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Thursday, January 16, 1964
GUEST EDITORIAL:
Ethical Cow?
Is there a question of ethical integrity in a campus
figure who attempts to influence opinion through newspaper
columns and public comment? Campus leaders have dis
cussed this Issue behind closed doors for quite some time.
The problem is not new, nor is it unique. Business and
professional men as well as campus leaders across the
country face the issue daily. Honesty is a valid criteria for
judging all persons who vie for the public spotlight.
The behind-closed-doors discussions at Nebraska have
beea mainly centered around Jim Moore's Sacred Cow, this
year.
Students and administrators agree that individuals who
have placed themselves in a position of talking for the stu
dents as a columnist or spokesman must adhere to time
honored principles of honestv and Integrity.
Moore, now a DAILY NEBRASKA columnist, was a
candidate in an invalidated election for Builders Student
Council Representative. He is no longer a member of the
fraternity to which he was activated.
Bat yesterday, ia aa attempt to influence Student Coun
ciTi decision on whether or sot to dissolve the drinking
study, Moore said that he had talked to Fred Ware, Execu
tive Editor of the OMAHA WORLD HERALD, and that
Ware favored a change to state law allowing J.2 beer at
age IS and was aw aiting Council action on the issue.
Ware revealed in a phone conversation that, "I have
never beard of Jim Moore. I have never spoken to Jim
Moore. I wonder who this Jim Moore is." Ware continued
that he was opposed to any change in existing Nebraska
liquor laws.
Moore, fighting for the preservation of the drinking
study, attempted to influence a decision which affects
12,000 students.
The question of whether or not the drinking committee
should exist does not come into focus under this editorial.
Rather, we, as students first, do not want a man who
stoops to such levels and tactics of persuasion to speak for
us.
Futhermore, we do not feel that Moore has an ethical
right to exert influence, either as a columnist or spokes
man, on toe students of this University.
DICK WEILL
GARY POKORXY
ARXIE GARSOX
The New Guard:
T70 Pa
By Bob Weaver
One of the strengths of
the American political sys
tem is considered to be the
two party structure. But do
we actually have two par
ties except than in organi
zational form? James Mac
Gregor Burns in his book.
The Deadlock of Democra
cy contends that in actual
ity, the United States is
faced with a problem of
four party politics.
The members of this four
party system, are con
tended to be the presiden
tial and congressional wings
of the Democrat and Repub
lican parties. Each party
has its own electoral
strength, though not wholly
separate from its struc
tural partner, and separate
characteristics.
From where does the four
parry system receive its
tendency? Burns answers
this question by examining
American political party
history. The competition of
the so-called Madisoaiaa
and Jeffertoniaa tenden
cies, is the parent of our
present structure.
Upon examination the
Madisonian system yields
these characteristics: Per
sonal factions would grow
around each office seeker
and holder and these fac
tions would support the con
stitutional system of checks
and balances. The offices
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roes t
themselves would give sta
bility to the system. As
forces brought temporary
crisises, the system would
reorder itself into, basicall
ly, the same patterns afterward-
The result of com
peting factions, of course,
has left our politics frag
mitized. Governing is done
through coalition, consen
sus, and compromise.
It is the Madisonian sys
tem which has generally
given birth to the two con
gressional parties.
The Jeffersoniaa system,
subject to the control of the
majority Is the competing
system of the Madisoniaa
tendency. Power is organ
ized more on a heirarchical
basis with built-in leader
ship. A national party exists
which is able to provide
more free and vigorous
leadership.
As the name implies the
Jeffersonian system had its
beginning while Thomas
Jefferson was organizing
political strength for his
election campaigns and for
his administrative pro
grams. The Madisonian sys
tem is a result of the con
stitutional system of checks
and balances largely con
ceived by James Madison.
The Madisonian has been
the controlling system and
is so today despite the ef
forts of certain presidents
such as Jefferson, Jackson,
Wilson and both Roosevelts.
ON CAMPUS
What's riappeimiinio Don CIi
EIMTOR NATE: William Rarkkrv,
ft f4 rMrratlT n4 adtlar af
Nattonal Rrvtow. wrote this re-
tw a Jaa. 14. 1M4, lw a4 Mi
By William F. Buckley Jr.
What is going on at Amer
ican colleges and univer
sities? A lot is of course
'I HEAR SOME
By establishing two levels
of political competitor
state and national, the fed
eral sy stem broadens the
impact of the Madisonian
system. A state's political
complexion is controlled by
and caa be out of step with
the national situation, the
greater the sectional feeling
which exists among voters.
Certain political and na
tional storms, such as Civil
War. have increased the
disarticulation of the state
national picture and have
resulted in numerous one
party congressional d i s
tricts. This creates centers
of power in each congres
sional party at "variance
with the presidential lead
ership." The last factor which de
nies real order to the sys
tem is the popular dif
ferences between the vari
ous economic and way-of-life
issues. The prevailing
Madisonian system pro
vides representativeness,
flexibility, and accessibility
at the "expense of leader
ship vigor, speed and ef
fective and comprehensive
national action."
Each of the four parties
has its clean? recognized
characteristics. This is sot
to tay, however, that tome
characteristics don't over
lap evea between the con
gressional and presidential
groups.
The presidential parties
are oriented towards the
presidency, seeking broad
national support Its main
buttress is the national con
vention. It is interesting to
note that W'arren G. Hard
ing is the last of the so
called congressional Repub
licans to gain the nomina
tion. This has interesting im
plications for Senator Bar
ry Goldwater, a member
of the present congressional
Republican party. Each
congressional group has its
roots in Congress and in
turn in each Congressman's
local district where he gains
his local electoral support.
All the machinery of Con
w
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Th Daily Nebra&kan
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GMiUO&S, BOB CVNNr.HOHAM. PtrrE
Mbarrtptioa) nim ts Bar wnMi,
Bnler4 aa amoml elum tnatlar at
The Daily Nttoraakjui u uhiitu -
WfrtmMiw, Tbtiradw, Friday tw VniYvMtv af Mwaa fortftitf msr Urn
twwditwii r thu faculty 44ximmtu m M&Unt raMbxioaa. Pohbratl'ma
?TT r!. ..'"7" hr Oi frubnommiUfle or any pr a ovtaxkr u
w"ba"j " "brwk' iwowiM. tor arte Oiar cum
the easiest and safest an
swer. At one level I speak
with devastating authority.
The college in America
with a visiting lecturer's
program, an auditorium,
and three conservative stu
dents with mischief in their
yes that has been spared
a speech by me during the
OF OUR MISSIliS ARE DEFECTIVE.
We IrHave
gress, including its main
lubricant, the seniority rule,
is the congressional parties'
national arena.
In electoral behavior, the
presidential parties mast
deal with the electoral col
lege and therefore mast
cater to the heavily popu
lated urban states with
their liberal dogma. Al
though members of the pres
idential parties, they are
elected from marginal dis
tricts and oa presidential
coattafls. Thus it makes it
difficult to gain reelection
as with Eisenhower Repub
licans w ho lost In 1954.
Certain congressman
such as Jacob Javits and
John Sherman Cooper, and
Jaul Douglas and Herbert
Lehman can be classified
as being in the Republican
and Democrat presidential
parties respectively.
Ideologically the presi
dential parties are general
ly liberal domestically and
internationalist in foreign
policy with the Democrat
group prevailing over the
Republican as to degree. At
the other end of the spec
trum, the congressional Re
publicans are the most con
servative domestically and
isolationist in foreign po
licy with the Democrat con
gressional party running a
close second
There are other char
acteristics such as career
lines where presidential
members come from uni
versities and urban law and
banking firms.
The congressional mem
bers tend to come from
small town law firms and
other small town beginn
ings. Each group has its
own press corps and each
of the presidential parties
tend to be more oriented
toward Europe in foreign
policy while congressional
parties, especially Republi
can, have an Asian orien
tation. Geographically, the con
gressional Democrats are
from the South and con
gressional Republ i c a n s
from the rural Northern
WK'K ROOD, porta editar; MfKE
LAUE, fruaUMn aaataUinu.
a .
ttm mm. ftkw to LincoU. MabrMka,
, t ft.!. Umim
past ten years can count its
ironic blessings.
Freshest in my mind is
a sojourn early last month,
at the University of Texas,
where I spent a week as
a Visiting Resident among
some of the kindest and
most enjoyable persons I
have ever met
Foyir?
areas. The presidential Re
publicans and Democrats
come from the urban areas
of the Mid-West. Northeast
and West; Republicans
have a heavier emphasis
in the middle class
suburbs.
Party committees tend
to be in the hands of the
congressional groups, espe
cially when that party is
not ia the White House.
The president usually re
mains ia command of his
own party machinery while
in and for the party out
of office the presidential
party lacks real leadership
since it has bo one leader
in office.
The threat of internation
al communism in foreign
policy and the ever increas
ing problems of the urban
areas domestically de
mands that vigorous lead
ership be given the United
States. This leaderhip, of
course, is inherent in each
presidential party.
The situation therefore
demands that certain steps
be taken to insure the
availability of that leader
ship. This might be done,
according to Burns, in var
ious ways. Through broad
ening the electorate by in
suring Negro and other mi
nority rights, the degerry
mandering of Congress,
elimination of the seniority
rule, effective party con
trl of Congress, and better
Congressional ac
tion through a vigorous
leadership and parliamen
tary procedure.
The national government,
according to Burns, might
control national elections,
and national parties must
build grassroots support
The congressional and pres
idential parties of each
must merge organizational
ly and again, a new lead
ership must be developed
for Congress. Parties and
candidates should be s a p
ported and financed by a
broad, popular and syste
matic basis.
Events of the past year
in Congress and of the past
two centuries historically
show how leaders can be
frustrated, even by their
own party.
If America is to meet
the challenges in the dec
ades ahead, new and vig
orous leadership is needed.
Regardless of political phi
losophy and its application,
the cure for what ails de
mocracy is "responsible,
committed, effective, and
exuberant leadership . . ."
The University, like other
great state universities on
lv more so, is bursting at
the seams; with energy
Intellectual, physical, and
acquisitive. The students
are bright and curious, re
sponding proudly to the
implacable decision of their
faculty and presiaeni ra uu
the standards of learning,
slowly but surely. State
universities tread a delicate
v line between the demands
of the electorate, which
seem to call for an aca
demic degree for any one
prepared to spend four
vears in residence (a B.S.
is a birthright, democracy
says), and the inherent
meaning of a degree (give
a degree to everyone, and
it ceases to ' mean any
thing. What are modern stu
dents primarily concerned
about yes, yes, I mean
beyond the conventional
concerns of physically nor
mal young Americans? The
answer, at Texas as else
where, has really to do with
the question whether any
thing is knowable. So much
time has been given over
in our recent intellectual
past to pounding home the
necessity for freedom of
speech, to celebrating the
v value of dissent, to singing
the praises of academic
freedom, that the impres
sion is given that what they
have most to look forward
to is the process of flux,
or the changes that dissent
and academic freedom will
ring in.
If, out of piety for the
First Amendment, we end
up encouraging man to use
his freedom to cultivate
and evangelize whatever is
his belief Communism,
say we are actually very
close to saying that our
own disbelief in Commu
nism is less strong than
' Ihf .4 WW of
A GUIDE FOR THE GLIDERS
One of ti most interesting academic thewx advanced in
many a lone yew has recently been advanced by Jliat interet
me aeai-mie tlKVT.st. E. Pluribos Ewbank, Ph. D. who holds
the chair of Interetiiie Academic Theoria' at the St. Ixmh
Collf-ce of Footwear and Educational Philosophy. Dr. Ehank
said in the last iwiie of the learned journal, the Mount Rvhmor
(,'wk to SrMmtif AArawvmmi and I'rtfidenW Head, that t
fiiiirht ) spprnachirifr the whoie proMem of student fruidamw
i7vnn the wnmn direction.
Dr. E WV. a hichly rp'ted pediiC'true and a lifekriig
miKiker of Marlboro C'ipirfttw. (I niftition Marlboro for two
firM. to indicate t)ie woopeof Dr. Ewliank'f. brainpower.
Oit of all tl do-n of brands of cipsrettfis available today,
Ir. Ewtarjfc ha had the wit and ta-te to pick the one with the
mo flavorful flavor, the nnn filtraeious filter, the mart soft
wft pack, t)ie most flip top Hip Top ho: I refer, of course, to
Marlboro. The eeond rcaon I rrwntion Marlboro i that I frt
paid to mention Marlboro in thi column, and the laborer, yon
will i worthy of hi hire.)
But I digress. To return to Dr. EwUnk'f interctiriU theory,
be eontendf that mot colleee (ruidance counselor are inclined
to take the eay way out. That to say, if a rt'lent' aptitude
show a Ulent for, let w Kay. math, the student i encoiir-ac-d
to major in math. If his t-t show n aptitude for poetry,
be is directed towwd poetry. And o forth.
All wrong. y Dr. Ewbank. The great breakt"ugk.. t)m
tarthng innovation in, let us say, math, are likeij u be made
not by mathematicians-wto thinking, after all, ' constrained
by rigid rule and principle-but by maverick, by noiieon.
forroist, by intuitr.r who refuse w fall into tlie rut of reason.
lor instance. et a port to .tudying math. He will bring a fresli,
unfettered mind to tlie object, just an matliernaUcian will
bring tlie name kiml of approach to pfr-.
hy way of evidence,. Dr. Ewbank cit the cane of Cipher
Binary, youth who entcre1 colie with brilliant test ncom in
phyc chemistry, and U calcuiu. But Dr. Ewbank Uv4
young Ciplier to maj'tr in pfjetry.
Tim result were touihiiir. Here, for rumple, w vounf
f-ipher-n latest poem, a love lyric of sueL originality that Lord
Byron spring to mind. I quote:
He vnt her lugnrithm.
Me vm hi cmine.
Taking their dog vnth " m.
They haxtentH to go tiyt,
M arruigt rwm which they joyfultij
A nd woomI and teed and pi T tqwmd.
Similarly, when frhman girl najned Eliiabetb Brret4
favtfooa came to Dr. Ewbank to ek guidance, be ignored tl
fact that si had won the PuliUer pnae fr poetry when b
wa eight, and iwisted a. major in mtlasmatic. Again the
resulu were ftartling. Mjh Sigafoo, Ima m the entire nnrth
departinent ag by flatly refusing to believe that mx tirnen
Bine 54. If Mm HipJom a eorrect, we wiU have to re-think
tlie entire .cik of aumbm and-wlw kDowar-powibly opea
up tTsta a yet undreamed of in mathematics
Dr. Ewtjank'g unorthodox approacli to student guidance hat
" "li - einnUjyeri that he wa fired last week. He if
urrenUy wUing beaded ouxin. ,t Mount Rushnw,re. -
MHMaiIMM
T2J.h?hm5?en. Marlboro- nlv on kind of tuiZ
lluUt9 'rtat'r Pfcre. Try m
i?Jft , ,'r'rZ riU,hl' "terew cigarette mre eoli
bi all fifty ttatet of the Union.
our belief that Communism
should have continuing op
portunities to win over a
majority; we are renounc
ing. Implicitly, our belief
that our indictment of Com
munism is sufficient for all
the ages. If man is to be
encouraged to exercise his
freedom to deny the bases
of American life, the bases
of American life are pre
sumptively suspect. Stu
dents are being encouraged
to exercise their academic
freedom in such a way as
to encourage the notion that
the operative ideals rf our
society a- suspect.
Suspect because we can
not really know (as Thomas
Jefferson is thought ty have
implied) that our own way
is right: because we can
not really know (as John
Stuart Mill Is misunder
stood to have believed)
that the many in 19then
tury England -were right,
while the few were wrong;
because (as Oliver Wendell
Holmes quite truly be
lieved) the only test of
truth is its ability to
acceptance In Ure market
place. And so the American
student often appears as
though his principal duties
are a) to prepare the way
for some chiliastic discov
ery, tomorrow, or the next
day and who knows, Gus
Hall may be its prophet,
and b) to deplore those,
those those Absolutists
the 20th century'' ana
thema) who insist that
while all the truth is not
now known, nor is likely
ever to be known, we know
now. even now, enough of
the truth, to assert proudly
and confidently the general
direction in which we
should think and act; that
Continued oa Page 3
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' Ro'ih ftouwi Ihr Fflfl. Bout r'
' Bart'ont Bm, Wtik Owl.
