Image provided by: University of Nebraska-Lincoln Libraries, Lincoln, NE
About The Nebraska advertiser. (Nemaha City, Neb.) 18??-1909 | View Entire Issue (Jan. 11, 1907)
flborton's (Cyriffc4t4 IMC All rights rssenrsd.) By cotutesr ( Editors and Publisher of Morton's History, tbs Publish Ntwspspsr UbIm f Lla- Coin. Nehraalra. I rMirmlttiH It rnrrutii(-l(nn In iumii nt thalr ! CHAPTER V CONTINUED (IB) After arriving at Washington Mr. Johnson says: "Hon. A. C. Dodgo, senator from Iowa, who had from tho first been an ardent friend of my plan, Introduced e to Judge DouglaB, to whom I un folded my plan, and aBked him to adopt it, which, after mature consid eration, ho decided to do, and he agreed that he would rqport a sub Mute for the pending bill, which ho afterwards did do. . . Tho Hon. Berahart Henn, member of tho house from Iowa, who was also my friend, 'warmly advocated our territorial cheme," The important part which Sonator Dodge played in the great national drama or perhaps tho prologuo which 'was to be followed by the tragedy of the Civil war aids greatly In tho in terpretation of its motive and mean lag. Many of ub of Nebraska remcm l&er him as tho suave, kindly and gra cioBg genUcman of tho old school. By Tlrtae of his ability and experience as statesman and politician, as well liis official position, Senator Dodgo represented the Interests and wlshos of the anti-slavery state of Iowa, "Which demanded the early organiza tion of tho great empire on Its west ern border. Indeed, 'until tho last, when tho question of tho adjustment of tho In terests or demands of slavery became paramount, Sonator Dodge might well have been regarded as tho leader In the project of territorial organization rather than Douglas himself. In the terrific but Bhort struggle at the last, when Blavery was pressing Its over reaching and 'self-destructive demand, he preserved his independence. His democratic, antl-slavebolding spirit breaks out in his rtibuke of Senator Brown of Mississippi In the course of the Kansas-Nebraska debate. Brown had defended negro slavery on the ground that it was necossary to tho performance of menial labor which ho referred to contemptuously as beneath white people: "There are certain menial employ ments which belong exclusively to the negro. Why, sir, it would take you Ibnger to find a white man in my state who would hire himself out aB a boot black or a white woman who would So to service as a chamber-maid than It took Captain Cook to sail around the world. Would any man tako his boot-black, would any lady take her chamber-maid into companionship?" This spirited retort of Senator Dodge's 1b not that of a doughface: "Sir, I tell the senator from MIssIb . alppl, I sneak it upon the floor of the American Efnate, in presence of tny father (Henry Dodgo of Wiscon sin) who will attest its truth that I have performed and do perform when at home all of those menial services to which that senator referred in terms so grating to my feelings. As a general thing I saw my own wood, do all my own marketing. I never ..had a servant of any color to wait upon me a ,day in my life. I have driven teams, horses, mules and oxen. and considered myself as respectable then as I do now. or as any senator upon this floor Is." This incident serves also to lllus .ratn th arrant, ohnncn tn ountnmp nnrl manners which has taken place in tho hort time since the birth of our com monwealth. This Cincinnatus fore man of the founders of Nebraska- Was yet of courtly manners, a senator of the United States, and. minister to the, .court of Spain. ' When at the last, the Kansas-Ne ' braska bill involved a question of vl tal importance to the democratic par ty. Douglas, as the conceded and Imperious leader of the party, over shadowed all others. But from first to last Dodge co-operated with Doug las for the organization of Nebraska He showed that he consistently sup ported the popular sovereignty prln clple of the Nebraska measure by showing t,hat he had advocated that principle as a solution of the still vexed slayery question in his support of the compromise measures of 1850. Senator Dodge discloses clearly his reasons for desiring tho division of "the territory: '-'Originally I favored the organlza tion of one territory; but represonta tlons from our constituents, and a more critical examination of tho sub ject having an eye to tho systoms of Internal Improvement which must bo applied by the people of Nebraska and Kansas to develop their resources satisfied my colleague who was a member of the committee that report ed this bill, and myself, that the great interests of the whole country, and specially of my state demanded that we should support the proposition for the establishment of two territories. Otherwise the seat of government and ' leading thoroughfares muBt have fal len south of Iowa." Though Bernhart Henn, member of the lower houso of Congress, lived at Fairfield, as early as June 11, 1863, he bad established a land and warrant broker's office under the firm name or Henn, Williams & Co., at Council Bluffs, tho residence or rendezvous of the potent promoters of territorial or ganization and of Omaha City. In a speech in tho House, urging the passage of, the Kansas-Nebraska bill, he discloses the objects and mo tives of the promoters even more elearly than Senator Dodgo had done: The bill is of more practical impor , tance to the state of Iowa, and the people of the district I represent, than History of Hutbcntic 1400 to 1906 -Complete to any other state or constituency in tho Union." In answer to "tho unjUBt charge mado on this floor by several that it was tho Bchome of southern men, whoreby ono of the states to be formed out of these territories was to be a slave state," ho demands: "Do they not know that the delegates sent hero by the people interested in tho organization of that country pro posed this division?" Continuing in tho same strain he urges that the 40th parallel, tho pro posed lino of division, Is nearly on a line dividing tho waters of tho Platto and the Kansas rivers: "A lino which naturo has run for tho boundary of states; a lino that will insuro to each territory a com mon interest, each having a rich and fertile valley for Its commercial cen ter; a lino that will bo of Immense Importance to tho prosperity and commerce of Iowa; a lino that will make the commercial and political center of Nebraska on a parallel with tho great commercial emporiums of tho Atlantic and tho harbor of San Francisco. . . Tho organization of two territories Instead of ono has ad vantages for tho North, and for Iowa In particular, which should not be overlooked. It secures in tho Platte valley ono of the lines of Pacific rail ways by making It the center of com merce, wealth and trade. It brings to tho country bordering on Iowa tho seat of government for Nebraska. It at once opens up a home market for our produce. It places west of us a donso and thriving settlement. It gives to western Iowa a prominence far ahead of that which ten years ago was maintained by tho towns In the eastern portion of our state. It brings Iowa nearer to the center of power and commerce." While these members of Congress from anti-slavery Iowa thus strongly urged division of the territory, those from pro-slavery Missouri merely ac quiesced in the plan. In the Senato Benton opposed the passage of the bill on account of the repeal of the compromise. Atchison took little part In the debate on tho bill, but while he said that ho thought slavery would go into Kansas if the compromise Bhould bo repealed, It does not appear that he ever urged division. In tho House Lindlcy, Miller and Oliver discussed the measure but said nothing about division. Lindley urged that organization must precede settle ment, which must precede "that great enterprise of the age, the great Pa cific railroad." Miller and Oliver dis cussed, tho question of Indian cessions. Facts thus rudely obtrude them selves as a substitute for the guess ing of the historians as to the primary motive of Douglas for the division scheme, namely, subserviency to the hopo and Intent of tho slave power to make Kansas a slave Btate, and thoy seem positively to preclude that theory. On this point there Is a strong and significant concensus of northern opinion. Douglas himself expressed his belief that It would be Impracticable to fix slavery upon either of tho territories. In his noted speech on the 30th of January, 1854, ho urged that slaves had actually been kept In tho Northwest territory In spite of the prohibition of tho ordi nance, and that they were then kept In Nebraska In spite of tho prohlbl tlon of tho Missouri compromise; but tho people of all the northern torn tories had abolished slavery as Boon as they had the local authority to do so. And so ho said of Nebraska: "When settlers rush In, when labor becomes plenty and therefore cheap, In that climate, with its productions, It 1b worse than folly to think of its being a slaveholding country. I do not believe there is a man in Congress who thinks it could be permanently a slaveholding country. I have no Idea that it could, . . When you gWo them a legislature you thoroby confess that they are competent to exercise the powers of legislation. If they wish slavery they have a right to It. If they do not want it they will not have it, and you should not force it upon them." Benton In his speech In bitter op position to the Kansas-Nebraska bill said: "The question of slavery In these territories, If thrown open to territorial action, will be a question of numbers, a question of tho majority for or against slavery; and what chance would tho slaveholders have In such a contest? No chanco at all The slave owners will bo overwhelmed and compelled to play at a most un equal game, not only In point of num bers but In point of stakes. Tho slaveholder stakes his property and has to run It off or lose It if outvoted at the polls," Benton dreaded and deprecated opening anew the slavery contest by the proposed repoal of the compro mlse. For the sake of peaco ho had promoted the clause In the constltu tlon of Missouri prohibiting tho leg lslature from emancipating slaves without the consont of their owuers. Senator Dodge Insisted that, as touching slavery, the bill would have the effect of freeing several hundred slaves who would be taken Into Kan sas and Nebraska aB domestic ser vants on the promise of freedom at some fixed time. Tho owners of slaves, he said, would bo too timid and conservative to take them Into new and unfavorable communities In larger numbers. This theory was p'b ouliarly confirmed in Nebraska, and Iftebraeka doubtless would have been In Kansas after conditions had becomo settled there, but for the Civil war which swept slavery away entirely. in his speech In the House, In which lie urges the passago of tho Kansas- Nebraska bill with all his powers, Mr. Henn argues that, "These territories will, nay must become non-slavehold- ng states. . , My experience In the settlement of now countries bo teaches." Emigration moves on a line south of west for tho betterment of physical as well as financial condi tions. "Hence." ho continues, "all of Nebraska, if not all of Kansas, will be settled by emigrants from non-slave- loiuing states. Three thousand of these, from free states, are now on the lino of Nobraska and fifteen hun dred on that of Kansas ready to step over as soon as the bill passes." A network of railways In. this latitude already embraced the Mle-slsslppl and would soon reach the Missouri. With out a word of testimony, unprejudiced eyes should see why commercial and political considerations, entirely Inde pendent of tho slavery question, Bhould have discovered tho advan tages of division to Iowa and Illinois also, and stimulated to the utmost their demand for It. Douglas was the natural mouthpiece of this sentiment by virtue of his residence in Chicago, which was vitally interested in secur- ng tho location of the Pacific railway as a direct extension of her great trunk lines to the West, and of mb position as chairman of the Senate committee on territories. So far from being surprising it is quite natural that these advantages of division should have appeared and been pre sented now, when the long-mooted question of territorial organization was at last plainly to be settled, and which quickened, and for the first time made tho question of a Pacific rail way practicable and Imminent. This now certain prospect of the opening of the way for giving value to the bordering territory and for the most gigantic project for a commercial highway that had yet been Imagined suddenly Increased the importance of every local consideration or possible advantage, and resulted In the projeot of division for northern commercial nterests and by northern commercial nltiatlve. Douglas had from the first striven for a northern territory. His prompt acquiescence in the proposal of divi sion is quite explicable and consistent when coupled with the fact that his bill of 1844 provided for a territory, whose northern boundary line was Identical with that of present Nebras ka and whose southern line was only two degrees farther, south than the dividing line between tho two terri tories, and with the further fact that the proposed northern boundary In his bill of 1848 was that of tho present state, and the southern boundary was tho same as the division line between tho two territories and states, name ly, the 40th parallel. But this cogent consistency of cir cumstance and specific human testi mony must, it seemB, give way to the exigencies of contrary historical au thority. For we are told in no incon clusive tone and terms that, Wo can not clearly trace the ways leading up to the division of Nebraska which apparently formed no part of the original plan. Nor is the explana tion of Senator Douglas sufficient. It is almost certain that If there had been no question of slavery this change would not have been made." And again: "For the division of the Nebraska country had no meaning if It were not made In order to secure a part of it to slavery." This author brings to the discussion of the ques tion great ability, but a zeal that leaps the bounds of fairness and rea son. It certainly seems as If he has retained his powers .to discredit and smirch Douglas to the utmost. This palpable predetermination naturally leads to disingenuous If not false statements. Thus, to sustain his pre conception that the primary object of the .organization of the Nebraska country, and especially its division Into two territories, was to further tho Interests of the slavocracy, ho In sists that there were no white men In tho territory, keeping back the fact that theoretically or legally there could bo none since they had been In terdicted by the law of Congress of 1834; and ho neglects to mention the very relevant fact that the advocates of organization In Congress rightfully urged that the population would bo forthcoming, and, more scrupulous than tho Israelites of old, in general waited legal permission to "go up and possess tho land." Organization there fore must needs precede population, or else bo Indefinitely postponed. Douglas himself completely answered these objections In his great 3d of March speech by correctly stating that, In spito of tho formal legal pro hibition, there was a goodly number of white settlers within the proposed territory; that there was an Immense traffic through It to the Pacific coast, now entirely unprotected, and organ ization was necessary on that ac count; and that people would Inev itably Invado tho territory In spite of legal barriers which thereforo had bet ter be removed in responso to the popular demand, The first census of Kansas taken within six months after tho passugo of the organic act Indi cates that there was alroady a popu lation not far from nvo thousand. , (To be Continued) CA88ATF8 CAREER. His Way of Running the Pennsyl- vanla Railroad. How did Mr. Cassatt work? Just as Padorewskl plays apparently without trying. Facility in the actual details cf the work gave him faculty in tho big affairs. Mr. Cassatt had the faculty of appre ciating that he could not do every thing himself, that his duty was to se lect the task of greatest importance und attend to that and then to take the next most Important taBk and attend t that, and so on. The rest was done by his generals, and the test chief Is the one who can pick the best generate. Most men are eaten up by details. Thoy never get time to do the big things because thoy are slaves to the little things. They confound the neces sity of knowing how to do little things with the necessity of doing them. Mr. Cassatt did that first which was life and death to the Pennsylvania. This is why he was a general In fact ns well us In title. Mr. Cassatt kno.r the proper relations berween work and rest. When he quit work he made :t good job of the change and courted the piny as ardently as he had courted th toll. He applied this rest rule to the urmy under his command, and no set of railway employes work under more humane and considerate rules than those of tho Pennsylvania. There are ten or twelve vitally dif ferent methods of running a great railroad. The Pennsylvania way stands first, because It Is the most highly developed on the continent. The method from this point of view, Is simple. It follows the old adage: "A place for everything and every thing In its place." The system of ad ministration is perfect. Pennsylvania railroad officers come as close to being perfect machines as it is possible for men to come. There are more than 600 of them. Every one has his specific duty. If he falls In that he is reprl- mauded or discharged. If he does more than he 'is listed for he is again repri manded. There must be neither dere liction nor interference. The Pennsylvania school produces automatic railroad men. They may be successfully transplanted from one di vision to another, but history has failed to record that they can be moved to any other system. Mr. Cassatt was first and foremost an engineer. He also remembered that) It takes money to make the mare go. Certainly, he took money, more than a barrel of it, to make the Pennsylvania go from New York" to Chicago, a dis tance of little less than 1,000 miles, In eighteen hours. The long, glittering steel pathway over which the flyc makes Its dally trip has been literally paved with dollars, just as much so as 'if President Cassatt had taken the en- tire output of the United States mind and Btrewn it along the whole dis tance. For In the past six years thers has been no less than $200,000,000 pul into improvements of the road between the metropolis of the East and tlH great distributing center of the West When Alexander J. Cassatt became president of the Pennsylvania railroad In 1899, he had an idea stowed away in his mind the feasibility of establish, ing an eighteen-hour schedule between New York and Chicago. It might b better to say that ho had an idea of a fourteen-hour schedule, for that li what he was aiming to establish. How long Cassatt had had this idea no enfl knows. His engineering schemes appeared to demand the supernatural. It is told that at a meeting of the di rectors of the Pennsylvania railroad a year ago one of them turned angrily to tho president and said: "Cassatt, you have gone engineering mad." But Cassatt had his vindication when two trains, one going east and tho other west, covered the dlstanco between New York and Chicago in three minutes less than eighteen hours, ma umw umittuiuea ior meir run a scant week before. Ib there any ground for wonder that men doubted .the sanity of President Cassatt.when he declared that to sue ceasfully operate the Pennsylvania roil road it was necessary to blow away the Bides of the mountains In order to lay bix tracks where there were already! xour, to increase from one to four tracks the Fort Wayne lines between Pittsburg and Chicago, to spend mll-i lions upon millions to reduce grades that were apparently satisfactory al ready, to ellmlaate curves that couldj De easily rounaea with a little care, and finally to spend $100,000,000 for u tunnel from Jersey City te a site sev ering two blecks ot the heart si New York for a passenger terminal? A Lost Circus Monkey. It was a cold dark night, the wind was blowing and a mournful sound heard where the leaves went sweeping bnck and forth under the trees. In a house on the outsklrt of a little town a light burned near the window and sev eral times since dark a little boy who sat Inside, hnd gone to the door to look down the road upon which he expected his father to return. It had been a fine day for the boy, he had been to tho 'circus, and his mind was crowded with thoughts of the won derful sights and questions he wished to aak his father about them. Soon he heard steps outside and in another minute the two were talking eagerly and laughing aloud about tho funny trlckB of tho clown. Tho front door through which the father had en tered was closed and locked, but sud- . denly, though no sounds had been heard on the porch, thero was a dis tinct knock on the door. "Who can that be, Billy?" asked the father, "wo are not apt to have visitors at this hour." "It must be a tramp," replied Billy, "you know they often follow a circus and are not always good looking fel lows, either; suppose wc do not open tho door." 'Oh, that wouldn't do," answered the father, "It might be some one who needed help, or a message, from a neighbor." So Billy hurried to the door and call ed from the inside. "Who is it? What do you want?" But not a word came in Teply, only a kind of grunting such as might be made by one who was suffering. At this the father stepped forwnro quickly and threw open the door, say ing: "If it 1b a tramp he must be in trouble." "Oh, maybe he Is sick!" exclaimed sprang the tramp who had been Billy, but the door swung open and In crouching In the dark. Billy gave a lit tle scream of surprise, then stepped" bnck, for somehow he felt he would like to have his father meet this strange tramp first. But not a question would the visitor answer, he only shook his head, and, then, spying a loaf of bread on the ta ble leaped toward It and began to help himself without the least hesitation. By this time Billy was laughing and the visitor heartily joined In, that is he winked his eyes, cocked his head on ono side, and did many funny things which were much the same as laugh ing. "Strayed from the circus," said Bil ly's father directly; "we must give him a night's lodging In some safe place and telegraph to the company about him In the morning." So this is what they did, and by noon the next day Billy's tramp, a great big monkey, was put on the train, to Join his circus company and soon was again busy entertaining the children who watched outside his cage. Pittsburg Press. Graceful Hands. It is next to impossible to make the hands slender. You can make them graceful by indulging In certain Del Barto exercises, stretching the fingers to the utmost and closing the hand slowly and gracefully. You can also keep your hands soft and white by us ing a pure soap and cosmetic jelly. If, in addition, the nails are beautifully manicured, the extra plumpness win not matter so -very much., Tho main thing is to have tho hands white and Boft, the nails polished and clean and to move the hands gracefully. All these delightful conditions can be cul tivated. Trains are Back Again. x Once again long, graceful trains are to bo seen, and as they are becoming alike to short and tall, stout and slen der, It is to be hoped that the fashion has come to stay were such a thing to be dreamed of. It is to be noticed that most of thp younger women still have their ball gowns cut rather short that is, while long all around, the train is scarcely noticeable. Naturally, the comfort of a short dancing gown is great, but then tho charming lines given to tho figure by a long sweep ot silk or satin should more than compen sate for the Blight inconvenience, and aa a matter of fact, a long train is no more difficult to manage and looks far better when gathered up than a short pr one.