ffff."- fflp fr c " Xif i-f,'wrs'-5 v'nfynms-Hrym. t t
4
t
fl"
JUNE 3ri910
-TCommbrier.
5 "
- ?-
6NT
wBBrfc-iWfBtj"" ' - " ' x
IKCCufcE
tropics
I- -X.
'1
fcvf
il -
. r 1
-!
jC"
J
JjL)
RE IS A chance for President Taft to
make good bis -words. The New York
"World says: "It is a fair challenge that Champ
Clark, the democratic leader of the house, flings
at Mr. Taft. The president has admitted in
his speeches that the tariff on woolen goods
should be reduced. Very well, says the leader
of the "minority; send a special message to con
gress demanding a reduction in the woolen
schedule, and if Chairman Payne will report
the bill the democrats will offer no amendments.
That is a fair proposition. It disposes of the
plea that the excesses of the Payne-Aldrich bill
can not be corrected without opening up tho
whole question of tariff revision again. The
woolen schedulo which Mr. Taft himself refuses
to defend can be. revised downward without
touching. another rate in the tariff act. If Mr.
Taft Is wise he will accept Mr. Clark's challenge
.and help give the American people cheaper
clothing at once.
REPRESENTATIVE Fowler of New Jersey in
a public statement made with respect .to
United States Senator Kean of that state gives
a sample of the kind of "harmony" In the re
publican party. Referring to Senator Kean, Mr.
Fowler said: "Of all the subservient, truculent, .
literal 'me-too's' and perfect cuckoos, of all the
political poodle dogs that Senator Aldrich prized
most highly, undoubtedly Senator Kean wears'
the blue ribbon. He never gets off .the Aldrich
reservation, right or wrong, and on the tariff
bill gave 128. votes out of 129 to Mr. Aldrich,
if my recollection Is correct, rebelling only to
insist that polo ponies should go on the free list.
The point I want to press upon the "public mind
is' that if the' republicans of the Fifth, congres
sional district want to' vote for Joseph G. Can
non and" 'help Vb'orhees and Kean in theexe'cu
tion of' their corrupt bargain, and if the repub
licans of the state of New Jersey want to vote
for 'Aldrichism' in a pure and unadulterated
form, they should elect Senator Kean to suc
ceed himself by all means. But Senator Kean
will not succeed himself if the people of the
state have anything to say about it. However,
under the old practice by which the candidate
for the United States senate has been furnishing
the election expenses to the candidates for the
assembly and. senate of the state, he would un
doubtedly have a good chance to find his way
in again. But are .the people going t6 continue
this rotten, corrupt, polluting policy when it Is
in their power to save the good name of the
state from the degradation of being called , a
'rotten-borough' and a 'cesspool of political cor
ruption?' " After declaring that candidates for
the United States senate in Jersey sometimes
have paid the .campaign expenses of successful
candidates for the state legislature after their
election, he says: "If Senator Kean should lock
up his political check book until after the elec
tion, in November, lock it up even now, and his
brother, Hamilton F. Kean, should lock up his
political check book too, even now, and Senator
Kean should content himself with going about
the state and trying to tell the people why he
Bhould be returned to the senate, is there one
single person In the whole state who honestly
believes that Senator Kean would, be re-elected?"
ttt ASHINGTON dispatches of recent date
VY told a sad story. The following is from
a correspondent for the Louisville Ky., Courier
, Journal: "There is a' sad lesson and an equally
Bad moral in the statement today that on yes
terday fully 200 of the fatal blue envelopes
were, distributed among the treasury employes
noting that their seryices would no longer be
required after June 30, the close of the fiscal
year. This means, of course, their dismissal
from employment, and that means food and rai
ment for from 1,500 to 2,000 people. Nearly
90 per cent of the discharged are old men and
women who have been In the government ser
vice for many years, some of them for a gener
ation. Nearly all of these have lived up to their
incomes and they go out into tho world hope
less and poverty-stricken and helpless to secure,
other employment. It is a sympathetic, if not
a' pathetic, situation, and yet there Is no help
for it. The trouble Is that all government em
ployes have a conviction that they being under
the civil service rules will hold their places as
long as they live and they take no thought of
tomorrow and live for today. They never think
of a rainy day and very few iof them save up a
dollar for their old age. Then tho shock comes
and finds them penniless and heartbroken and
their loved ones crying for bread. There can
not be anything more distressing and at the
same time there can not be a better warning,
for it should teach those who remain to econo
mize and make an effort to save up something
for the future. At best these government posi
tions are the most uncertain of all others. At
first they are fine and promising, but In the end
In most cases, especially with women, they bring
not only other disappointments, but sorrow. It
is a thousand times better for a young woman
to marry a trustworthy young man, no matter
how humble in life he may be, than to get a
government clerkship, and it is far much better
for her to enter into any respectable service to
make an honest living than in the government
service. It is said that a majority of the un
fortunates are from the southern states. If this
report is true It is not easy to understand, as
the south ha& only three-tenths of 'the employes
of the governnfent here in "Washington and else
where in the country."
HORATIO SEYMOUR was born May 31, 1810.
He was the democratic nominee for the
presidency in 1868. A writer in the Buffalo
Times ,says: "It was tho lot of Mr. Seymour '
to be the foremost political figure of the state
of New York in the most momentous crisis this
country- has seen since the revolution, and to
be one of the chief representative democrats
of the nation during a period when the demo
cratic party was exposed to worse vilification,
slander and misunderstanding, than at any other
time in American history. No war governor of
the state of New York could have escaped the
barbed shafts of bitter censure and tho darts
aimed at Horatio Seymour were dipped in
venom doubly distilled, simply because he was
a democrat During different phases of the
crisis in which he held the executive helm he
was probably the most abused man in the state.
His motives were misinterpreted, his actions
traduced and the intense injustice of the time
continued to follow Mr. Seymour long after
the civil war, and almost up to the day of his
death, in 1886. But though a' living generation
may be unjust, posterity very seldom is, and
'one of the interesting developments of a semi
political, semi-historical kind in the last two .
decades has been the steady rehabilitation of
the fame of Horatio Seymour not with the
democracy, for the democracy was always faith
ful to him but with the successors and sur
vivors of those who had been his harshest po
litical opponents. By a deliberate but sure pro
cess, the clouds of detraction cleared away, and
the state of New York, Irrespective of party,
recognized that in Seymour it had possessed one
of its greatest men. "That the democracy real
ized this all along ranks with the crowning
proofs of the sound estimate placed on men by
the "party of Jefferson. As war governor, Sey
mour, with marvelous statesmanship, preserved
a correct adjustment between the national duty
of upholding Lincoln in his efforts to put down
the rebellion, and th party duty of maintenance
of democratic principles find of making war
measures consonant with the constitution. Five
times Seymour was the democratic candidate
for governor of New York, and he served two
terms in that office. Nominated for president
in 1868, the commanding qualities and the
prodigious personal popularity of the man re
ceived an astonishing demonstration in the fact
that the military hero-worship which brought
Grant to tho presidential chair, was unable to
affect Seymour fn his own state, which he car
ried. In 1876 Seymour declined a sixth nomina
tion for . governor, and four years afterward
there was every reason to believe that it was
only his own unwillingness to consent which
prevented his receiving a second . presidential
nomination. In the epoch immediately prior
to, and for somo years after 1876, his name
had only ono political compoor in tho Empire
stato that of Samuel J. Tilden. This Is ".
glorious record and the hundredth anniversary
of Seymour's birth ought to rccoivo recognltioni?
less transitory than more" ceremonial. It iB-ari?
auspicious time to start a movemont for-a memo?
rial monument to 'this -redoubtable champion of.
stato and national democracy." V
- ,'t
AN IMPORTANT mcasuro providing for a.
federal parole act is now in conference com7 .
uuiteo between tho two houses and when cerr
tain minor differences aro adjusted will prob
ably becomo a law. Little public attention ha,
been given this measure. The Chicago Record
Herald, however, sound's a warning with respect
to it. Tho Record-Herald says: "Tho bill pro
vides for the establishment of foderal parolo
boards and the parole of all fedoral prisoners,
except thoso convicted of murder (first degree)
rape or Incest, whoso sentence exceeds one year.
Tho parolo board Iff to consist of tho supertax
dent of prisons, the district judgo and a citizen
of tho district in which tho penitentiary is sit
uated. Any prisoner may make application for
paroto after he has served one-third of his term
taking into account reduction of time for good
behavior. This very broad and radical bill was
considered with some care in committee and
was advocated by earnest criminologists at hear
ings. It was not, however, properly debated
on tho floor of either house, and only a small
number of our national lawmakers voted on it.
There were vigorous protests against hasty '
.action and 'jamming,! but they were ignored,
and tho question now" is whether the president .
will sign the bill,- It hardly needs saying that,
tho parole principle Is sound and safe, and that,
a judicious, moderate parple system in federal
prisons is highly desirable. It is charged, how
ever, that the pending bill is loose and full
of danger and woakness that it spells tho re
lease of bank lootors, high-finance wreckers, per
jurers, forgers and other grave offenders. In
fact, It has been Intimated that It was pushed .
by some gentlemen in the direct interest of cer
tain criminals to whom tho parole principle has
no real application in a moral and social sense.
These are serious charges, and tho executivo
will doubtless look into tho whole matter with
the eyes and mind of a former Judgo who realr
izes that society, as well as tho individual de
linquent, is entitled to protection and 'mercy.' " '
THE BREWERY INFLUENCE
A press dispatch from Chicago says: "Thirty
breweries, Including some of the largest in the '
country, have joined, with tho Chicago police
in their crusade against the selling of liquor in .,
tenderloin resorts. These breweries have given
a written guarantee that they will assist in
preventing the sale of intoxicating liquors in '
all resorts of the city, and will not deliver beer '
to any resort that has been placed under tho
ban."
One of the brewers is reported to have said:"
"The brewers have made it plain that the ad
ministration of any large city can prohibit the
sale of liquors In dens of vice if the adminls-,
tratlon so desires."
This is good. The brewers aro to be com- '
mended for having joined in tho crusade, but '
there Is another conclusion to be drawn from -the
proposition, namely, that heretofore the
brewers have been selling intoxicating liquor 4'
and delivering it to thq resorts. There is no ,
doubt that the brewers can exercise a great inr
fluence to reduce the evils of intemperance if -they
are willing to do so, but thoy aro not, asf
a rule, willing to do so. They could enforce the
antl-treating law if they wanted, to by refusing
to deliver liquor to saloons that allowed treat- ,
ing. They could do much to relieve the saloon
of the odium that it bears if they would, but .
the action of the brewers in Chicago is so ex- t
ceptional as to b'e the, cause of comment, IfCt,.-)
us nope that they will 'in time become, so amenTf
able to public sentiment that they will eo-oper- L
ate fio frequency in the enforcement of ther,
law' that it will!) considered a matter of course,
and not, as now, an important item of news.'
A
v
j
-i-. i .
