The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923, July 11, 1902, Image 1

Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page. It is also available as plain text as well as XML.

    ij?- y
. r
,-vv,
p
'
Commoner
IS'-'"' -
II! vf
lne
EK
5
fc'
L?w
WWt&
WILLIAH J. BRYAN, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR,
as:
VoU a. No. as.
Lincoln, Nebraska, July n, 1903.
Wholt No. 77.
' L-L2
I "STUX-VERY STILL"
Tli Hon. Davfd B. Hill, without whose vocif
erations no "harmony" meeting would he com
plete, has npt always heen so prodigal with his
voice. There was a time and it was a critical
time in the history of the democratic party when
neither lovo of country, nor party loyalty, nor the
recollections of honors received, nor yet (strongest
of all) the hope of honors yet to come could
draw from him one dulcet note. That was in 1896
when organized greed, hypocrisy and fraud united
to thwart the purpose which a large majority of
. the party expressed in the most democratic con
tention which had been held for a generation?
The Chicago platform was adopted on the 9th of
July; after Mr. Hill had had more than two
months to consider it, he wrote to Hon. Hamilton
jWard of Belmont, N. Y., a letter dated September
12, 1896, and published in the Buffalo Express
'June 17, 1902, which reads as follows:
Albany, N, Y., Sept. 12, 1896.
'(Personal.)
My Dear Judge: Your-recent letters were
duly received. I xead each of them with much
interest. The situation for a democrat who
desires at all times to be loyal to his party is
very difficult I :am glying the matter Very
cartful consideration and moving siowiy.
.oago, oonven-,,: .
fjfmqmgmikvto
rw -aTitCMtf-a wm to HMt - TTOM YO. ,
Itli kindest "regards tor Mr Ward andv?
yourself, t remain, very truly yours,
DAVID B. HILL.
Hon. Hamilton Ward,
Belmont, N. Y.
If Mr. Hill had any Influence that was the time
to. exert it We needed harmony then, and his
particular friends were the discordant ones, but he
' .was "STILL VERY STILL."
He wants to push tariff reform to the front
now, but when the republicans nominated the fore
most champion of ultra protection and when his
influence might have aided tariff reform he
' yas- "STILL VERY STILL."
He now pretends to be very much disturbed
by the trusts, but he knewthat the trusts were
opposing the democratic ticket in 1896 and he knew
that they would control the policy of the republl-,
can administration if they succeeded in electing
that 'ticket, but he was "STILL-VERY STIL."
He describes imperialism as a menace to the
;-- country and yet wheii the republicans were win-
. ning the victory out of which, imperialism grew
and were employing imperialistic methods to
coerce voters he was "STILL VERY STILL."
He ought not to be too noisy now. He claims
to have voted the ticket in 1896 it is even said .
that he can prove it by a thumb mark oh the
ticket but if ho has so much Influence why did he
not use his influence for the ticket? A man who
is big enough to aspire to the presidency ought to
. have some influence; h ought to b able to do -
more than control his own vote. If Mr. Hill was
. able to influence one thousand votes in the United
States h has a thousand times as great a claim
on the republican party as on the democratic par-
ty, for all his Influence was thrown to th republl
, can ticket At the Tilden club banquet he eulo
gized Mr. Cleveland after the latter had made his
'impudent and insolent speech calling upon tne
democratic party to repent.
, ''The Commoner does not condemn Mr. Hill ,
merely because he .sinned in 1886, but because he
is ready to repeat the sin; it is not because he did
his party a wrong, but because there Is no reason .
to doubt that he will follow in th future the same
course h has followed in the past. Mr. Hill's
conduct showed how far apart he and the party
were in 1896, arid his speeches show that he has
not changed. Therefore, he and the party must
he as far apart now unless the party has under
gone a change. He has indorsed. Mr. Cleveland's
plan of requiring the faithful to wear sackclotn
and ashes, but th rank and file do not respond
they are "STILL VERY STILL."
aBMMMnaaHManMHBnanMMMiiHMaMMHBinHiMH.HHna
INDEPENDENCE FOR FILIPINOS.
THEY ARE IGNORING PRECEDENT
In an editorial seeking to justify the omission
of the trial by jury privilege from the bill of rights
extended to the Filipinos, the New York Tribune
says that "for this discrimination there is ample
precedent from th earlier times." The Tribune
then says: "In 1804 the territory of Orleans and
the district of Louisiana were organized by con
gress and a bill of rights was given to them, but
without extending the constitutional jury trial."
What authority has the Tribune for seeking to
give the impression that the right of trial by jury
was. denied to the inhabitants of the territories of
and: Oxmmjm T'ffiaUkAOtvOC eoBfreee an-
Ktfi.hS-' .W.I. Ml ..
, proved. Marcflt rH, 1
r'.&yy i-? 4r?i.'
10; aarSjaffllBPTO tmm
That subject to the provisions hereinafter set
forth the United States of America hereby relin
quish all claim of sovereignty over and title to the
archipelago known as the Philippine islands.
Sec. 2. That the United States shall continue
to occupy and govern said archipelago until the
people thereof have established a government in
accordance with the provisions of this act, with
sufficient guaranties for the performance of our
treaty obligations with Spain and for the safety
of those inhabitants who have adhered to the
United States, and for the maintenance and pro
tection of all rights which have accrued under the
authority thereof, as hereinafter provided.
Sec. 3. That upon the cessation of organized
armed opposition to the temporary sovereignty of.
the United States government the president of the
United States shall proclaim the fact, and within
ninety days after the issuance of such proclama
tion the United States Philippine commission shall
make, and promulgate rules and regulations for the
holding of an election in the various provinces of
said Philippine archipelago for members of a
house of representatives and a senate, to constitute
a temporary congress, which shall be vested with
full legislative power and also with the power ,of
anubUil :ftiwh ., judges as may to them
.1 . ",. ' "".., - ' HV.t. . .
Tories of :Loufsiaxva and Orleans', provided, among
other things: "In all criminal prosecutions which
are capital, the trial shall be by a jury of twelve
good and lawful men of the vicinage; and in all
cases criminal and civil, in the superior court,
the trial shall be by a jury, if either of the parties
require It. The inhabitants of the said territory
shall be entitled to the benefits of th writ of
habeas corpus; they shall be bailable, unless for
capital offenses, where the proof shall be evident
or.;the presumption great; and no cruel and un
usual punishment shall be inflicted."
The act of congress approved March 3, 1805,
relating to. the permanent government of the ter
ritory of Louisiana, provided "that in all criminal
prosecutions the trial shall b by a jury of twelve
good and lawful men of the vicinage, and in all
civil cases of the value of one hundred dollars the
trial shall be by. jury if either of the parties re
quire it"
How are these facts as "ample precedent" for
the refusal of th republican party to give the
Filipinos the right of trial by jury?
' - JJJ
Told in Figure.
"Cleveland in 1894." Under this head on
another page, will be found an editorial written
by Louis F; Post of Chicago and published in his
paper, The Public. It calls attention to the de
moralization wrought by Mr. Cleveland's admin
istration and shows conclusively that Mr. Cleve
land had ld the party into "the shadow of pre
destined defeat" before the Chicago and Kansas
City platforms wr written. Just lay the article
away and when some week-kneed democrat be
gins to talk of "winning" with a Cleveland-Hill
platform show him the figures. The over
whelming defeat of 1894 came before the people
had studied economic oonditions and before Cleve
land and Hill aided the republicans in ISM the
defeat would be much more sweeping now.
ftfi&iintf
ire shall prescribe rules ad regulatfaits for the
lection flr appointment 61 all' other JHcert, pro
vincial or municipal, as may to them seem' proper
or necessary. The members of said senate and
house shall hold their offices for the term of four
years from and after their election and qualifica
tion, unless said terms of office are sooner termi
nated by th inauguration of the permanent gov
ernment created by the constitutional convention
hereinafter provided for, and all other officers shall
hold office for such terms as may b prescribed by
such congress. Senators and representatives in
congress ave to recoive compensation at the- rate of
dollars per annum and other officers shall re
celYv such compensation as. may be prescribed by
the congress,
Th chief executive shall be appointed by the
president of the United States, by and with the
advice and consent of th senate of th United
States, and shall b vested, with a veto power over,
all acts of the Philippine congress having relatlo
to their foreign affairs, but shall have no veto
power with respect to other legislation, nor shall
he bo empowered to appoint any officer unless aui
thorized to do so by the Philippine congress. He
shall exercise such other executive powers as shall
be vested in him by the Philippine congress, and
shall hold his office for a term of four years unless
the temporary government shall within that time
he superseded by the inauguration of the perma
nent government herein provided for, and said
president shall receive a compensation of $10,0M
per annum, to be paid out of the Philippine treas
ury. There shall be such other executive officers
receiving such compensation and performing suck
duties as may be prescribed by the Philippine con
gress, and they shall he appointed or eleeted. i
such manner as may be prescribed by taw.
During the period of the existence of the tem-
porary government herein provided for, whlok
shall in no vent extend beyond four years from
fH
8
ji e
-
i: