ffff."- fflp fr c " Xif i-f,'wrs'-5 v'nfynms-Hrym. t t 4 t fl" JUNE 3ri910 -TCommbrier. 5 " - ?- 6NT wBBrfc-iWfBtj"" ' - " ' x IKCCufcE tropics I- -X. '1 fcvf il - . r 1 -! jC" J JjL) RE IS A chance for President Taft to make good bis -words. The New York "World says: "It is a fair challenge that Champ Clark, the democratic leader of the house, flings at Mr. Taft. The president has admitted in his speeches that the tariff on woolen goods should be reduced. Very well, says the leader of the "minority; send a special message to con gress demanding a reduction in the woolen schedule, and if Chairman Payne will report the bill the democrats will offer no amendments. That is a fair proposition. It disposes of the plea that the excesses of the Payne-Aldrich bill can not be corrected without opening up tho whole question of tariff revision again. The woolen schedulo which Mr. Taft himself refuses to defend can be. revised downward without touching. another rate in the tariff act. If Mr. Taft Is wise he will accept Mr. Clark's challenge .and help give the American people cheaper clothing at once. REPRESENTATIVE Fowler of New Jersey in a public statement made with respect .to United States Senator Kean of that state gives a sample of the kind of "harmony" In the re publican party. Referring to Senator Kean, Mr. Fowler said: "Of all the subservient, truculent, . literal 'me-too's' and perfect cuckoos, of all the political poodle dogs that Senator Aldrich prized most highly, undoubtedly Senator Kean wears' the blue ribbon. He never gets off .the Aldrich reservation, right or wrong, and on the tariff bill gave 128. votes out of 129 to Mr. Aldrich, if my recollection Is correct, rebelling only to insist that polo ponies should go on the free list. The point I want to press upon the "public mind is' that if the' republicans of the Fifth, congres sional district want to' vote for Joseph G. Can non and" 'help Vb'orhees and Kean in theexe'cu tion of' their corrupt bargain, and if the repub licans of the state of New Jersey want to vote for 'Aldrichism' in a pure and unadulterated form, they should elect Senator Kean to suc ceed himself by all means. But Senator Kean will not succeed himself if the people of the state have anything to say about it. However, under the old practice by which the candidate for the United States senate has been furnishing the election expenses to the candidates for the assembly and. senate of the state, he would un doubtedly have a good chance to find his way in again. But are .the people going t6 continue this rotten, corrupt, polluting policy when it Is in their power to save the good name of the state from the degradation of being called , a 'rotten-borough' and a 'cesspool of political cor ruption?' " After declaring that candidates for the United States senate in Jersey sometimes have paid the .campaign expenses of successful candidates for the state legislature after their election, he says: "If Senator Kean should lock up his political check book until after the elec tion, in November, lock it up even now, and his brother, Hamilton F. Kean, should lock up his political check book too, even now, and Senator Kean should content himself with going about the state and trying to tell the people why he Bhould be returned to the senate, is there one single person In the whole state who honestly believes that Senator Kean would, be re-elected?" ttt ASHINGTON dispatches of recent date VY told a sad story. The following is from a correspondent for the Louisville Ky., Courier , Journal: "There is a' sad lesson and an equally Bad moral in the statement today that on yes terday fully 200 of the fatal blue envelopes were, distributed among the treasury employes noting that their seryices would no longer be required after June 30, the close of the fiscal year. This means, of course, their dismissal from employment, and that means food and rai ment for from 1,500 to 2,000 people. Nearly 90 per cent of the discharged are old men and women who have been In the government ser vice for many years, some of them for a gener ation. Nearly all of these have lived up to their incomes and they go out into tho world hope less and poverty-stricken and helpless to secure, other employment. It is a sympathetic, if not a' pathetic, situation, and yet there Is no help for it. The trouble Is that all government em ployes have a conviction that they being under the civil service rules will hold their places as long as they live and they take no thought of tomorrow and live for today. They never think of a rainy day and very few iof them save up a dollar for their old age. Then tho shock comes and finds them penniless and heartbroken and their loved ones crying for bread. There can not be anything more distressing and at the same time there can not be a better warning, for it should teach those who remain to econo mize and make an effort to save up something for the future. At best these government posi tions are the most uncertain of all others. At first they are fine and promising, but In the end In most cases, especially with women, they bring not only other disappointments, but sorrow. It is a thousand times better for a young woman to marry a trustworthy young man, no matter how humble in life he may be, than to get a government clerkship, and it is far much better for her to enter into any respectable service to make an honest living than in the government service. It is said that a majority of the un fortunates are from the southern states. If this report is true It is not easy to understand, as the south ha& only three-tenths of 'the employes of the governnfent here in "Washington and else where in the country." HORATIO SEYMOUR was born May 31, 1810. He was the democratic nominee for the presidency in 1868. A writer in the Buffalo Times ,says: "It was tho lot of Mr. Seymour ' to be the foremost political figure of the state of New York in the most momentous crisis this country- has seen since the revolution, and to be one of the chief representative democrats of the nation during a period when the demo cratic party was exposed to worse vilification, slander and misunderstanding, than at any other time in American history. No war governor of the state of New York could have escaped the barbed shafts of bitter censure and tho darts aimed at Horatio Seymour were dipped in venom doubly distilled, simply because he was a democrat During different phases of the crisis in which he held the executive helm he was probably the most abused man in the state. His motives were misinterpreted, his actions traduced and the intense injustice of the time continued to follow Mr. Seymour long after the civil war, and almost up to the day of his death, in 1886. But though a' living generation may be unjust, posterity very seldom is, and 'one of the interesting developments of a semi political, semi-historical kind in the last two . decades has been the steady rehabilitation of the fame of Horatio Seymour not with the democracy, for the democracy was always faith ful to him but with the successors and sur vivors of those who had been his harshest po litical opponents. By a deliberate but sure pro cess, the clouds of detraction cleared away, and the state of New York, Irrespective of party, recognized that in Seymour it had possessed one of its greatest men. "That the democracy real ized this all along ranks with the crowning proofs of the sound estimate placed on men by the "party of Jefferson. As war governor, Sey mour, with marvelous statesmanship, preserved a correct adjustment between the national duty of upholding Lincoln in his efforts to put down the rebellion, and th party duty of maintenance of democratic principles find of making war measures consonant with the constitution. Five times Seymour was the democratic candidate for governor of New York, and he served two terms in that office. Nominated for president in 1868, the commanding qualities and the prodigious personal popularity of the man re ceived an astonishing demonstration in the fact that the military hero-worship which brought Grant to tho presidential chair, was unable to affect Seymour fn his own state, which he car ried. In 1876 Seymour declined a sixth nomina tion for . governor, and four years afterward there was every reason to believe that it was only his own unwillingness to consent which prevented his receiving a second . presidential nomination. In the epoch immediately prior to, and for somo years after 1876, his name had only ono political compoor in tho Empire stato that of Samuel J. Tilden. This Is ". glorious record and the hundredth anniversary of Seymour's birth ought to rccoivo recognltioni? less transitory than more" ceremonial. It iB-ari? auspicious time to start a movemont for-a memo? rial monument to 'this -redoubtable champion of. stato and national democracy." V - ,'t AN IMPORTANT mcasuro providing for a. federal parole act is now in conference com7 . uuiteo between tho two houses and when cerr tain minor differences aro adjusted will prob ably becomo a law. Little public attention ha, been given this measure. The Chicago Record Herald, however, sound's a warning with respect to it. Tho Record-Herald says: "Tho bill pro vides for the establishment of foderal parolo boards and the parole of all fedoral prisoners, except thoso convicted of murder (first degree) rape or Incest, whoso sentence exceeds one year. Tho parolo board Iff to consist of tho supertax dent of prisons, the district judgo and a citizen of tho district in which tho penitentiary is sit uated. Any prisoner may make application for paroto after he has served one-third of his term taking into account reduction of time for good behavior. This very broad and radical bill was considered with some care in committee and was advocated by earnest criminologists at hear ings. It was not, however, properly debated on tho floor of either house, and only a small number of our national lawmakers voted on it. There were vigorous protests against hasty ' .action and 'jamming,! but they were ignored, and tho question now" is whether the president . will sign the bill,- It hardly needs saying that, tho parole principle Is sound and safe, and that, a judicious, moderate parple system in federal prisons is highly desirable. It is charged, how ever, that the pending bill is loose and full of danger and woakness that it spells tho re lease of bank lootors, high-finance wreckers, per jurers, forgers and other grave offenders. In fact, It has been Intimated that It was pushed . by some gentlemen in the direct interest of cer tain criminals to whom tho parole principle has no real application in a moral and social sense. These are serious charges, and tho executivo will doubtless look into tho whole matter with the eyes and mind of a former Judgo who realr izes that society, as well as tho individual de linquent, is entitled to protection and 'mercy.' " ' THE BREWERY INFLUENCE A press dispatch from Chicago says: "Thirty breweries, Including some of the largest in the ' country, have joined, with tho Chicago police in their crusade against the selling of liquor in ., tenderloin resorts. These breweries have given a written guarantee that they will assist in preventing the sale of intoxicating liquors in ' all resorts of the city, and will not deliver beer ' to any resort that has been placed under tho ban." One of the brewers is reported to have said:" "The brewers have made it plain that the ad ministration of any large city can prohibit the sale of liquors In dens of vice if the adminls-, tratlon so desires." This is good. The brewers aro to be com- ' mended for having joined in tho crusade, but ' there Is another conclusion to be drawn from -the proposition, namely, that heretofore the brewers have been selling intoxicating liquor 4' and delivering it to thq resorts. There is no , doubt that the brewers can exercise a great inr fluence to reduce the evils of intemperance if -they are willing to do so, but thoy aro not, asf a rule, willing to do so. They could enforce the antl-treating law if they wanted, to by refusing to deliver liquor to saloons that allowed treat- , ing. They could do much to relieve the saloon of the odium that it bears if they would, but . the action of the brewers in Chicago is so ex- t ceptional as to b'e the, cause of comment, IfCt,.-) us nope that they will 'in time become, so amenTf able to public sentiment that they will eo-oper- L ate fio frequency in the enforcement of ther, law' that it will!) considered a matter of course, and not, as now, an important item of news.' A v j -i-. i .