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About The daily Nebraskan. ([Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-current | View Entire Issue (Jan. 16, 1964)
wimp lF Thursday, January 16, 1964 GUEST EDITORIAL: Ethical Cow? Is there a question of ethical integrity in a campus figure who attempts to influence opinion through newspaper columns and public comment? Campus leaders have dis cussed this Issue behind closed doors for quite some time. The problem is not new, nor is it unique. Business and professional men as well as campus leaders across the country face the issue daily. Honesty is a valid criteria for judging all persons who vie for the public spotlight. The behind-closed-doors discussions at Nebraska have beea mainly centered around Jim Moore's Sacred Cow, this year. Students and administrators agree that individuals who have placed themselves in a position of talking for the stu dents as a columnist or spokesman must adhere to time honored principles of honestv and Integrity. Moore, now a DAILY NEBRASKA columnist, was a candidate in an invalidated election for Builders Student Council Representative. He is no longer a member of the fraternity to which he was activated. Bat yesterday, ia aa attempt to influence Student Coun ciTi decision on whether or sot to dissolve the drinking study, Moore said that he had talked to Fred Ware, Execu tive Editor of the OMAHA WORLD HERALD, and that Ware favored a change to state law allowing J.2 beer at age IS and was aw aiting Council action on the issue. Ware revealed in a phone conversation that, "I have never beard of Jim Moore. I have never spoken to Jim Moore. I wonder who this Jim Moore is." Ware continued that he was opposed to any change in existing Nebraska liquor laws. Moore, fighting for the preservation of the drinking study, attempted to influence a decision which affects 12,000 students. The question of whether or not the drinking committee should exist does not come into focus under this editorial. Rather, we, as students first, do not want a man who stoops to such levels and tactics of persuasion to speak for us. Futhermore, we do not feel that Moore has an ethical right to exert influence, either as a columnist or spokes man, on toe students of this University. DICK WEILL GARY POKORXY ARXIE GARSOX The New Guard: T70 Pa By Bob Weaver One of the strengths of the American political sys tem is considered to be the two party structure. But do we actually have two par ties except than in organi zational form? James Mac Gregor Burns in his book. The Deadlock of Democra cy contends that in actual ity, the United States is faced with a problem of four party politics. The members of this four party system, are con tended to be the presiden tial and congressional wings of the Democrat and Repub lican parties. Each party has its own electoral strength, though not wholly separate from its struc tural partner, and separate characteristics. From where does the four parry system receive its tendency? Burns answers this question by examining American political party history. The competition of the so-called Madisoaiaa and Jeffertoniaa tenden cies, is the parent of our present structure. Upon examination the Madisonian system yields these characteristics: Per sonal factions would grow around each office seeker and holder and these fac tions would support the con stitutional system of checks and balances. The offices LITTLE MAN illlfj ftSs ( 1-., c'f--'-- &f -fm.X'!!Vi!g7 lm"" 'aw JfWt 1 &ku, wrfAT have sou vecoeo to vo mor alu o3&tmh cm roes t themselves would give sta bility to the system. As forces brought temporary crisises, the system would reorder itself into, basicall ly, the same patterns afterward- The result of com peting factions, of course, has left our politics frag mitized. Governing is done through coalition, consen sus, and compromise. It is the Madisonian sys tem which has generally given birth to the two con gressional parties. The Jeffersoniaa system, subject to the control of the majority Is the competing system of the Madisoniaa tendency. Power is organ ized more on a heirarchical basis with built-in leader ship. A national party exists which is able to provide more free and vigorous leadership. As the name implies the Jeffersonian system had its beginning while Thomas Jefferson was organizing political strength for his election campaigns and for his administrative pro grams. The Madisonian sys tem is a result of the con stitutional system of checks and balances largely con ceived by James Madison. The Madisonian has been the controlling system and is so today despite the ef forts of certain presidents such as Jefferson, Jackson, Wilson and both Roosevelts. ON CAMPUS What's riappeimiinio Don CIi EIMTOR NATE: William Rarkkrv, ft f4 rMrratlT n4 adtlar af Nattonal Rrvtow. wrote this re- tw a Jaa. 14. 1M4, lw a4 Mi By William F. Buckley Jr. What is going on at Amer ican colleges and univer sities? A lot is of course 'I HEAR SOME By establishing two levels of political competitor state and national, the fed eral sy stem broadens the impact of the Madisonian system. A state's political complexion is controlled by and caa be out of step with the national situation, the greater the sectional feeling which exists among voters. Certain political and na tional storms, such as Civil War. have increased the disarticulation of the state national picture and have resulted in numerous one party congressional d i s tricts. This creates centers of power in each congres sional party at "variance with the presidential lead ership." The last factor which de nies real order to the sys tem is the popular dif ferences between the vari ous economic and way-of-life issues. The prevailing Madisonian system pro vides representativeness, flexibility, and accessibility at the "expense of leader ship vigor, speed and ef fective and comprehensive national action." Each of the four parties has its clean? recognized characteristics. This is sot to tay, however, that tome characteristics don't over lap evea between the con gressional and presidential groups. The presidential parties are oriented towards the presidency, seeking broad national support Its main buttress is the national con vention. It is interesting to note that W'arren G. Hard ing is the last of the so called congressional Repub licans to gain the nomina tion. This has interesting im plications for Senator Bar ry Goldwater, a member of the present congressional Republican party. Each congressional group has its roots in Congress and in turn in each Congressman's local district where he gains his local electoral support. All the machinery of Con w ' Ur P Th Daily Nebra&kan r?'',HAIl, Hwtnt-mph-; GMiUO&S, BOB CVNNr.HOHAM. PtrrE Mbarrtptioa) nim ts Bar wnMi, Bnler4 aa amoml elum tnatlar at The Daily Nttoraakjui u uhiitu - WfrtmMiw, Tbtiradw, Friday tw VniYvMtv af Mwaa fortftitf msr Urn twwditwii r thu faculty 44ximmtu m M&Unt raMbxioaa. Pohbratl'ma ?TT r!. ..'"7" hr Oi frubnommiUfle or any pr a ovtaxkr u w"ba"j " "brwk' iwowiM. tor arte Oiar cum the easiest and safest an swer. At one level I speak with devastating authority. The college in America with a visiting lecturer's program, an auditorium, and three conservative stu dents with mischief in their yes that has been spared a speech by me during the OF OUR MISSIliS ARE DEFECTIVE. We IrHave gress, including its main lubricant, the seniority rule, is the congressional parties' national arena. In electoral behavior, the presidential parties mast deal with the electoral col lege and therefore mast cater to the heavily popu lated urban states with their liberal dogma. Al though members of the pres idential parties, they are elected from marginal dis tricts and oa presidential coattafls. Thus it makes it difficult to gain reelection as with Eisenhower Repub licans w ho lost In 1954. Certain congressman such as Jacob Javits and John Sherman Cooper, and Jaul Douglas and Herbert Lehman can be classified as being in the Republican and Democrat presidential parties respectively. Ideologically the presi dential parties are general ly liberal domestically and internationalist in foreign policy with the Democrat group prevailing over the Republican as to degree. At the other end of the spec trum, the congressional Re publicans are the most con servative domestically and isolationist in foreign po licy with the Democrat con gressional party running a close second There are other char acteristics such as career lines where presidential members come from uni versities and urban law and banking firms. The congressional mem bers tend to come from small town law firms and other small town beginn ings. Each group has its own press corps and each of the presidential parties tend to be more oriented toward Europe in foreign policy while congressional parties, especially Republi can, have an Asian orien tation. Geographically, the con gressional Democrats are from the South and con gressional Republ i c a n s from the rural Northern WK'K ROOD, porta editar; MfKE LAUE, fruaUMn aaataUinu. a . ttm mm. ftkw to LincoU. MabrMka, , t ft.!. Umim past ten years can count its ironic blessings. Freshest in my mind is a sojourn early last month, at the University of Texas, where I spent a week as a Visiting Resident among some of the kindest and most enjoyable persons I have ever met Foyir? areas. The presidential Re publicans and Democrats come from the urban areas of the Mid-West. Northeast and West; Republicans have a heavier emphasis in the middle class suburbs. Party committees tend to be in the hands of the congressional groups, espe cially when that party is not ia the White House. The president usually re mains ia command of his own party machinery while in and for the party out of office the presidential party lacks real leadership since it has bo one leader in office. The threat of internation al communism in foreign policy and the ever increas ing problems of the urban areas domestically de mands that vigorous lead ership be given the United States. This leaderhip, of course, is inherent in each presidential party. The situation therefore demands that certain steps be taken to insure the availability of that leader ship. This might be done, according to Burns, in var ious ways. Through broad ening the electorate by in suring Negro and other mi nority rights, the degerry mandering of Congress, elimination of the seniority rule, effective party con trl of Congress, and better Congressional ac tion through a vigorous leadership and parliamen tary procedure. The national government, according to Burns, might control national elections, and national parties must build grassroots support The congressional and pres idential parties of each must merge organizational ly and again, a new lead ership must be developed for Congress. Parties and candidates should be s a p ported and financed by a broad, popular and syste matic basis. Events of the past year in Congress and of the past two centuries historically show how leaders can be frustrated, even by their own party. If America is to meet the challenges in the dec ades ahead, new and vig orous leadership is needed. Regardless of political phi losophy and its application, the cure for what ails de mocracy is "responsible, committed, effective, and exuberant leadership . . ." The University, like other great state universities on lv more so, is bursting at the seams; with energy Intellectual, physical, and acquisitive. The students are bright and curious, re sponding proudly to the implacable decision of their faculty and presiaeni ra uu the standards of learning, slowly but surely. State universities tread a delicate v line between the demands of the electorate, which seem to call for an aca demic degree for any one prepared to spend four vears in residence (a B.S. is a birthright, democracy says), and the inherent meaning of a degree (give a degree to everyone, and it ceases to ' mean any thing. What are modern stu dents primarily concerned about yes, yes, I mean beyond the conventional concerns of physically nor mal young Americans? The answer, at Texas as else where, has really to do with the question whether any thing is knowable. So much time has been given over in our recent intellectual past to pounding home the necessity for freedom of speech, to celebrating the v value of dissent, to singing the praises of academic freedom, that the impres sion is given that what they have most to look forward to is the process of flux, or the changes that dissent and academic freedom will ring in. If, out of piety for the First Amendment, we end up encouraging man to use his freedom to cultivate and evangelize whatever is his belief Communism, say we are actually very close to saying that our own disbelief in Commu nism is less strong than ' Ihf .4 WW of A GUIDE FOR THE GLIDERS One of ti most interesting academic thewx advanced in many a lone yew has recently been advanced by Jliat interet me aeai-mie tlKVT.st. E. Pluribos Ewbank, Ph. D. who holds the chair of Interetiiie Academic Theoria' at the St. Ixmh Collf-ce of Footwear and Educational Philosophy. Dr. Ehank said in the last iwiie of the learned journal, the Mount Rvhmor (,'wk to SrMmtif AArawvmmi and I'rtfidenW Head, that t fiiiirht ) spprnachirifr the whoie proMem of student fruidamw i7vnn the wnmn direction. Dr. E WV. a hichly rp'ted pediiC'true and a lifekriig miKiker of Marlboro C'ipirfttw. (I niftition Marlboro for two firM. to indicate t)ie woopeof Dr. Ewliank'f. brainpower. Oit of all tl do-n of brands of cipsrettfis available today, Ir. Ewtarjfc ha had the wit and ta-te to pick the one with the mo flavorful flavor, the nnn filtraeious filter, the mart soft wft pack, t)ie most flip top Hip Top ho: I refer, of course, to Marlboro. The eeond rcaon I rrwntion Marlboro i that I frt paid to mention Marlboro in thi column, and the laborer, yon will i worthy of hi hire.) But I digress. To return to Dr. EwUnk'f interctiriU theory, be eontendf that mot colleee (ruidance counselor are inclined to take the eay way out. That to say, if a rt'lent' aptitude show a Ulent for, let w Kay. math, the student i encoiir-ac-d to major in math. If his t-t show n aptitude for poetry, be is directed towwd poetry. And o forth. All wrong. y Dr. Ewbank. The great breakt"ugk.. t)m tarthng innovation in, let us say, math, are likeij u be made not by mathematicians-wto thinking, after all, ' constrained by rigid rule and principle-but by maverick, by noiieon. forroist, by intuitr.r who refuse w fall into tlie rut of reason. lor instance. et a port to .tudying math. He will bring a fresli, unfettered mind to tlie object, just an matliernaUcian will bring tlie name kiml of approach to pfr-. hy way of evidence,. Dr. Ewbank cit the cane of Cipher Binary, youth who entcre1 colie with brilliant test ncom in phyc chemistry, and U calcuiu. But Dr. Ewbank Uv4 young Ciplier to maj'tr in pfjetry. Tim result were touihiiir. Here, for rumple, w vounf f-ipher-n latest poem, a love lyric of sueL originality that Lord Byron spring to mind. I quote: He vnt her lugnrithm. Me vm hi cmine. Taking their dog vnth " m. They haxtentH to go tiyt, M arruigt rwm which they joyfultij A nd woomI and teed and pi T tqwmd. Similarly, when frhman girl najned Eliiabetb Brret4 favtfooa came to Dr. Ewbank to ek guidance, be ignored tl fact that si had won the PuliUer pnae fr poetry when b wa eight, and iwisted a. major in mtlasmatic. Again the resulu were ftartling. Mjh Sigafoo, Ima m the entire nnrth departinent ag by flatly refusing to believe that mx tirnen Bine 54. If Mm HipJom a eorrect, we wiU have to re-think tlie entire .cik of aumbm and-wlw kDowar-powibly opea up tTsta a yet undreamed of in mathematics Dr. Ewtjank'g unorthodox approacli to student guidance hat " "li - einnUjyeri that he wa fired last week. He if urrenUy wUing beaded ouxin. ,t Mount Rushnw,re. - MHMaiIMM T2J.h?hm5?en. Marlboro- nlv on kind of tuiZ lluUt9 'rtat'r Pfcre. Try m i?Jft , ,'r'rZ riU,hl' "terew cigarette mre eoli bi all fifty ttatet of the Union. our belief that Communism should have continuing op portunities to win over a majority; we are renounc ing. Implicitly, our belief that our indictment of Com munism is sufficient for all the ages. If man is to be encouraged to exercise his freedom to deny the bases of American life, the bases of American life are pre sumptively suspect. Stu dents are being encouraged to exercise their academic freedom in such a way as to encourage the notion that the operative ideals rf our society a- suspect. Suspect because we can not really know (as Thomas Jefferson is thought ty have implied) that our own way is right: because we can not really know (as John Stuart Mill Is misunder stood to have believed) that the many in 19then tury England -were right, while the few were wrong; because (as Oliver Wendell Holmes quite truly be lieved) the only test of truth is its ability to acceptance In Ure market place. And so the American student often appears as though his principal duties are a) to prepare the way for some chiliastic discov ery, tomorrow, or the next day and who knows, Gus Hall may be its prophet, and b) to deplore those, those those Absolutists the 20th century'' ana thema) who insist that while all the truth is not now known, nor is likely ever to be known, we know now. even now, enough of the truth, to assert proudly and confidently the general direction in which we should think and act; that Continued oa Page 3 - ' Ro'ih ftouwi Ihr Fflfl. Bout r' ' Bart'ont Bm, Wtik Owl.