ij?- y . r ,-vv, p ' Commoner IS'-'"' - II! vf lne EK 5 fc' L?w WWt& WILLIAH J. BRYAN, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR, as: VoU a. No. as. Lincoln, Nebraska, July n, 1903. Wholt No. 77. ' L-L2 I "STUX-VERY STILL" Tli Hon. Davfd B. Hill, without whose vocif erations no "harmony" meeting would he com plete, has npt always heen so prodigal with his voice. There was a time and it was a critical time in the history of the democratic party when neither lovo of country, nor party loyalty, nor the recollections of honors received, nor yet (strongest of all) the hope of honors yet to come could draw from him one dulcet note. That was in 1896 when organized greed, hypocrisy and fraud united to thwart the purpose which a large majority of . the party expressed in the most democratic con tention which had been held for a generation? The Chicago platform was adopted on the 9th of July; after Mr. Hill had had more than two months to consider it, he wrote to Hon. Hamilton jWard of Belmont, N. Y., a letter dated September 12, 1896, and published in the Buffalo Express 'June 17, 1902, which reads as follows: Albany, N, Y., Sept. 12, 1896. '(Personal.) My Dear Judge: Your-recent letters were duly received. I xead each of them with much interest. The situation for a democrat who desires at all times to be loyal to his party is very difficult I :am glying the matter Very cartful consideration and moving siowiy. .oago, oonven-,,: . fjfmqmgmikvto rw -aTitCMtf-a wm to HMt - TTOM YO. , Itli kindest "regards tor Mr Ward andv? yourself, t remain, very truly yours, DAVID B. HILL. Hon. Hamilton Ward, Belmont, N. Y. If Mr. Hill had any Influence that was the time to. exert it We needed harmony then, and his particular friends were the discordant ones, but he ' .was "STILL VERY STILL." He wants to push tariff reform to the front now, but when the republicans nominated the fore most champion of ultra protection and when his influence might have aided tariff reform he ' yas- "STILL VERY STILL." He now pretends to be very much disturbed by the trusts, but he knewthat the trusts were opposing the democratic ticket in 1896 and he knew that they would control the policy of the republl-, can administration if they succeeded in electing that 'ticket, but he was "STILL-VERY STIL." He describes imperialism as a menace to the ;-- country and yet wheii the republicans were win- . ning the victory out of which, imperialism grew and were employing imperialistic methods to coerce voters he was "STILL VERY STILL." He ought not to be too noisy now. He claims to have voted the ticket in 1896 it is even said . that he can prove it by a thumb mark oh the ticket but if ho has so much Influence why did he not use his influence for the ticket? A man who is big enough to aspire to the presidency ought to . have some influence; h ought to b able to do - more than control his own vote. If Mr. Hill was . able to influence one thousand votes in the United States h has a thousand times as great a claim on the republican party as on the democratic par- ty, for all his Influence was thrown to th republl , can ticket At the Tilden club banquet he eulo gized Mr. Cleveland after the latter had made his 'impudent and insolent speech calling upon tne democratic party to repent. , ''The Commoner does not condemn Mr. Hill , merely because he .sinned in 1886, but because he is ready to repeat the sin; it is not because he did his party a wrong, but because there Is no reason . to doubt that he will follow in th future the same course h has followed in the past. Mr. Hill's conduct showed how far apart he and the party were in 1896, arid his speeches show that he has not changed. Therefore, he and the party must he as far apart now unless the party has under gone a change. He has indorsed. Mr. Cleveland's plan of requiring the faithful to wear sackclotn and ashes, but th rank and file do not respond they are "STILL VERY STILL." aBMMMnaaHManMHBnanMMMiiHMaMMHBinHiMH.HHna INDEPENDENCE FOR FILIPINOS. THEY ARE IGNORING PRECEDENT In an editorial seeking to justify the omission of the trial by jury privilege from the bill of rights extended to the Filipinos, the New York Tribune says that "for this discrimination there is ample precedent from th earlier times." The Tribune then says: "In 1804 the territory of Orleans and the district of Louisiana were organized by con gress and a bill of rights was given to them, but without extending the constitutional jury trial." What authority has the Tribune for seeking to give the impression that the right of trial by jury was. denied to the inhabitants of the territories of and: Oxmmjm T'ffiaUkAOtvOC eoBfreee an- Ktfi.hS-' .W.I. Ml .. , proved. Marcflt rH, 1 r'.&yy i-? 4r?i.' 10; aarSjaffllBPTO tmm That subject to the provisions hereinafter set forth the United States of America hereby relin quish all claim of sovereignty over and title to the archipelago known as the Philippine islands. Sec. 2. That the United States shall continue to occupy and govern said archipelago until the people thereof have established a government in accordance with the provisions of this act, with sufficient guaranties for the performance of our treaty obligations with Spain and for the safety of those inhabitants who have adhered to the United States, and for the maintenance and pro tection of all rights which have accrued under the authority thereof, as hereinafter provided. Sec. 3. That upon the cessation of organized armed opposition to the temporary sovereignty of. the United States government the president of the United States shall proclaim the fact, and within ninety days after the issuance of such proclama tion the United States Philippine commission shall make, and promulgate rules and regulations for the holding of an election in the various provinces of said Philippine archipelago for members of a house of representatives and a senate, to constitute a temporary congress, which shall be vested with full legislative power and also with the power ,of anubUil :ftiwh ., judges as may to them .1 . ",. ' "".., - ' HV.t. . . Tories of :Loufsiaxva and Orleans', provided, among other things: "In all criminal prosecutions which are capital, the trial shall be by a jury of twelve good and lawful men of the vicinage; and in all cases criminal and civil, in the superior court, the trial shall be by a jury, if either of the parties require It. The inhabitants of the said territory shall be entitled to the benefits of th writ of habeas corpus; they shall be bailable, unless for capital offenses, where the proof shall be evident or.;the presumption great; and no cruel and un usual punishment shall be inflicted." The act of congress approved March 3, 1805, relating to. the permanent government of the ter ritory of Louisiana, provided "that in all criminal prosecutions the trial shall b by a jury of twelve good and lawful men of the vicinage, and in all civil cases of the value of one hundred dollars the trial shall be by. jury if either of the parties re quire it" How are these facts as "ample precedent" for the refusal of th republican party to give the Filipinos the right of trial by jury? ' - JJJ Told in Figure. "Cleveland in 1894." Under this head on another page, will be found an editorial written by Louis F; Post of Chicago and published in his paper, The Public. It calls attention to the de moralization wrought by Mr. Cleveland's admin istration and shows conclusively that Mr. Cleve land had ld the party into "the shadow of pre destined defeat" before the Chicago and Kansas City platforms wr written. Just lay the article away and when some week-kneed democrat be gins to talk of "winning" with a Cleveland-Hill platform show him the figures. The over whelming defeat of 1894 came before the people had studied economic oonditions and before Cleve land and Hill aided the republicans in ISM the defeat would be much more sweeping now. ftfi&iintf ire shall prescribe rules ad regulatfaits for the lection flr appointment 61 all' other JHcert, pro vincial or municipal, as may to them seem' proper or necessary. The members of said senate and house shall hold their offices for the term of four years from and after their election and qualifica tion, unless said terms of office are sooner termi nated by th inauguration of the permanent gov ernment created by the constitutional convention hereinafter provided for, and all other officers shall hold office for such terms as may b prescribed by such congress. Senators and representatives in congress ave to recoive compensation at the- rate of dollars per annum and other officers shall re celYv such compensation as. may be prescribed by the congress, Th chief executive shall be appointed by the president of the United States, by and with the advice and consent of th senate of th United States, and shall b vested, with a veto power over, all acts of the Philippine congress having relatlo to their foreign affairs, but shall have no veto power with respect to other legislation, nor shall he bo empowered to appoint any officer unless aui thorized to do so by the Philippine congress. He shall exercise such other executive powers as shall be vested in him by the Philippine congress, and shall hold his office for a term of four years unless the temporary government shall within that time he superseded by the inauguration of the perma nent government herein provided for, and said president shall receive a compensation of $10,0M per annum, to be paid out of the Philippine treas ury. There shall be such other executive officers receiving such compensation and performing suck duties as may be prescribed by the Philippine con gress, and they shall he appointed or eleeted. i such manner as may be prescribed by taw. During the period of the existence of the tem- porary government herein provided for, whlok shall in no vent extend beyond four years from fH 8 ji e - i: