✓ --- , ■ , ■■■■■. .. .1 . — ! ■■■■■.■ ■ -- -■ . -— - ■■■— ■' ■ 1 ' J ■■■ ■ ■■ — T Emperor Traveling to Norway When Austria Issued Its Ultimatum Wilhelm Asserts He Has No Quarrel With Former Germans for Casting Lot With America—Pays Tribute to Yank Soldiers—Admirer of LaJ.e Col. Theodore Roosevelt. Germany Must Work Out Own Salvation, Belief j - ^ (Continued from Last Sunday.) 3 ' II I.py rigbt. 1931. by Star ( ompeny —New tnrk Amrrlran—< opi right by the Hears! N eo r»|iaper-* In I nlleil States mill Kurope. All Itlghln Iteser\eil.> Doom, Holland, December 8. 1922. During tho week that I was ihe guest of the kaiser at Doom he spoke several times of the circumstances of his abdication. He told in their se ntience f lie events of November 9, 10 and 11. He received the ultimatum of tho government of the United Stales on tile 9th lie made his decision oh the 10th. The kaiser was willing to sacri fice himself lo gain substantial bene fits for h s people In the terms of pi ice. r lie naa told by the president of tho United States, ami also by the tier- ■ man government, that the German people Would be treated justly, even generously, if he abdicated. As a matter of fact—although he did not know It until afterward—the government at Berlin was so unxlous lo conciliate President Wilson that it announced the kaiser’s abdication even before he signed the decree. lie did sign It at 7:20 Sunday eve ning. November 10. The armistice was signed at 6 a. m. the next^morn- j lug. (joes to Holland. The journey to Amerongen was made in the nine hour interval. The kaiser said to me: "1 could not know that the men charged with the peace negotiations, notably Prince Max Von Baden, the chancellor, had ohtuiifed no substan tial guarantees that the allies and as soclaled powers would deal more gen erously with the German republic than with any government of which I was the bead. "J could not know that the 14 points were only propaganda, not intended by their author to ho binding upon peace plenipotentiaries, and that they were accepted by the entente with no ,‘ntention of following them. ‘‘What should I have done?" asked the kaiser, gravely. "I was told by u.y responsible advisers that my sur render of the throne would assure an honorable peace at home and abroad. I was told that my presence in Ger many would mean the continuance of bloodshed and sacrifice of life. "I was told that in case the army refused to accept the settlement of the Berlin government, all trains carrying rations from Germany to the battle front would he stopped, fan anyone picture the condition of 10,000,000 men. under arms, consigned to starvation by their own govern ment? "Even the great Field Marshal Von Tlindenburg advised me to accept exile and ahdiction. There was only one other possible course. Suicide would have been accepted by my foes as a confession of guilt." Not Hard to Hie. Vnn llsemnnn, faithful aide-de-camp to the kaiser, nuoled to me what the kaiser said to him on that fatal day. ‘‘It is not hard to die.” he said. “It Is sometimes much harder to live.” Germany, the kaiser believes, niust work out her own salvation. She can re!v neither on French, nor English, nor American aid. All she can ask is not to he ruthlessly stnmped upon every time she makes an attempt to climb painfully out of the pit. “The German empire was the center weight In the complicated clockwork of Europe. Disturb that weight and the clock must stop. Restore that weight, oil the machinery, replace the missing parts, and I guarantee order in Europe within six months. Until that Is done the time is and will re main out of Joint. "England,” ns Bismarck once said, "always needs a swordsman on the continent.” Who is her swordsman now? Germany, reduced for the time to military tmpotency, may he forced by France to repeat the history of 1812. England, for once, finds her self friendless in Europe. Her Isola tion is complete, but It is not splen did. British Mistake. “The future of civilization rests mainly upon co-operation between the great Germanic nations, Ger many, England ar.d tho United States, just ns the preservation of American traditions depends upon co-operation between German and Anglo-Saxon. "Such a partnership, based upon common ideals and bigh civilization, ns opposed to the I.lmited Co-opera* tion for the Preservation of Allied I.oot, known as the Teague of na tions, can alone preserve the world from the chaos of bolshevism and in terracial strife. v “Germany cannot participate in such work while her limbs are bound and while enemy troops, black and white, lacerate her vitals under the excuse of an unfulflllablo treaty.” Speaking of the present crisis in tlie near east, the kaiser said: “The English made a mistake in taking r>n Constantinople. The Eng lish can overcome almost any odds, but they cannot vanquish the two ideas of Islam and sovetism. which are responsible for the British defeat in the east. France’s part in the present events there was only Inci dental. England'* Folly. “It was unwisa of the English to select Greece to fight the Turks, for the Turks hate the Greeks more than any other people. Wbeu the English made the caliph a prisoner of the Christiana In his own capital the ef fect of this blunder reached to the farthest corners of the Mohammedan world.” “The German people cannot think in terms of world politics,” the kais er remarked to me In one of our many long conversations. "In their mighty success and splen did prestige before 1914 they com pletely Ignored the most powerful weapon of the modern state—propa ganda. When we asked for political funds to be disbursed without ac counting the reichstag refused to vote even BOO.000 marks.” Propaganda Costly. The kaiser acknowledged the extra ordinary skill, supplemented by lav ish expenditures, of the Rritish gov eminent on all kinds of propaganda even in peaep times. We know to day from various ultlcial documents also the vast amounts Russia spent, her government making direct pnv ments to corrupt the French press. The knises said that the king of Bui garla gave him the information that Russ.a was spending before the war for "educational purposes abroad 70, 000,000 gold rubles. "German statesmen." said the kaiser, "were not accustomed to cal culate in figures containing more than six ciphers. Even Bismarck fell almost on Ills hack when tlie French indemnity, in 1870, was placed at the modest sum of 5,000,000.000 francs, or less than $1,000,000,000. The kaiser said Ills titles kaiser anl German emperor suggested the glam or of absolute imperial power, but In ' reality his majesty was far more hedged in with constitutional restric tions than the president of the United States. He exercised, in fact, mncli less power. His chancellors, backed by the foreign office, sometimes im pelled him to adopt a course at vari ance with his own Judgment. He had no power under the constitution to Initiate, direct and execute a policy. The chancellor, it Is true, was ap pointed by the kaiser and was re sponsible to him. But to dismiss a chancellor, after his appointment, caused in Germany endless political agitation, doubt, uncertainty, and sometimes opposition from political parties and criticism in the reichstag. The kaiser added: Wilson Policy. "Thus the choice of » chancellor in a country like Germany, where so few men of large international politi cal experience could he found, was the most difficult of tasks.” The kaiser referred to the fact that the secretary of stale in the United States is sometimes little more than the executive clerk of the president and may be changed if he fails to car ry out the policies of the president without agitating the whole govern ment. The resignation of William Jennings Bryan, for Instance, and the appointment of Mr. Lansing as his successor did not change in the slight est degree the policies of President Wilson, nor excite any opposition In congress, everyone knowing that the president, personally, wrote the most important letters signed by the secre tary of state, and although the signa ture was changed on official papers, the author was the same. "The German reiehstag had no ap preciation of the Intricacies of Inter national relations.” said the kaiser. "Its delay, chiefly for partisan rea sons and from political criticisms, to grant the necessary funds for the Ger man navy. In the years following the Ilnssfcin-Japanese conflict, was respon sible for the fact that the battle of Skagerack, the only large naval bat tle In the world war, was not a de cisive victory.” ' In the Reichstag. The relchstag wished to discuss everything, and even the wisest and ablest councillors of the kaiser were constantly subjected to the criticism, opposition, or jealousy of various po litical factions. The Jews, whose brain Is organized to grasp large trans actions, the kaiser said, were not per mitted to participate in the govern ment, to flie extent their abilities war ranted, without exciting criticism or secret opposition. When the kaiser consulted a Jew, he was abused. When lie did not consult the Jews, he was also abused. In one case he was ac cused of being too friendly to the Jews. In one other case he was call ed a "Jew-baiter." Uathenau was por trayed, on one side, as his most In timate friend, and by others as not receiving Just recognition from the kaiser, who desired at all times to do Justice to the special talent Of any | of his people. The Jews, being handicapped to a certain extent by prejudice or tradi tion in the old Germany, the kaiser says, he considered it his duty as the ruler of ail his people to open to them new aventies where they could em ploy their remarkable talents and their riches in a fashion that bene ed both themselves and the fatherland. Hide of Elephant. “I liad to acquire the hide at an ■ elephant,” the kaiser smilingly said. "Tlie cleph^t. you kpow, does not know he is getting a beating until 12 months afterwards.” The kaiser took one of his pictures and inscribed on it two mottoes which he said had enabled him to bear the “slings and arrows of outrageous fortune.” The two mottoes, one German and one English, were: “Per Wahrheit die Ehre” tHonor to truth), and “They say what they say, let ’em say.” The last phrase, he eald, wae the favorite of the British field marshal, the duke of Marlborough, the victor of Blea helm. "Only when the war cam*;1 added the kaiser, "were the political fac 1 lions of Germany united. All past i differences were then forgiven and forgotten. 1 then decided to know no more parties. 1 knew only Germans.” "The English in international rela I tions,” said the kaiser, "have no political morality. The welfare of the British empire is always paramount. , No question of good or evil for others ' Is considered: only what is beneficial | to the British empire." A British writer said of morals and manners, that manners open the doors of so ciety, morals those of heaven. The kaiser told me this incident: Kleet at Kiel. The British fleet came to Kiel for the annual regatta as the guests of the kaiser Just before the outbreak of the war. No one in Germany then , expected war. but the entire British | fleet, after lt» annual review' in the ! middle of July. 1014. was kept m'obll- j ized. During the Kiel regatta the-! ka£er remarked to one of the British admirals, his guest on a German bat- ■ tleshlp: "It is a pity that your country has never attempted to utilize the fact that the favorite grandson of Queen Victoria happens to be German em peror. No such happy constellation for co-operation has ever existed In history.” The British admiral assented with distinguished politeness But that admiral probably knew that even be fore this conversation the British ud miralty had selected transports to car ry Russian troops to the coast of Porn merania in the event of the mobiliza tion of the Russian army to attack Germany a few days later. Hurried to Berlin. When Austria issued her ultimatum lo Serbia, the Russia if order fur mo bilization was issued. The kaiser, uninformed by the foreign office, was then on his way to Norway. The first Information lie had of the ulti matum he read in the Norwegian pa pers. lie immediately hurried hack to Berlin. On his way home the kaiser receiv ed two bits of lnfoi%iatlon from faith ful friends, first, that one of the lead ing men In the .German foreign office, on hearing that the kaiser was hur rying to Berlin, remarked. "How dare he come back without bur permis sion!" and, second, that the British navy, if the kaiser had not traveled so rapidly, would have waylaid him and detained him in foreign waters, although Germany and England were then at peace. The kaiser said: Wireless Orders. "Remembering the fate of the Danish navy, destroyed by a British admiral in the midst of peace, secret orders were given by wlreless'calllng every German ship in Norwegian waters to Its home port." The kaiser himself raced for home on the "Hohenzollern.” convoyed by a warship with decks cleared for ac tion. Never in her life, the emperor chuckled, did the old yacht travel so fast. , "The English.” the kaiser reiterated, "fight you bitterly, often with the most contemptible means, even when they entertain the highest regard for your person. At other times they ally themselves with you politically, even when they despise you at heart. They would use the Italians during the war, but, as one of them explained to a relative of mine, they would not shake hands with them. "The Anglo-Saxon adheres to the 10 commandments in private life, hut he Ignores them in politics. The German tries to regulate his private life and his political course by the same standard. That Is not the way to succeed In polities. No Bitterness. “The German people were unable to appreciate the intellectual subtlety of the author of the 14 points. They accepted literally what Mr. Wilson said." The kaiser still believes the political conscience of the American people Is less "adjustable,” or changeable, than Mr. Wilson's. The kaiser speaks without bitter ness. The American spirit ha once leferred to ns "sometimes volatile." He believes that he was really more friendly to America than any other Important sovereign. He mention*! his erstwhile friends, J., P. Morgan, the elder; Ogden Armour, Nicholas Murray Butler. Colonel Roosevelt, of whom the kaiser spoke with admira tion, and the late Andrew Carnegie. “Carnegie, when a guest on my yacht, the Hohenzollern.” said the kaiser, "remarked to me, 'Roosevelt Is a fine fellow, your majesty, but I wish I could hold him In reins. And you, your majesty, are a fine fellow, also, he added, ‘but I wish I could hold you. too. In cheek. The Pacemaker. "I have no objection.” the kaiser replied, “if you drive us tandem, pro vldfc you make Roosevelt the lending hArse.” "It is the first horse,” the kaiser explained, "that mnkes the pace.” It also has the hardest work. Against Theodore Roosevelt the kaiser cherishes no grievance. "■\Vhen he was in Africa hunting big game and had Just bagged his first lion, Mr. Roosevelt wrote to me, proudly claiming that he was 'the first ruler since Tlglat Pileser who had actually shot a real Hon.’ "I was unable to cohtradict him, ’ the kaiser smiling said, "although the king of Abyssinia might." The kaiser loves Roosevelt’s "Speak softly, but carry a big stick.” "I believe in both," said the kaiser. "Germany carried a big stick, but it was not big enough. Her difficulty was not too much, but too little mill tarlsip. If any one doubts this, he has only to read the peace treaty of Ver sailles. Had the German navy been stronger, the war would have ended before the United States could have thrown the weight of a continent into the European balance." Hyplien Americans. I quoted to the kaiser a letter on "hyphenated” Americans which Theo dore Roosevelt wrote to me on March 15, 1915. Roose\plt wrote (I quote from memory): “My views of hyphenated Ameri cans are those which were once ex pressed by the German emperor him self when he said to Frederick Whtt ridge that he understood what Ger mans were and he understood what Americans were, but he had neither understanding of nor patience with those who call themselves German Amerlcans.” ~ The kaiser said- "1 do not recall any such conversation with Mr. Wliitrldge. But you can say posi tively that I never have made dero gatory remarks on the subject of Gerau^h-Americans. If I made the statement attributed to me by Ilose velt, I did so to disabuse certain German politicians of the idea that they could count upon German American support in the war if the interests of the t'nited States were at stake. I knew them too well. I never expected nor asked any loy alty, any divided allegienoe from Americans of German descent. Duty Indivisible. “Men who seek a new- country soon belong to the country of their adoption. Their civic duty cannot be divided. However, they can serve both their old and their new country by keeping alive a knowledge of their fatherland and Interpreting it and the old tongue to the new land.” The kaiser said he was charmed by a story told him of a 5-year-old German-American boy who. when shown the American flag, proudly declared. “This is the flag of my country.” When shown the German flag, he added. “This is the flag of my language.” "I insist.” the kaiser added, “it is the supreme duty of every immigrant to learn the tongue of hls adopted country. He is a wise man, as well as a good one. If he teaches hls child, also, the tongue of hls father's land. In the case of a child It Is best to teach him the foreign tongue first, lluving mastered the foreign tongue, he will acquire the language of hls native land without effort.” The kaiser said that he and his brothers were taught Knglish and French before German. His son. Prince Adelbert, when a child, was asked one day by a German preach er: “Can you tell me the Prussian coat of arms?” The prince announced in German, “Der eagle.” The preach er. horrifeid, told the empress that the little prince did not even know hls father's coat of arms. In German, the word “eagle” phonetically signi fied “hedgehog.” The empress, of course, laughingly explained. The kaiser added: “Americans who are the children or grandchildren of Germans should be masters of two languages at least, and should teach two tongues to their children, for they are logical Inter preters of the two great branches of u great race each to the other.” Fidelity to One. I he kaiser expressed his abhorrence of a divided allegiance many times during my week at Doom. He had no quarrel with Americans of German descent for casting their lot unre servedly with the country of their adoption. He would have little re spect for them, he said, if they had not. Loyalty to one's adopted coun try was like the loyalty of a man to his wife. He might sympathize with, revere, or admire others, but his fidelity was due to the one. Thekaiser was amazed by the unending stream of gifts in food and money which Americans of German descent have poured into Germany since the ar mistice. "For a time,” he said, "the Ger mans attributed American generosity to the activity of Mr. Hoover. They now realize that Americans of German blood supplied the bulk of the argo sies which have saved millions of German children from death or starvation. If it hud not been for the aid of Oerman-Americans Clem enceau's wish might have been ful filled. C'lemenceau said there were 20,000,000 Germans too many! But American descent formed a bridge of love and human kindness. "The designation 'German-Ameri can' probably made most of the trou ble, because the title is in itself mis leading. There are Americans of the Irish race and Americans of other races. The American nation is on amalgamation of many races. The American of German blood can justly speak for himself, if an ethnic resig nation is needed, as an American of the German race. It is natural for such eillzens to organize politically, actuated by their civic obligations as American citizens, their cardinal prin ciple being ‘America first.’ Wherever their own country's interests were at stake, they were pro-American. This is as it should be. Similarly, I would like the Germans to be neither pro-this or pro-that, but solely and exclusively pro-German.” The kaiser thinks Woodrow Wilson, whose four grandparents were British subjects, was possessed, unconscious ly perhaps, by a fixed idea of Anglo Saxon supremacy. i1. 8. Part in War. The kaiser said that America's part in the war was decisive. "The allies were admittedly fight ing with their hacks against the wall. Without the entrance of America they would have been hopelessly defeated. American man power, American muni tions, American resourcefulness, weighed down the scales. Without America, Germany would have won the war. Even with America, Ger many came near winning. "In spite of American aid, Ger many would have won an honorable peace, a peace without victory, but a peace of Justice and Europe would not now be bankrupt and Balkanlzed. The kaiser made many references to the character shown by the Amer ican army, organized on such a pro digious scale at such short notice. “In modern war,” lie said, "the armies fight at such distances that the men r;™ly even,catch a. glimpse of the enemy. The Americans, when they first came over, were eager to charge In close formation in full view, running straight into the German fire, giving up many precious lives, bravely, but often uselessly. They walked into battle as If It were a pa rade. Even though they looked upon our young men as their foes and came with their tremendous reserve strength to destroy them, the battle scarred veterans of Germany, many of them fathers and grandfathers, could not behold the spectacle without compassion. Americans Win Spurs. “Later American leadership im proved, the men learned rapidly and at the time of the armistice the Amer icans had grasped the principle of scientific warfare. They won their spurs as • great military power. "What," the kaiser asked me one day. "is the American national an them?" I replied, of course, “The Star Spangled Banner." “Mo," said the kaiser, "thaj, is only Hope for Erin Seen by Premier •Llojd George Describes Glad stone's Final Plea for Ire land and Treaty Con ference. Lauds Michael Collins By RIGHT HONORABLE DAVID LLOYD GEORGE. O. M.. M. P. (Former Hrilish Premier.) m Copyright, hy I ailed Feature Syndicate. Copyright In t.reat Hritain hy tondou Chronicle. Copyright In Australasia hy Australian Press Association. Exclusive World Rights Held by I'nlted Feature syndicate. Reproduction in Whole or in Tart Prohibited. All Rights Reserved. London, Dec. 1G—When, a few days ago, I was half way through a speech I delivered in the house of commons on the land system, the faithful commons were summoned to the bar of the house of ldrds fo hear the loyal assent given to the bill for the constitution of the Irish Free States. Notwithstanding rny preoccupa tion with my interrupted speech, two scenes came to my mind during my short journey to and from the upper chamber. First was the spectacle of the crowded house of commons nearly 30 years ago. When doors were opened for prayer* there was the unwonted sight of a throng hustling; M. P.s pressing through the swing doors to secure their seats. I need hardly say that this was not a symptom or outcome of any religious revival amongst our legislators. It wras en tirely due to the ancient custom that conferred upon a member occupying a seat at prayers the unchallengeable right to that seat for the rest of the sitting. Rows of chairs were arrayed on the floor of the house. That was an in novation never since followed. There sat in the middle of the treasury bench, huddled up and almost hidden by more stalwart and upright figures, an old man of 83, to all apearances In the last stage of physical decrepitude and mentat lassitude. Greatest Gladiator. Ills name was William Ewart Glad stone, the greyest parliamentaiy gladiator of all time. The lifelong champion of oppressed nationalities was today to inaugurate ids final ef fort to give freedom to the Irish race. The last remnant of his strength was to be consecrated to the achievement of Irish liberty and hun dreds of eager legislators, to whom Peel and Russell, Palmerson and Dis raeli were but historical names, were avid competitors for seats from which they could better listen to the man who had sat in governments with the first three and crossed swords with the fourth. It was a memorable sight. Preliminary questions, which pre cede all parliamentary business, were postponed, and solemn silence, thrill ing with expectancy, fell upon the humming assembly as Mr. Speaker Peel, in his sonorous voice, called out: "The prime minister.” The inert heap which was the cen ter ^ all gaze, spring to the table an alert and erect figure. Decrepitude was cast off like a cloak—lassitude vanished as by a magician's wand, shoulders were thrown back, chest was thrown forward, and in clear, ringing tones full of music and force, the proposed new Irish charter wtus expounded for three unwearying hours by the transfigured octogenari an, rejuvenated by the magic of an in- ' spired soul. Faced Heavy Opposition. I had a seat just opposite the great orator, and I was one of the multi tude who on that occasion listened with marvel to that feat of intellectu al command and physical endurance. It was more than that. It was an un rivalled display of moral courage rare In political conflict. Mr. Gladstone had just only emerged out of a general election where In spite of 60 years of his elo-. quent advocacy, the voice of Great Britain had declared emphatically against his Irish policy, and the poor parliamentary majority at Tils back was made up out of the preponderat ing Irish vote. He was confronted with the most formidable parliament ary opposition ever ranged against a minister; redoubtable In debating qual ity, still more redoubtable In its hold on British pride. lie was 83 years of age but he never quailed, and through -the sultry sum mer *months of 1893 he fought night by night with the mighty the battle of Irish emancipation. He did not live to carry the cause through to victory, but he planted the banner so firmly In the soil that no assault could succeed in tearing It down, and this day when I stood with Mr. Bonar Law at the bar of the house of lords, I saw this banner flourished In triumph from the one of them. When an American squadron was at Kiel I ordered, as a matter of courtesy, the Germans to play the American national hymn ^whenever your flag was raiBcd or lowered. But the American band played a different tune morning and night! Finally, I asked the Ameri can admiral to enlighten me. " 'Of course,’ the admiral answered. 'It is “Hail, Columbia!” No,' he quick ly corrected himself, “it is really "The Star Spangled Banner!’ ” “ 'You are mistaken, sir,' chirped another American officer. ‘It is “My Country, 'Tis of Thee.' One Flag Three Hymns. “What could I do?” asked the kaiser. "I solved the problem of cour- | tesy by instructing my band to take its cue mornins and night from the American ships and play what they did. A most remarkable country!” the kaiser added, humming successive ly the three tunes. “One flag, but three national hymns!” | steps to the throne by a unionist lord I chancellor. That was the first mem ' ory that flashed through my brain. Anxious Moment. The next was of a dreary December night just one year ago when on one side of the cabinet table in 10 Down ing street sat four representatives of Great Britan, aud on the other five Irish leaders. It was the famous room wherein British cabinets have for | generations forged their Irish policies. Coercion and concession alike Issued I from that chamber. Pitt's act of pnion was discussed there, and so were Gladstone’s home rule bills— the decision to use British’soldiers to - throw Irish tenants out of their houses with torch and battering ram. and equally the bill which made every Irish tenant the lord a ltd mas ter of his home all issued forth front this simple and unadorned council ! cdtamber. And now came the final treaty of peace. Would it lie signed? It was destiny for the two great races which confronted each other at that green table. The British representatives who were associate^ With me on that occasion were Austin Chamber lain—I recall now how he sat by the side of his doughty father. Joseph Chamberlain, in 1893. during the fa mous nightly duel between him and Mr. Gladstone. How strangely little 30 arduous jfcars have changed his personal appearance—Lord Birken head, who in 1893 was carving for hirvnielf a brilliant career as a student at Oxford and as a debater in the union; Winston Churchill, who was then a cadet at Sandhurst, whilst his father was engaged in the last great parliamentary struggle of his dazzling but tragic career; Sir Gordon llewart, now Lord Hewart, a man who has risen on the pinions of a powerful In telligence to the height of lord chief Justice of England. My recollection is that the other two British delegates —Sir Laming Worthington Evans and Sir Hamnr Greenwood—were stricken with illness and were ungble to be present, f Climax ItetfMied. After weeks of close Investigation the climax of the decision had been reached. Britain had gone to the limit of concession. No British states man could have faced any assembly of his countrymen had he appended his signature to a convention that placed Ireland outside that fraternity of free nations known as the British empire, to free her from that bond of union which is represented by a common "fealtly to the sovereign. It is not easy to interpret the potency of this Invisible bond to those Tt back. We had doubts ns to whether we should see them again. Then came a message from the secre tary jof the Irish delegation that they were on their way to Downing street. When they marched in it was clear from their faces that thej had come to a 'great decision after a prolonged struggle. Buf there were still difficulties to overcome—they were however diffi culties not of principle but of detail. These were discussed in a business way, and soon after 1- o'clock in the morning the treaty w^ts completed. A friendly chat full of cheerful good will occupied the time while sten ographers engaged In copying a draft so disfigured with corrections, inter polations and additions, each of which represented so many hours of ham mering discussion. ' Outside in the lobby sat the man who had used all tlie resources of an ingenious and well-trained mind, backed by a tenacious will, lo wreck every endeavor *o reach an agree ment—Erskine Childers. A man whose slight figure, whose kindly, refined and intellectual countenance, whose calm and courteous demeanor offered no clue to the fierce passions which raged inside his breast. At every crucial point In the negotiations he played a sinister part. De Valera's Emissary. He was clearly Mr. De Valera's emissary and faithfully did he fulfill i the truet reposed In Mm ny tnat visionary, livery draft that emanated | from hl'i pen—aiwTall the first drafts I wire written hy him—challenged every fundamental position to which the liritish delegates were Irrevocably conimlttid. 11c wus one of those men wijo hy tempernn^ent are Incapable of compromise. Ilrave and resolute he undoubtedly was. but unhappily for himself he was also rigid and fa nat leal. When lie walked out of tho room where we had sat for hours together, worn with tehse and anxious lalair, but all happy that our great task of recon ciliation had been achieved, wo met Ersklne Childers outside, sullen with •disappointment and compressed wrath at what he conceived to be the sur render of the fr nclples ho had fought* for. *1 never saw him after that morning. Michael Collins and Arthur Griffith T met repeatedly after the signature of the treaty lo discuss the many ob ! slacles that surged up in the way of j its execution, and acquired for both I a great affection. Poor Collins was ! siiot by one of his countrymen on a bleak Irish roadside whilst he was i engaged in restoring to the country i he loved so well Hie erdeR and good government which alone enables na jtions to enjoy the Mesaings of free |dom. Arthur Griffith died •worn out by anxiety and toil In the cause which | he had done so much to carry to the ; summit of victory. Krsklne Childers | was shot down for rebellion against liberties he bad helped to win. Truly the path of Irish freedom rjpht up to the goal is paved with tragedy. ^ Hut the blood stained wilderness Is almost through; the verdant plains of | freedom are stretched before the eyes nf this tortured nation. Ireland will soon honor the name of Green Isle, and I am proud to have had a hand in erecting the pillar which Will for ever mark the boundary between the squalor of the past and the hope of the future. The hteyele craze is so prevalent in France that It Is said the number Jn use will soon exceed 5.000,000. To Our Friends and Patrons Wo wish you one fcnd all a Very Merry Christmas and a Happy New Year. King Fong Cafe 315 S. 16th Street We Wish You a % . Merry j Christmas. Lovely Presents FREE to Christmas Day Babies To the FIRST Baby Born on Christmas Day A “Llovd” Baby Carriage Free To All r ther Babies Born Christmas Day A Beautiful Bassinet Free The only stipulation is that the parents of each baby ar riving on Christmas Day must present by December 30th Birth Certificate signed by the attending- physician stating that the child arrived within the 24-hour period, with time of bi^th— also that the physcian be a regular practitioner residing in Omaha. , It is also necessary to show that the baby is living at the time the gift is presented and that both parents have resided in Omaha f#r one year previous to the little «*ne’s arrival. Store Closed'All Day Monday 'V May You Enjoy the Fullest Measure of Joy on This Christmas Day— Is the Wish of the Beddeo Clothing Co. Watch! Wait! Be ready to go—be cause Tuesday we open our doors on A Mighty Expansion Sale affecting every garment in the house—A sale without a parallel * Men’s Suits and Overcoats Women’s Coats - Suits - Dresses - Furs Thousands upon thousands of dollars are to be saved during this monster sale 3EDDEO 1417 Douglas Street