, of Burlington, la.,
while on a steamboat excursion to
Muscatine, broke the back of the chair
in which he was sitting, fell overboard
and was drowned
WHY HE LEFT
VBtm ntGHATH TELLS WHY UE
LEFT THE ALLIANCE.
The Ex-President of the Kansaa Bill*
anti Glees Ilia Heaaona for Goins
In and for Goins Onl of (he Third
Party Hove.
Kiin.at City Journal.
Bei.oit, Kas., July SI—[Special.]
About one and one-half mile* from
tbia handsome little city in Mitchell
county, busy at work in bis harvest
held, a representative of the Journal
tound Farmer Frank McGrath, ex
president of the Kansas Farmers’ Alli
ance, and one of the practical farmers
who organized the people's movement
in this state.
• 'Let's go into the shade under that
tree," he said. "It’s blamed hot in
the sun today. I guess the boys can
keep up with the machine, and I’d
just as lief rest a half hour as not. I
can't work as steady as I used to."
“Mr. McGrath, some weeks ago you
wrote a letter which was published,
and in which you announced your
withdrawal from the People's party.
Would you mind stating more fully
than you did in that letter your rea
sons for your withdrawal, and will
you give your idea of the general con
dition of the People's movement in
Kansas?”
‘•1 will tell you why I went in, and
why I came out. I first went into the
Alliance, a secret organization, which
was expressly declared to be non
political, but soleiy for the mutual
benefit of the farmers, in the way of
cultivating1 closer relations socially,
and for mutual assistance in practical
education and business Interests. I
soon discovered that the Alliance
proper was only a cunning plan to
create anew political movement. Well
it was called *a farmers’ movement. ’
and I being a farmer, and being ready
at all times to join any movement that
would better the condition of my own
class, without injustic toother classes,
went into the new political deal heart
and soul, believing that from the
political organization of the farmers
would come purer politics and a rem
edy for some of the wrongs that
farmers have suffered in the past.
••That’s why I went in. 1 came out
because the movement has ceased to
be what it started out to oe. a farm
ers’ movement. My idea of a farmers’
movement is that it ought to originate
and to remain under the direction and
control of farmers, and not drift into
the hands of jack-leg lawyers and pro
fessional politicians.
‘•You say the farmers' movement in
this state has drifted into the control
of lawyers. Now, suppose I came to
this state from St. Louis on a mission
of importance to the independent
party, where would 1 go and to whom
wouid I go to consult the part).”
••Y'ou would go to the independent
headquarters at Topeka. There you
would find no farmer, no artisan, no
mechanic, no laboring man, but a
lot of lawyers, who sit around ail day
and smoke cigars, and piot and pian
how they can best keop the wool over
the farmer's eyes, and make him think
that it is his movement, and that he
is really "in iL” Y'ou would find
there running the farmers' movement
Dr. McLaliin. who is scheming night
and day to become state printer. Y'ou
would find Noah Allen, a lawyer, who,
in connection with Mrs. Lease, organ
ized a so-called Farmers’ Protective
association, the object of which is to
defeat by hook or crook, the enforce
ment of legal contracts. Y'ou would
find John Bridenthall. a lawyer and ali
round sharp practitioner. Y'ou would
find Lawyer Doster, a communist who
advocates repudiation, and that
all lands should be held in com
mon. You would find Nicholson,
another lawyer, and Sam King,
another lawyer, who began twenty
years ago as one of the *ycung and
rising sort’ but who has never yet
risen to plead a case in any court
higher than that of a justice of the
peace.
Why He tint OIT the Wagon.
••I tell you that the clientless lawyer
la driving the farm wagou in this state
and that is why I got off. if I've got
to have my politics dished up to me
by lawyers, I prefer to go with tne
lawyers who have some standing in
their profession, and who are able to
make an honest living out of their
profession instead of whining around
the farmers, advocating what they
don't believe for the sake of a poiiti’.
cal job.
••It’s the same way up in Nebraska, j
If you went there today and started !
out into the country to find some of
the farmers who are managing the
farmer’s movement you would be !
laughed at. You would be directed j
to a couple little editors in Lincoln !
who have heads about as big as a co- :
canut, and you will find around their
office In consultation with them two
or three alleged lawyera who never j
go to court except as spectators. But !
when you want to see the grand high i
priest of the People’s movement in
Nebraska you would go to Paul Van-1
dervoort, who is notorious as a pro
fessional lobbyist all the way from the
state capital at Lincoln to the national
capital at Washington. You wouiu
find this man Vandervoort devoting
his entirfi time to the Peonie s move
ment. * i
After spending twenty years of hi
life as a hired go-between, assistin
corporations and land syndicates t
plunder the farmer, he now blossom
out as a farmer's friend, and any da
you can see him dodging in and out t
the hotels, holding council in a low
keyed voice with the cheao editor
who flit back and forth through th
state on railroad passes fixing "thing
lor the state convention. You woul
see at Omaha a little pop-eyed, baby
faced lawyer named Strickler. wh
was chief chambermaid at the lat
national convention, and is now th
national committeeman from that stat<
The spectacle of a lot of strong;
thrifty farmers being led around anti
managed by such brazen demagogues
and such little puppets is enough tc
make the whole country laugh oul
loud and lose forever ail the confidence
it ever bad in ‘'farmer” sense.
Fooling the Farmer*.
"And yet these farmers call it their
movement, and get together and
chuckle and congratulate each other
that Paul Vanuervoort ana little
Strickler have come over to the Peo
ple’s party. If you went out into the
country in Nebraska where the real
farmers are, who are supposed to be
the beneficiaries of this movement,
you would see them meeting together
in county conventions and talking to
gether in groups, and making plans
with as much earnestness and enthusi
asm as if they really had something to
say in the matter of who should be
nominated on their state ticket on
August 3. But. in the meantime,
Paul Vandervoort and the little pop
eyed Strickler and the cocoanut
headea editors have had it all ar
ranged for months; and they have set
aside John H. Powers, who is poor
in everything hut honest manhood,
and they have set aside J. Burrows,
who has been working disinterestedly
in this movement for ten years—they
have set aside these men because their
methods are plain and honest; they
have slated Van Wyck for the gov
ernorship and for the United States
senatorship because, they say. he is
skilled in ail the devious ways of the
old parties, and, having become rich
out of political plunder in the past, he
is now able to compensate Paul Van
dervoort and the little popeyed lawyer
and the little cocoanut-headed editors
for their services in behalf of the dear
farmers.”
••But it may be that Van Wyck is
! the strongest man for them to put up
' by reason of his experience and his
money.”
| * No, he is not the strongest candi
date, if you mean by that his ability
I to get votes. No man who is a noto
rious demagogue and who has been a
professional oflicehunter all his life
can be a strong candidate on the peo
ple’s ticket in a farmer state where
the voter takes his Australian ballot
into the little stall and there remem
bers that one of the cardinal princi
ples of the people’s party is that the
office should seeic the man and not the
man seeic the office. No! Van VVyck’s
money can buy the truckling support
of the cocnanut-headed euitors and the
little pop-eyed lawyer and the puffing
braggadocio of i'aul Vandervoort, but
it can t buy the votes of thousands of
independent farmers who are to-day
humiliated at the spectacle of the most
shameless scramble for office that
NebrasKa ever witnessed.
Kept Tab on Nebraska.
••I have kept, tab on that state pret
ty close for several years and I have
never yet seen in either of the old
parlies a man running for governor
and United States senator both at once,
and chasing from town to town, night
and day. for six months before the
uominating convention. Why iook at
that man when he was in the United
Slates senate from New York! He
has never denied that he made a mil
lion dollars by introducing bluff reso
lutions to depress the stock values of
different railroads, speculating on these
stocks all the while himself, under the
direction of .Jay Gould, and now he
comes back to the farmers of Nebraska
ana calls himself the farmers' friend.
When he wants to go to New Orleans
or San irancisco, or his old home in
New York, or anywhere in this broad
country, he carries a letter from Gould,
asking courtesy of the different lines.
But when he goes on short trios in
Nebraska, from town to town, among
the farmers, he buys a ticket at each
station and takes good care that all
the farmers standing around see the
ticket, and whenever anyone happens
to catch him with a pass he impudent
ly calls it •foraging on the enemy.’
„ "Then you don’t thins that
\ an Wyck wiil be nominated for
governor and that the independents
wiii carry NebrasKa tnis full?’’
••No; I didn t say that. I think
Van Wyck will be nominated all right
for he has the party by the throat
and it can t wiifylo. but 1 don't think
it wiil win the election this fail. 1
tell you there are thousands o! in
dependents who went into the move
ment two years ago because they
thought it was an honest movement,
us I aid. but who are today ashamed
of the whole business and wiii wash
their hands of it at the ooiis next
November’’
••W hati do you think about. fusion?’*
••I don t think it wiil worn. It's a
trick; ana no national election was
ever yet won by a fusion trice. You
can sometimes work a trick on a little
town caucus or a county election but ■
when you get into national ootities
tnereis a uiy-nily and a patriotic senti
ment in party doctrines that shames
tne petty tricics of ward puiitics.
Farmers >«» « orkliis That w ay.
•‘And I believe the Democratic lead
ers in Kansas have blown their iight
out forever, as far as their party is
concerned. They undertake to sneak
tnetr candidate into tne White house
unuer farmer petticoats, but I don't
believe the farmers want a president
elected that way, and I think the good
sense and honest conscience of the na
tion wili brand the fusion scheme as
dishonest on the part of Doth parties
to the contract. And it wili make the
straight forward honesty of the Repub
lican party stand out more conspicu
ously in the eyes of the nation than
ever before.”
“\\ hat per cent of the independent
party are farmers?”
••Seventy-eight per cent.”
• What per cent of the independent
party as it now stands are in it solely
for what good they believe it will brine
to the country in general?"
••About four-fifths of the independents
are honest and conscientious, and they
are in the movement for what good
there is in it. About one man in ev
| ery five is scheming for an office «,
personal benefit of some kind, and a,
1 don’t care a straw what wild scheme,
! are proposed, only so it catches vote,
' 1 tried hard to keep these crazy schem.
ers out of the party but it was no use"
■•What do you mean by cra»
schemers3”
Hun by Crazy Schemers,
, “Well the sub-treasury schemer)
for instance. That was the mast u„!
: practical, as well us the most eaten.
; ing doctrine they ever invented, i,
set the people wild with enthusiasts
’ 1 denounced it in the councils of tit,
i party from the very start, but ih«
I restless agitators who were beniis*
the bushes for recruits said it was ni
matter whether the scheme w,,
practical or not, 'it catches votes liK,
wildfire. We need it to arouse tns
people.’ Why! I tell you it caught
like wildfire, I received hundreds o!
letters from farmers all over the stats
asking when we thought it would be
come a law and when thev would i«
likely to get relief by it, as the;
needed it to relieve their present em
barrassment and to pay off mature!
loans.
1 -The worst trouble in the whole
movement is that the lobbyists of the
party, those whose whole business waj
to lash the people into fury and arouss
class prejudice, have carried the ueo.
pie off their feet and turned thei?
heads completeiy into a condition oi
hate and jealousy and crazy restless
ness, until a man almost doubts the
whole of popular government. If the
farmers were let aione they are no;
unreasonable, and they will do no
harm; but the trouble is that the far-]
mer don’t run it. The agitator runsl
the movement and the rank and fils
recklessly applaud and follow, ami
the fellow with the wildest scheme gets
the loudest cheer. I am sorry for tbs
course things have taken. I believe
in farmer organization, but I don’t be
iieve in a farmers’ movement maniDu.
lated and managed by reckless agita
tors and shyster lawyers.”
How (lie Tariff la Not Added!
We are pleased to see the stren
uous persistency with which ths
enemies of protection hang on to the
assumption that the tariff is added to
the price of home productions. The;
yet do this, knowing as well as we
that it is all their hope—and when
that assumption is knocked from un
der them, their case falls to the
ground. We are glad they hang on
this for they are losing ground on
that score every day the campaign ad
vances. and are bound to be brought
down from out this tree before it
closes.
The status of the protective princi
ple, as we have heretofore stated it
is just this: The protective duty ii
levied on the foreign product, not on
the American maae. The American
made has steadily grown cheaper un
der protection—so that we do not
have to use the tariff taxed article
No man can set it aside! Now ws
wish it distinctly observed that we do
not make assumptions without proof,
and we wili proceed to prove our as
sumption by referring to mostly
articles of necessity:
The working girls dress (called) a
fabric of substantial print, neat pat
ern, worn by majority of the wonting
poor: Duty 3 cents a yard; can be
bought in the open market in New
Yoric for 3j cents a yard. Will some
body explain to the people how thn
tariff is added. AccordingtoMr. Bry
an’s ridicule at the hall the other
night if the tariff is added in this
case, the original price is below noth
ing! But Mr. Bryan's ridicule does
not alter broad facts!
M orking girl's dress (wool—home
spun) Duty on this suit, if imported,
would be $4.13; was bought of a dem
ocratic merchant in New York ail
made up ready to put on for $3.98—
lo cents less than the tax. How is
the tax added? And what becomes
of the lie that the common necessa
ries are higher?
Working giri’s cloak ( “Pattern cir
cular”—Beaver) heavy double gar
ment for winter: Duty $d. 13; retail
price $3.9S. These are New Yors
prices where most working people
live. But what becomes of tne tax?
Poor girl's dress (woot and cotton
dress goods): Duty, when imported,
$1.79; bought at home for $l.-bu. Now.
to borrow some of Air. Bryan's ridi
cule. all you have to do is to abolish
the tariff and you can get the suit for
one cent!
t\ urging girl'sapron (calico): Tar
iff taxed 6c a yd; retail price 4U'.
ine enemies tell the pedple this poor
piri's apron’ "is taxed' 110 per cent.”
'1 his may not be an outright iie—but
isn't it meaner than a direct lie?
\\ orking girl's summer dress (chal
lis, wool and cotton): Tariff taxed id
cents a yard: retail price 7 cents a
yd. This goods is good enough for
any importer's daughter, but tbs
working girl can buy it without the
tax being added.
Poor boy’s pants (good, firm ma!6*
rial) taxed 43c a yd; cun be bougnt
for -7c a yd. \\ ho p.ivs the 43 cents?
Poor boy s suit (ail wool good
enough and fine enough for Vander
bilt s boy.) Duty on whole suit fil.-4;
it costs only $1.20 complete. Where’s
the lax come in?
Poor man s shirt (flannel—all wooi)
The shirt is taxed 8Uc; but it was pur
chased for 11c less than the tax. Ho*
do democrats reconcile this? They
don't reconcile, they just assume!
Working man's ' shirt (shirtinj
prints) Taxed 6c a yard; retails for
a yard. According to Bryan's
ridicule the purchaser simply pays tne
tax and takes the shirt along for
nothing.
Poor man’s blanket (not the finest
material, of course, but what most
working men sleep under), tariff 'Joe.
which. Van Wyck once told us at tbs
opera house, the Doorman paid; it is
purchased at 90c.' We all know ho*
Van lied to us. He lies this way w
the people wherever he goes.
