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Emperor Traveling to
Norway When Austria
Issued Its Ultimatum
Wilhelm Asserts He Has No Quarrel With Former
Germans for Casting Lot With America—Pays
Tribute to Yank Soldiers—Admirer of
LaJ.e Col. Theodore Roosevelt.
Germany Must Work Out Own Salvation, Belief j
- ^
(Continued from Last Sunday.) 3
' II I.py rigbt. 1931. by Star ( ompeny —New
tnrk Amrrlran—< opi right by the Hears!
N eo r»|iaper-* In I nlleil States mill Kurope.
All Itlghln Iteser\eil.>
Doom, Holland,
December 8. 1922.
During tho week that I was ihe
guest of the kaiser at Doom he spoke
several times of the circumstances of
his abdication. He told in their se
ntience f lie events of November 9,
10 and 11.
He received the ultimatum of tho
government of the United Stales on
tile 9th lie made his decision oh the
10th. The kaiser was willing to sacri
fice himself lo gain substantial bene
fits for h s people In the terms of
pi ice.
r lie naa told by the president of tho
United States, ami also by the tier- ■
man government, that the German
people Would be treated justly, even
generously, if he abdicated.
As a matter of fact—although he
did not know It until afterward—the
government at Berlin was so unxlous
lo conciliate President Wilson that it
announced the kaiser’s abdication
even before he signed the decree.
lie did sign It at 7:20 Sunday eve
ning. November 10. The armistice
was signed at 6 a. m. the next^morn- j
lug.
(joes to Holland.
The journey to Amerongen was
made in the nine hour interval. The
kaiser said to me:
"1 could not know that the men
charged with the peace negotiations,
notably Prince Max Von Baden, the
chancellor, had ohtuiifed no substan
tial guarantees that the allies and as
soclaled powers would deal more gen
erously with the German republic
than with any government of which
I was the bead.
"J could not know that the 14 points
were only propaganda, not intended
by their author to ho binding upon
peace plenipotentiaries, and that they
were accepted by the entente with no
,‘ntention of following them.
‘‘What should I have done?" asked
the kaiser, gravely. "I was told by
u.y responsible advisers that my sur
render of the throne would assure an
honorable peace at home and abroad.
I was told that my presence in Ger
many would mean the continuance
of bloodshed and sacrifice of life.
"I was told that in case the army
refused to accept the settlement of
the Berlin government, all trains
carrying rations from Germany to
the battle front would he stopped,
fan anyone picture the condition of
10,000,000 men. under arms, consigned
to starvation by their own govern
ment?
"Even the great Field Marshal Von
Tlindenburg advised me to accept
exile and ahdiction. There was only
one other possible course. Suicide
would have been accepted by my foes
as a confession of guilt."
Not Hard to Hie.
Vnn llsemnnn, faithful aide-de-camp
to the kaiser, nuoled to me what the
kaiser said to him on that fatal day.
‘‘It is not hard to die.” he said.
“It Is sometimes much harder to live.”
Germany, the kaiser believes, niust
work out her own salvation. She can
re!v neither on French, nor English,
nor American aid. All she can ask
is not to he ruthlessly stnmped upon
every time she makes an attempt to
climb painfully out of the pit.
“The German empire was the center
weight In the complicated clockwork
of Europe. Disturb that weight and
the clock must stop. Restore that
weight, oil the machinery, replace the
missing parts, and I guarantee order
in Europe within six months. Until
that Is done the time is and will re
main out of Joint.
"England,” ns Bismarck once said,
"always needs a swordsman on the
continent.” Who is her swordsman
now? Germany, reduced for the time
to military tmpotency, may he forced
by France to repeat the history of
1812. England, for once, finds her
self friendless in Europe. Her Isola
tion is complete, but It is not splen
did.
British Mistake.
“The future of civilization rests
mainly upon co-operation between
the great Germanic nations, Ger
many, England ar.d tho United States,
just ns the preservation of American
traditions depends upon co-operation
between German and Anglo-Saxon.
"Such a partnership, based upon
common ideals and bigh civilization,
ns opposed to the I.lmited Co-opera*
tion for the Preservation of Allied
I.oot, known as the Teague of na
tions, can alone preserve the world
from the chaos of bolshevism and in
terracial strife. v
“Germany cannot participate in
such work while her limbs are bound
and while enemy troops, black and
white, lacerate her vitals under the
excuse of an unfulflllablo treaty.”
Speaking of the present crisis in
tlie near east, the kaiser said:
“The English made a mistake in
taking r>n Constantinople. The Eng
lish can overcome almost any odds,
but they cannot vanquish the two
ideas of Islam and sovetism. which
are responsible for the British defeat
in the east. France’s part in the
present events there was only Inci
dental.
England'* Folly.
“It was unwisa of the English to
select Greece to fight the Turks, for
the Turks hate the Greeks more than
any other people. Wbeu the English
made the caliph a prisoner of the
Christiana In his own capital the ef
fect of this blunder reached to the
farthest corners of the Mohammedan
world.”
“The German people cannot think
in terms of world politics,” the kais
er remarked to me In one of our
many long conversations.
"In their mighty success and splen
did prestige before 1914 they com
pletely Ignored the most powerful
weapon of the modern state—propa
ganda. When we asked for political
funds to be disbursed without ac
counting the reichstag refused to
vote even BOO.000 marks.”
Propaganda Costly.
The kaiser acknowledged the extra
ordinary skill, supplemented by lav
ish expenditures, of the Rritish gov
eminent on all kinds of propaganda
even in peaep times. We know to
day from various ultlcial documents
also the vast amounts Russia spent,
her government making direct pnv
ments to corrupt the French press.
The knises said that the king of Bui
garla gave him the information that
Russ.a was spending before the war
for "educational purposes abroad 70,
000,000 gold rubles.
"German statesmen." said the
kaiser, "were not accustomed to cal
culate in figures containing more
than six ciphers. Even Bismarck fell
almost on Ills hack when tlie French
indemnity, in 1870, was placed at the
modest sum of 5,000,000.000 francs,
or less than $1,000,000,000.
The kaiser said Ills titles kaiser anl
German emperor suggested the glam
or of absolute imperial power, but In '
reality his majesty was far more
hedged in with constitutional restric
tions than the president of the United
States. He exercised, in fact, mncli
less power. His chancellors, backed
by the foreign office, sometimes im
pelled him to adopt a course at vari
ance with his own Judgment. He had
no power under the constitution to
Initiate, direct and execute a policy.
The chancellor, it Is true, was ap
pointed by the kaiser and was re
sponsible to him. But to dismiss a
chancellor, after his appointment,
caused in Germany endless political
agitation, doubt, uncertainty, and
sometimes opposition from political
parties and criticism in the reichstag.
The kaiser added:
Wilson Policy.
"Thus the choice of » chancellor in
a country like Germany, where so
few men of large international politi
cal experience could he found, was
the most difficult of tasks.”
The kaiser referred to the fact that
the secretary of stale in the United
States is sometimes little more than
the executive clerk of the president
and may be changed if he fails to car
ry out the policies of the president
without agitating the whole govern
ment. The resignation of William
Jennings Bryan, for Instance, and the
appointment of Mr. Lansing as his
successor did not change in the slight
est degree the policies of President
Wilson, nor excite any opposition In
congress, everyone knowing that the
president, personally, wrote the most
important letters signed by the secre
tary of state, and although the signa
ture was changed on official papers,
the author was the same.
"The German reiehstag had no ap
preciation of the Intricacies of Inter
national relations.” said the kaiser.
"Its delay, chiefly for partisan rea
sons and from political criticisms, to
grant the necessary funds for the Ger
man navy. In the years following the
Ilnssfcin-Japanese conflict, was respon
sible for the fact that the battle of
Skagerack, the only large naval bat
tle In the world war, was not a de
cisive victory.” '
In the Reichstag.
The relchstag wished to discuss
everything, and even the wisest and
ablest councillors of the kaiser were
constantly subjected to the criticism,
opposition, or jealousy of various po
litical factions. The Jews, whose
brain Is organized to grasp large trans
actions, the kaiser said, were not per
mitted to participate in the govern
ment, to flie extent their abilities war
ranted, without exciting criticism or
secret opposition. When the kaiser
consulted a Jew, he was abused. When
lie did not consult the Jews, he was
also abused. In one case he was ac
cused of being too friendly to the
Jews. In one other case he was call
ed a "Jew-baiter." Uathenau was por
trayed, on one side, as his most In
timate friend, and by others as not
receiving Just recognition from the
kaiser, who desired at all times to do
Justice to the special talent Of any |
of his people.
The Jews, being handicapped to a
certain extent by prejudice or tradi
tion in the old Germany, the kaiser
says, he considered it his duty as the
ruler of ail his people to open to them
new aventies where they could em
ploy their remarkable talents and
their riches in a fashion that bene
ed both themselves and the fatherland.
Hide of Elephant.
“I liad to acquire the hide at an
■ elephant,” the kaiser smilingly said.
"Tlie cleph^t. you kpow, does not
know he is getting a beating until
12 months afterwards.” The kaiser
took one of his pictures and inscribed
on it two mottoes which he said had
enabled him to bear the “slings and
arrows of outrageous fortune.” The
two mottoes, one German and one
English, were: “Per Wahrheit die
Ehre” tHonor to truth), and “They
say what they say, let ’em say.” The
last phrase, he eald, wae the favorite
of the British field marshal, the duke
of Marlborough, the victor of Blea
helm.
"Only when the war cam*;1 added
the kaiser, "were the political fac
1 lions of Germany united. All past
i differences were then forgiven and
forgotten. 1 then decided to know no
more parties. 1 knew only Germans.”
"The English in international rela
I tions,” said the kaiser, "have no
political morality. The welfare of the
British empire is always paramount.
, No question of good or evil for others
' Is considered: only what is beneficial
| to the British empire." A British
writer said of morals and manners,
that manners open the doors of so
ciety, morals those of heaven. The
kaiser told me this incident:
Kleet at Kiel.
The British fleet came to Kiel for
the annual regatta as the guests of
the kaiser Just before the outbreak
of the war. No one in Germany then ,
expected war. but the entire British |
fleet, after lt» annual review' in the !
middle of July. 1014. was kept m'obll- j
ized. During the Kiel regatta the-!
ka£er remarked to one of the British
admirals, his guest on a German bat- ■
tleshlp:
"It is a pity that your country has
never attempted to utilize the fact
that the favorite grandson of Queen
Victoria happens to be German em
peror. No such happy constellation
for co-operation has ever existed In
history.”
The British admiral assented with
distinguished politeness But that
admiral probably knew that even be
fore this conversation the British ud
miralty had selected transports to car
ry Russian troops to the coast of Porn
merania in the event of the mobiliza
tion of the Russian army to attack
Germany a few days later.
Hurried to Berlin.
When Austria issued her ultimatum
lo Serbia, the Russia if order fur mo
bilization was issued. The kaiser,
uninformed by the foreign office, was
then on his way to Norway. The
first Information lie had of the ulti
matum he read in the Norwegian pa
pers. lie immediately hurried hack
to Berlin.
On his way home the kaiser receiv
ed two bits of lnfoi%iatlon from faith
ful friends, first, that one of the lead
ing men In the .German foreign office,
on hearing that the kaiser was hur
rying to Berlin, remarked. "How dare
he come back without bur permis
sion!" and, second, that the British
navy, if the kaiser had not traveled
so rapidly, would have waylaid him
and detained him in foreign waters,
although Germany and England were
then at peace. The kaiser said:
Wireless Orders.
"Remembering the fate of the
Danish navy, destroyed by a British
admiral in the midst of peace, secret
orders were given by wlreless'calllng
every German ship in Norwegian
waters to Its home port."
The kaiser himself raced for home
on the "Hohenzollern.” convoyed by
a warship with decks cleared for ac
tion. Never in her life, the emperor
chuckled, did the old yacht travel so
fast. ,
"The English.” the kaiser reiterated,
"fight you bitterly, often with the
most contemptible means, even when
they entertain the highest regard for
your person. At other times they ally
themselves with you politically, even
when they despise you at heart. They
would use the Italians during the
war, but, as one of them explained
to a relative of mine, they would not
shake hands with them.
"The Anglo-Saxon adheres to the
10 commandments in private life, hut
he Ignores them in politics. The
German tries to regulate his private
life and his political course by the
same standard. That Is not the way
to succeed In polities.
No Bitterness.
“The German people were unable to
appreciate the intellectual subtlety of
the author of the 14 points. They
accepted literally what Mr. Wilson
said."
The kaiser still believes the political
conscience of the American people Is
less "adjustable,” or changeable, than
Mr. Wilson's.
The kaiser speaks without bitter
ness. The American spirit ha once
leferred to ns "sometimes volatile."
He believes that he was really more
friendly to America than any other
Important sovereign. He mention*!
his erstwhile friends, J., P. Morgan,
the elder; Ogden Armour, Nicholas
Murray Butler. Colonel Roosevelt, of
whom the kaiser spoke with admira
tion, and the late Andrew Carnegie.
“Carnegie, when a guest on my
yacht, the Hohenzollern.” said the
kaiser, "remarked to me, 'Roosevelt Is
a fine fellow, your majesty, but I wish
I could hold him In reins. And you,
your majesty, are a fine fellow, also,
he added, ‘but I wish I could hold
you. too. In cheek.
The Pacemaker.
"I have no objection.” the kaiser
replied, “if you drive us tandem, pro
vldfc you make Roosevelt the lending
hArse.” "It is the first horse,” the
kaiser explained, "that mnkes the
pace.” It also has the hardest work.
Against Theodore Roosevelt the
kaiser cherishes no grievance.
"■\Vhen he was in Africa hunting
big game and had Just bagged his
first lion, Mr. Roosevelt wrote to me,
proudly claiming that he was 'the
first ruler since Tlglat Pileser who
had actually shot a real Hon.’
"I was unable to cohtradict him, ’
the kaiser smiling said, "although the
king of Abyssinia might."
The kaiser loves Roosevelt’s
"Speak softly, but carry a big stick.”
"I believe in both," said the kaiser.
"Germany carried a big stick, but it
was not big enough. Her difficulty
was not too much, but too little mill
tarlsip. If any one doubts this, he has
only to read the peace treaty of Ver
sailles. Had the German navy been
stronger, the war would have ended
before the United States could have
thrown the weight of a continent into
the European balance."
Hyplien Americans.
I quoted to the kaiser a letter on
"hyphenated” Americans which Theo
dore Roosevelt wrote to me on
March 15, 1915. Roose\plt wrote (I
quote from memory):
“My views of hyphenated Ameri
cans are those which were once ex
pressed by the German emperor him
self when he said to Frederick Whtt
ridge that he understood what Ger
mans were and he understood what
Americans were, but he had neither
understanding of nor patience with
those who call themselves German
Amerlcans.” ~
The kaiser said- "1 do not recall
any such conversation with Mr.
Wliitrldge. But you can say posi
tively that I never have made dero
gatory remarks on the subject of
Gerau^h-Americans. If I made the
statement attributed to me by Ilose
velt, I did so to disabuse certain
German politicians of the idea that
they could count upon German
American support in the war if the
interests of the t'nited States were
at stake. I knew them too well. I
never expected nor asked any loy
alty, any divided allegienoe from
Americans of German descent.
Duty Indivisible.
“Men who seek a new- country
soon belong to the country of their
adoption. Their civic duty cannot be
divided. However, they can serve
both their old and their new country
by keeping alive a knowledge of their
fatherland and Interpreting it and
the old tongue to the new land.”
The kaiser said he was charmed
by a story told him of a 5-year-old
German-American boy who. when
shown the American flag, proudly
declared. “This is the flag of my
country.” When shown the German
flag, he added. “This is the flag of
my language.”
"I insist.” the kaiser added, “it is
the supreme duty of every immigrant
to learn the tongue of hls adopted
country. He is a wise man, as well
as a good one. If he teaches hls child,
also, the tongue of hls father's land.
In the case of a child It Is best to
teach him the foreign tongue first,
lluving mastered the foreign tongue,
he will acquire the language of hls
native land without effort.”
The kaiser said that he and his
brothers were taught Knglish and
French before German. His son.
Prince Adelbert, when a child, was
asked one day by a German preach
er: “Can you tell me the Prussian
coat of arms?” The prince announced
in German, “Der eagle.” The preach
er. horrifeid, told the empress that the
little prince did not even know hls
father's coat of arms. In German,
the word “eagle” phonetically signi
fied “hedgehog.” The empress, of
course, laughingly explained. The
kaiser added:
“Americans who are the children
or grandchildren of Germans should
be masters of two languages at least,
and should teach two tongues to their
children, for they are logical Inter
preters of the two great branches of
u great race each to the other.”
Fidelity to One.
I he kaiser expressed his abhorrence
of a divided allegiance many times
during my week at Doom. He had no
quarrel with Americans of German
descent for casting their lot unre
servedly with the country of their
adoption. He would have little re
spect for them, he said, if they had
not. Loyalty to one's adopted coun
try was like the loyalty of a man to
his wife. He might sympathize with,
revere, or admire others, but his
fidelity was due to the one. Thekaiser
was amazed by the unending stream
of gifts in food and money which
Americans of German descent have
poured into Germany since the ar
mistice.
"For a time,” he said, "the Ger
mans attributed American generosity
to the activity of Mr. Hoover. They
now realize that Americans of German
blood supplied the bulk of the argo
sies which have saved millions of
German children from death or
starvation. If it hud not been for
the aid of Oerman-Americans Clem
enceau's wish might have been ful
filled. C'lemenceau said there were
20,000,000 Germans too many! But
American descent formed a bridge of
love and human kindness.
"The designation 'German-Ameri
can' probably made most of the trou
ble, because the title is in itself mis
leading. There are Americans of the
Irish race and Americans of other
races. The American nation is on
amalgamation of many races. The
American of German blood can justly
speak for himself, if an ethnic resig
nation is needed, as an American of
the German race. It is natural for
such eillzens to organize politically,
actuated by their civic obligations as
American citizens, their cardinal prin
ciple being ‘America first.’ Wherever
their own country's interests were at
stake, they were pro-American. This
is as it should be. Similarly, I
would like the Germans to be neither
pro-this or pro-that, but solely and
exclusively pro-German.”
The kaiser thinks Woodrow Wilson,
whose four grandparents were British
subjects, was possessed, unconscious
ly perhaps, by a fixed idea of Anglo
Saxon supremacy.
i1. 8. Part in War.
The kaiser said that America's part
in the war was decisive.
"The allies were admittedly fight
ing with their hacks against the wall.
Without the entrance of America they
would have been hopelessly defeated.
American man power, American muni
tions, American resourcefulness,
weighed down the scales. Without
America, Germany would have won
the war. Even with America, Ger
many came near winning.
"In spite of American aid, Ger
many would have won an honorable
peace, a peace without victory, but a
peace of Justice and Europe would
not now be bankrupt and Balkanlzed.
The kaiser made many references
to the character shown by the Amer
ican army, organized on such a pro
digious scale at such short notice.
“In modern war,” lie said, "the
armies fight at such distances that
the men r;™ly even,catch a. glimpse
of the enemy. The Americans, when
they first came over, were eager to
charge In close formation in full view,
running straight into the German
fire, giving up many precious lives,
bravely, but often uselessly. They
walked into battle as If It were a pa
rade. Even though they looked upon
our young men as their foes and came
with their tremendous reserve
strength to destroy them, the battle
scarred veterans of Germany, many
of them fathers and grandfathers,
could not behold the spectacle without
compassion.
Americans Win Spurs.
“Later American leadership im
proved, the men learned rapidly and
at the time of the armistice the Amer
icans had grasped the principle of
scientific warfare. They won their
spurs as • great military power.
"What," the kaiser asked me one
day. "is the American national an
them?"
I replied, of course, “The Star
Spangled Banner."
“Mo," said the kaiser, "thaj, is only
Hope for
Erin Seen
by Premier
•Llojd George Describes Glad
stone's Final Plea for Ire
land and Treaty Con
ference.
Lauds Michael Collins
By RIGHT HONORABLE DAVID
LLOYD GEORGE. O. M.. M. P.
(Former Hrilish Premier.) m
Copyright, hy I ailed Feature
Syndicate.
Copyright In t.reat Hritain hy tondou
Chronicle.
Copyright In Australasia hy Australian
Press Association.
Exclusive World Rights Held by I'nlted
Feature syndicate.
Reproduction in Whole or in Tart
Prohibited.
All Rights Reserved.
London, Dec. 1G—When, a few
days ago, I was half way through a
speech I delivered in the house of
commons on the land system, the
faithful commons were summoned to
the bar of the house of ldrds fo hear
the loyal assent given to the bill for
the constitution of the Irish Free
States.
Notwithstanding rny preoccupa
tion with my interrupted speech, two
scenes came to my mind during my
short journey to and from the upper
chamber.
First was the spectacle of the
crowded house of commons nearly 30
years ago. When doors were opened
for prayer* there was the unwonted
sight of a throng hustling; M. P.s
pressing through the swing doors to
secure their seats. I need hardly
say that this was not a symptom or
outcome of any religious revival
amongst our legislators. It wras en
tirely due to the ancient custom that
conferred upon a member occupying
a seat at prayers the unchallengeable
right to that seat for the rest of the
sitting.
Rows of chairs were arrayed on the
floor of the house. That was an in
novation never since followed. There
sat in the middle of the treasury
bench, huddled up and almost hidden
by more stalwart and upright figures,
an old man of 83, to all apearances In
the last stage of physical decrepitude
and mentat lassitude.
Greatest Gladiator.
Ills name was William Ewart Glad
stone, the greyest parliamentaiy
gladiator of all time. The lifelong
champion of oppressed nationalities
was today to inaugurate ids final ef
fort to give freedom to the Irish
race. The last remnant of his
strength was to be consecrated to the
achievement of Irish liberty and hun
dreds of eager legislators, to whom
Peel and Russell, Palmerson and Dis
raeli were but historical names, were
avid competitors for seats from which
they could better listen to the man
who had sat in governments with the
first three and crossed swords with
the fourth. It was a memorable
sight.
Preliminary questions, which pre
cede all parliamentary business, were
postponed, and solemn silence, thrill
ing with expectancy, fell upon the
humming assembly as Mr. Speaker
Peel, in his sonorous voice, called out:
"The prime minister.”
The inert heap which was the cen
ter ^ all gaze, spring to the table an
alert and erect figure. Decrepitude
was cast off like a cloak—lassitude
vanished as by a magician's wand,
shoulders were thrown back, chest
was thrown forward, and in clear,
ringing tones full of music and force,
the proposed new Irish charter wtus
expounded for three unwearying
hours by the transfigured octogenari
an, rejuvenated by the magic of an in- '
spired soul.
Faced Heavy Opposition.
I had a seat just opposite the great
orator, and I was one of the multi
tude who on that occasion listened
with marvel to that feat of intellectu
al command and physical endurance.
It was more than that. It was an un
rivalled display of moral courage
rare In political conflict.
Mr. Gladstone had just only
emerged out of a general election
where In spite of 60 years of his elo-.
quent advocacy, the voice of Great
Britain had declared emphatically
against his Irish policy, and the poor
parliamentary majority at Tils back
was made up out of the preponderat
ing Irish vote. He was confronted
with the most formidable parliament
ary opposition ever ranged against a
minister; redoubtable In debating qual
ity, still more redoubtable In its hold
on British pride.
lie was 83 years of age but he never
quailed, and through -the sultry sum
mer *months of 1893 he fought night
by night with the mighty the battle
of Irish emancipation. He did not live
to carry the cause through to victory,
but he planted the banner so firmly In
the soil that no assault could succeed
in tearing It down, and this day when
I stood with Mr. Bonar Law at the
bar of the house of lords, I saw this
banner flourished In triumph from the
one of them. When an American
squadron was at Kiel I ordered, as a
matter of courtesy, the Germans to
play the American national hymn
^whenever your flag was raiBcd or
lowered. But the American band
played a different tune morning and
night! Finally, I asked the Ameri
can admiral to enlighten me.
" 'Of course,’ the admiral answered.
'It is “Hail, Columbia!” No,' he quick
ly corrected himself, “it is really "The
Star Spangled Banner!’ ”
“ 'You are mistaken, sir,' chirped
another American officer. ‘It is “My
Country, 'Tis of Thee.'
One Flag Three Hymns.
“What could I do?” asked the
kaiser. "I solved the problem of cour- |
tesy by instructing my band to take
its cue mornins and night from the
American ships and play what they
did. A most remarkable country!”
the kaiser added, humming successive
ly the three tunes. “One flag, but
three national hymns!”
| steps to the throne by a unionist lord
I chancellor. That was the first mem
' ory that flashed through my brain.
Anxious Moment.
The next was of a dreary December
night just one year ago when on one
side of the cabinet table in 10 Down
ing street sat four representatives of
Great Britan, aud on the other five
Irish leaders. It was the famous room
wherein British cabinets have for
| generations forged their Irish policies.
Coercion and concession alike Issued
I from that chamber. Pitt's act of
pnion was discussed there, and so
were Gladstone’s home rule bills—
the decision to use British’soldiers to -
throw Irish tenants out of their
houses with torch and battering ram.
and equally the bill which made
every Irish tenant the lord a ltd mas
ter of his home all issued forth front
this simple and unadorned council
! cdtamber.
And now came the final treaty of
peace. Would it lie signed? It was
destiny for the two great races which
confronted each other at that green
table. The British representatives
who were associate^ With me on
that occasion were Austin Chamber
lain—I recall now how he sat by the
side of his doughty father. Joseph
Chamberlain, in 1893. during the fa
mous nightly duel between him and
Mr. Gladstone. How strangely little
30 arduous jfcars have changed his
personal appearance—Lord Birken
head, who in 1893 was carving for
hirvnielf a brilliant career as a student
at Oxford and as a debater in the
union; Winston Churchill, who was
then a cadet at Sandhurst, whilst his
father was engaged in the last great
parliamentary struggle of his dazzling
but tragic career; Sir Gordon llewart,
now Lord Hewart, a man who has
risen on the pinions of a powerful In
telligence to the height of lord chief
Justice of England. My recollection
is that the other two British delegates
—Sir Laming Worthington Evans and
Sir Hamnr Greenwood—were stricken
with illness and were ungble to be
present, f
Climax ItetfMied.
After weeks of close Investigation
the climax of the decision had been
reached. Britain had gone to the
limit of concession. No British states
man could have faced any assembly
of his countrymen had he appended
his signature to a convention that
placed Ireland outside that fraternity
of free nations known as the British
empire, to free her from that bond of
union which is represented by a
common "fealtly to the sovereign.
It is not easy to interpret the
potency of this Invisible bond to those
<vho are brought up to venerate other
systems. It is nevertheless Invincible.
Would the Irish leaders have the
coinage to make peace on the only
conditions under which peace w-as
obtainable—liberty within the empire?
Opposite me sat a dark, short, but
sturdy figure with the face of a
thinker. That wa< Mr. Arthur Grif
fith. the most unirish leader that ever
led Ireland, quiet to the point of
gentleness, almost to the point of ap
pearing saturnine. A man of laconic
utterance, he answered In monosyl
lables where most men would havaJ
considered an oratorical deliverance to
be demanded by the dignity of the
occasion.
But twe found in our few weeks
acquaintance that his yea was yea
and his nay meant nay. He led the
Irish deputation. lie was asked
whether he would sign. In his
abrupt staccato manner he replied:
"Speaking on my own behalf I mean
to sign."
Hesitates Painfully.
By his side sat a handsome young
Irishman. No one could mistake his
nationality. He was Irish through
and through, in every respect a con
trast to his taciturn neighbor. Vivac
ious, buoyant, highly strung, gay. Im
pulsive, but passing readily from
gaiety to grimness and back to gaiety,
full of fascination and charm—but
also of dangerous fire. That was
Michael Collins, one of the most
courageous leaders ever produced by
a valiant race. Nevertheless he
hesitates painfully when the quiet
little figure on his left had taken his
resolve. Both saw the shadow ot i
(loom clouding over that fateful paper
! —their own doom. They knew that
I tlie pen which affixed their signature
at the same time signed their death
warrant. The little man saw beyond
1 Ida own fall Ireland rising out of lier
troubles a free nation and that suf
ficed for him.
Michael Collins was not appalled by
j (he spectre of death, but he had the
Irishman's fear of encountering that
j charge which comes so riadily to the
1 lips of the oppressed—that of having
j succumbed to ullen wile and betrayed
: their country.
Patriots who cheerfully face the ty
rant's steel lose their nerve before
that dread accusation. It was the
first time Michael Collins ever showed
fear. It was also the last tijpe. I
knew the reason why he hsSltcd, al
though he never uttered a word
which revcalfil his mind, anil I ad
dressed my appeal to an effort to dent
onstrate how the treaty gave Ireland
more than Daniel O'Connell and Par
nell had ever hoped for and that his
countrymen would be ever grateful to
him not only for the courage which
won such an offer, but for the wisdom
which accepted it.
Derision l( cached.
He asked for a few hours to ton
sider, promising a reply by !* o'clock.
Nine passed, hut the Irish leaders did
not return. Ten. Eleven and they
were not >Tt back. We had doubts ns
to whether we should see them again.
Then came a message from the secre
tary jof the Irish delegation that they
were on their way to Downing street.
When they marched in it was clear
from their faces that thej had come
to a 'great decision after a prolonged
struggle.
Buf there were still difficulties to
overcome—they were however diffi
culties not of principle but of detail.
These were discussed in a business
way, and soon after 1- o'clock in the
morning the treaty w^ts completed.
A friendly chat full of cheerful good
will occupied the time while sten
ographers engaged In copying a draft
so disfigured with corrections, inter
polations and additions, each of which
represented so many hours of ham
mering discussion. '
Outside in the lobby sat the man
who had used all tlie resources of an
ingenious and well-trained mind,
backed by a tenacious will, lo wreck
every endeavor *o reach an agree
ment—Erskine Childers. A man whose
slight figure, whose kindly, refined and
intellectual countenance, whose calm
and courteous demeanor offered no
clue to the fierce passions which
raged inside his breast. At every
crucial point In the negotiations he
played a sinister part.
De Valera's Emissary.
He was clearly Mr. De Valera's
emissary and faithfully did he fulfill
i the truet reposed In Mm ny tnat
visionary, livery draft that emanated
| from hl'i pen—aiwTall the first drafts
I wire written hy him—challenged
every fundamental position to which
the liritish delegates were Irrevocably
conimlttid. 11c wus one of those men
wijo hy tempernn^ent are Incapable of
compromise. Ilrave and resolute he
undoubtedly was. but unhappily for
himself he was also rigid and fa
nat leal.
When lie walked out of tho room
where we had sat for hours together,
worn with tehse and anxious lalair, but
all happy that our great task of recon
ciliation had been achieved, wo met
Ersklne Childers outside, sullen with
•disappointment and compressed wrath
at what he conceived to be the sur
render of the fr nclples ho had fought*
for. *1 never saw him after that
morning.
Michael Collins and Arthur Griffith
T met repeatedly after the signature
of the treaty lo discuss the many ob
! slacles that surged up in the way of
j its execution, and acquired for both
I a great affection. Poor Collins was
! siiot by one of his countrymen on a
bleak Irish roadside whilst he was
i engaged in restoring to the country
i he loved so well Hie erdeR and good
government which alone enables na
jtions to enjoy the Mesaings of free
|dom.
Arthur Griffith died •worn out by
anxiety and toil In the cause which
| he had done so much to carry to the
; summit of victory. Krsklne Childers
| was shot down for rebellion against
liberties he bad helped to win. Truly
the path of Irish freedom rjpht up
to the goal is paved with tragedy. ^
Hut the blood stained wilderness Is
almost through; the verdant plains of
| freedom are stretched before the eyes
nf this tortured nation. Ireland will
soon honor the name of Green Isle,
and I am proud to have had a hand in
erecting the pillar which Will for
ever mark the boundary between the
squalor of the past and the hope of
the future.
The hteyele craze is so prevalent in
France that It Is said the number Jn
use will soon exceed 5.000,000.
To Our Friends
and Patrons
Wo wish you one fcnd all
a Very Merry Christmas
and a Happy New Year.
King Fong Cafe
315 S. 16th Street
We Wish You a
%
. Merry
j
Christmas.
Lovely Presents FREE to
Christmas Day Babies
To the FIRST Baby Born on Christmas Day
A “Llovd” Baby Carriage Free
To All r ther Babies Born Christmas Day
A Beautiful Bassinet Free
The only stipulation is that the parents of each baby ar
riving on Christmas Day must present by December 30th Birth
Certificate signed by the attending- physician stating that the
child arrived within the 24-hour period, with time of bi^th—
also that the physcian be a regular practitioner residing in
Omaha. ,
It is also necessary to show that the baby is living at the
time the gift is presented and that both parents have resided
in Omaha f#r one year previous to the little «*ne’s arrival.
Store Closed'All Day Monday
'V
May You Enjoy the Fullest Measure of Joy
on This Christmas Day—
Is the Wish of the Beddeo Clothing Co.
Watch! Wait! Be ready to go—be
cause Tuesday we open our doors on
A Mighty Expansion Sale
affecting every garment in the
house—A sale without a parallel
*
Men’s Suits and Overcoats
Women’s Coats - Suits - Dresses - Furs
Thousands upon thousands of dollars
are to be saved during this monster sale
3EDDEO
1417 Douglas Street
