flborton's
(Cyriffc4t4 IMC All rights rssenrsd.) By cotutesr ( Editors and Publisher of Morton's History, tbs Publish Ntwspspsr UbIm f Lla-
Coin. Nehraalra. I rMirmlttiH It rnrrutii(-l(nn In iumii nt thalr !
CHAPTER V CONTINUED (IB)
After arriving at Washington Mr.
Johnson says:
"Hon. A. C. Dodgo, senator from
Iowa, who had from tho first been an
ardent friend of my plan, Introduced
e to Judge DouglaB, to whom I un
folded my plan, and aBked him to
adopt it, which, after mature consid
eration, ho decided to do, and he
agreed that he would rqport a sub
Mute for the pending bill, which ho
afterwards did do. . . Tho Hon.
Berahart Henn, member of tho house
from Iowa, who was also my friend,
'warmly advocated our territorial
cheme,"
The important part which Sonator
Dodge played in the great national
drama or perhaps tho prologuo which
'was to be followed by the tragedy of
the Civil war aids greatly In tho in
terpretation of its motive and mean
lag. Many of ub of Nebraska remcm
l&er him as tho suave, kindly and gra
cioBg genUcman of tho old school. By
Tlrtae of his ability and experience
as statesman and politician, as well
liis official position, Senator Dodgo
represented the Interests and wlshos
of the anti-slavery state of Iowa,
"Which demanded the early organiza
tion of tho great empire on Its west
ern border.
Indeed, 'until tho last, when tho
question of tho adjustment of tho In
terests or demands of slavery became
paramount, Sonator Dodge might well
have been regarded as tho leader In
the project of territorial organization
rather than Douglas himself. In the
terrific but Bhort struggle at the last,
when Blavery was pressing Its over
reaching and 'self-destructive demand,
he preserved his independence. His
democratic, antl-slavebolding spirit
breaks out in his rtibuke of Senator
Brown of Mississippi In the course of
the Kansas-Nebraska debate. Brown
had defended negro slavery on the
ground that it was necossary to tho
performance of menial labor which ho
referred to contemptuously as beneath
white people:
"There are certain menial employ
ments which belong exclusively to the
negro. Why, sir, it would take you
Ibnger to find a white man in my state
who would hire himself out aB a boot
black or a white woman who would
So to service as a chamber-maid than
It took Captain Cook to sail around
the world. Would any man tako his
boot-black, would any lady take her
chamber-maid into companionship?"
This spirited retort of Senator
Dodge's 1b not that of a doughface:
"Sir, I tell the senator from MIssIb
. alppl, I sneak it upon the floor of
the American Efnate, in presence of
tny father (Henry Dodgo of Wiscon
sin) who will attest its truth that I
have performed and do perform when
at home all of those menial services
to which that senator referred in
terms so grating to my feelings. As
a general thing I saw my own wood,
do all my own marketing. I never
..had a servant of any color to wait
upon me a ,day in my life. I have
driven teams, horses, mules and oxen.
and considered myself as respectable
then as I do now. or as any senator
upon this floor Is."
This incident serves also to lllus
.ratn th arrant, ohnncn tn ountnmp nnrl
manners which has taken place in tho
hort time since the birth of our com
monwealth. This Cincinnatus fore
man of the founders of Nebraska-
Was yet of courtly manners, a senator
of the United States, and. minister to
the, .court of Spain.
' When at the last, the Kansas-Ne
' braska bill involved a question of vl
tal importance to the democratic par
ty. Douglas, as the conceded and
Imperious leader of the party, over
shadowed all others. But from first
to last Dodge co-operated with Doug
las for the organization of Nebraska
He showed that he consistently sup
ported the popular sovereignty prln
clple of the Nebraska measure by
showing t,hat he had advocated that
principle as a solution of the still
vexed slayery question in his support
of the compromise measures of 1850.
Senator Dodge discloses clearly his
reasons for desiring tho division of
"the territory:
'-'Originally I favored the organlza
tion of one territory; but represonta
tlons from our constituents, and a
more critical examination of tho sub
ject having an eye to tho systoms of
Internal Improvement which must bo
applied by the people of Nebraska and
Kansas to develop their resources
satisfied my colleague who was a
member of the committee that report
ed this bill, and myself, that the great
interests of the whole country, and
specially of my state demanded that
we should support the proposition for
the establishment of two territories.
Otherwise the seat of government and
' leading thoroughfares muBt have fal
len south of Iowa."
Though Bernhart Henn, member of
the lower houso of Congress, lived at
Fairfield, as early as June 11, 1863,
he bad established a land and warrant
broker's office under the firm name or
Henn, Williams & Co., at Council
Bluffs, tho residence or rendezvous of
the potent promoters of territorial or
ganization and of Omaha City.
In a speech in tho House, urging
the passage of, the Kansas-Nebraska
bill, he discloses the objects and mo
tives of the promoters even more
elearly than Senator Dodgo had done:
The bill is of more practical impor
, tance to the state of Iowa, and the
people of the district I represent, than
History of
Hutbcntic 1400 to 1906 -Complete
to any other state or constituency in
tho Union."
In answer to "tho unjUBt charge
mado on this floor by several that it
was tho Bchome of southern men,
whoreby ono of the states to be
formed out of these territories was
to be a slave state," ho demands:
"Do they not know that the delegates
sent hero by the people interested in
tho organization of that country pro
posed this division?"
Continuing in tho same strain he
urges that the 40th parallel, tho pro
posed lino of division, Is nearly on a
line dividing tho waters of tho Platto
and the Kansas rivers:
"A lino which naturo has run for
tho boundary of states; a lino that
will insuro to each territory a com
mon interest, each having a rich and
fertile valley for Its commercial cen
ter; a lino that will bo of Immense
Importance to tho prosperity and
commerce of Iowa; a lino that will
make the commercial and political
center of Nebraska on a parallel with
tho great commercial emporiums of
tho Atlantic and tho harbor of San
Francisco. . . Tho organization of
two territories Instead of ono has ad
vantages for tho North, and for Iowa
In particular, which should not be
overlooked. It secures in tho Platte
valley ono of the lines of Pacific rail
ways by making It the center of com
merce, wealth and trade. It brings
to tho country bordering on Iowa tho
seat of government for Nebraska. It
at once opens up a home market for
our produce. It places west of us a
donso and thriving settlement. It
gives to western Iowa a prominence
far ahead of that which ten years ago
was maintained by tho towns In the
eastern portion of our state. It brings
Iowa nearer to the center of power
and commerce."
While these members of Congress
from anti-slavery Iowa thus strongly
urged division of the territory, those
from pro-slavery Missouri merely ac
quiesced in the plan. In the Senato
Benton opposed the passage of the
bill on account of the repeal of the
compromise. Atchison took little part
In the debate on tho bill, but while
he said that ho thought slavery would
go into Kansas if the compromise
Bhould bo repealed, It does not appear
that he ever urged division.
In tho House Lindlcy, Miller and
Oliver discussed the measure but said
nothing about division. Lindley urged
that organization must precede settle
ment, which must precede "that great
enterprise of the age, the great Pa
cific railroad." Miller and Oliver dis
cussed, tho question of Indian cessions.
Facts thus rudely obtrude them
selves as a substitute for the guess
ing of the historians as to the primary
motive of Douglas for the division
scheme, namely, subserviency to the
hopo and Intent of tho slave power
to make Kansas a slave Btate, and
thoy seem positively to preclude that
theory. On this point there Is a
strong and significant concensus of
northern opinion. Douglas himself
expressed his belief that It would be
Impracticable to fix slavery upon
either of tho territories. In his noted
speech on the 30th of January, 1854,
ho urged that slaves had actually been
kept In tho Northwest territory In
spite of the prohibition of tho ordi
nance, and that they were then kept
In Nebraska In spite of tho prohlbl
tlon of tho Missouri compromise; but
tho people of all the northern torn
tories had abolished slavery as Boon
as they had the local authority to do
so. And so ho said of Nebraska:
"When settlers rush In, when labor
becomes plenty and therefore cheap,
In that climate, with its productions,
It 1b worse than folly to think of its
being a slaveholding country. I do
not believe there is a man in Congress
who thinks it could be permanently a
slaveholding country. I have no Idea
that it could, . . When you gWo
them a legislature you thoroby confess
that they are competent to exercise
the powers of legislation. If they wish
slavery they have a right to It. If
they do not want it they will not have
it, and you should not force it upon
them."
Benton In his speech In bitter op
position to the Kansas-Nebraska bill
said: "The question of slavery In
these territories, If thrown open to
territorial action, will be a question
of numbers, a question of tho majority
for or against slavery; and what
chance would tho slaveholders have
In such a contest? No chanco at all
The slave owners will bo overwhelmed
and compelled to play at a most un
equal game, not only In point of num
bers but In point of stakes. Tho
slaveholder stakes his property and
has to run It off or lose It if outvoted
at the polls,"
Benton dreaded and deprecated
opening anew the slavery contest by
the proposed repoal of the compro
mlse. For the sake of peaco ho had
promoted the clause In the constltu
tlon of Missouri prohibiting tho leg
lslature from emancipating slaves
without the consont of their owuers.
Senator Dodge Insisted that, as
touching slavery, the bill would have
the effect of freeing several hundred
slaves who would be taken Into Kan
sas and Nebraska aB domestic ser
vants on the promise of freedom at
some fixed time. Tho owners of
slaves, he said, would bo too timid
and conservative to take them Into
new and unfavorable communities In
larger numbers. This theory was p'b
ouliarly confirmed in Nebraska, and
Iftebraeka
doubtless would have been In Kansas
after conditions had becomo settled
there, but for the Civil war which
swept slavery away entirely.
in his speech In the House, In which
lie urges the passago of tho Kansas-
Nebraska bill with all his powers, Mr.
Henn argues that, "These territories
will, nay must become non-slavehold-
ng states. . , My experience In the
settlement of now countries bo
teaches." Emigration moves on a line
south of west for tho betterment of
physical as well as financial condi
tions. "Hence." ho continues, "all of
Nebraska, if not all of Kansas, will be
settled by emigrants from non-slave-
loiuing states. Three thousand of
these, from free states, are now on
the lino of Nobraska and fifteen hun
dred on that of Kansas ready to step
over as soon as the bill passes." A
network of railways In. this latitude
already embraced the Mle-slsslppl and
would soon reach the Missouri. With
out a word of testimony, unprejudiced
eyes should see why commercial and
political considerations, entirely Inde
pendent of tho slavery question,
Bhould have discovered tho advan
tages of division to Iowa and Illinois
also, and stimulated to the utmost
their demand for It. Douglas was the
natural mouthpiece of this sentiment
by virtue of his residence in Chicago,
which was vitally interested in secur-
ng tho location of the Pacific railway
as a direct extension of her great
trunk lines to the West, and of mb
position as chairman of the Senate
committee on territories. So far from
being surprising it is quite natural
that these advantages of division
should have appeared and been pre
sented now, when the long-mooted
question of territorial organization
was at last plainly to be settled, and
which quickened, and for the first time
made tho question of a Pacific rail
way practicable and Imminent. This
now certain prospect of the opening
of the way for giving value to the
bordering territory and for the most
gigantic project for a commercial
highway that had yet been Imagined
suddenly Increased the importance of
every local consideration or possible
advantage, and resulted In the projeot
of division for northern commercial
nterests and by northern commercial
nltiatlve.
Douglas had from the first striven
for a northern territory. His prompt
acquiescence in the proposal of divi
sion is quite explicable and consistent
when coupled with the fact that his
bill of 1844 provided for a territory,
whose northern boundary line was
Identical with that of present Nebras
ka and whose southern line was only
two degrees farther, south than the
dividing line between tho two terri
tories, and with the further fact that
the proposed northern boundary In
his bill of 1848 was that of tho present
state, and the southern boundary was
tho same as the division line between
tho two territories and states, name
ly, the 40th parallel.
But this cogent consistency of cir
cumstance and specific human testi
mony must, it seemB, give way to the
exigencies of contrary historical au
thority. For we are told in no incon
clusive tone and terms that,
Wo can not clearly trace the ways
leading up to the division of Nebraska
which apparently formed no part of
the original plan. Nor is the explana
tion of Senator Douglas sufficient. It
is almost certain that If there had
been no question of slavery this
change would not have been made."
And again: "For the division of the
Nebraska country had no meaning if
It were not made In order to secure a
part of it to slavery." This author
brings to the discussion of the ques
tion great ability, but a zeal that
leaps the bounds of fairness and rea
son. It certainly seems as If he has
retained his powers .to discredit and
smirch Douglas to the utmost. This
palpable predetermination naturally
leads to disingenuous If not false
statements. Thus, to sustain his pre
conception that the primary object of
the .organization of the Nebraska
country, and especially its division
Into two territories, was to further
tho Interests of the slavocracy, ho In
sists that there were no white men In
tho territory, keeping back the fact
that theoretically or legally there
could bo none since they had been In
terdicted by the law of Congress of
1834; and ho neglects to mention the
very relevant fact that the advocates
of organization In Congress rightfully
urged that the population would bo
forthcoming, and, more scrupulous
than tho Israelites of old, in general
waited legal permission to "go up and
possess tho land." Organization there
fore must needs precede population,
or else bo Indefinitely postponed.
Douglas himself completely answered
these objections In his great 3d of
March speech by correctly stating
that, In spito of tho formal legal pro
hibition, there was a goodly number
of white settlers within the proposed
territory; that there was an Immense
traffic through It to the Pacific coast,
now entirely unprotected, and organ
ization was necessary on that ac
count; and that people would Inev
itably Invado tho territory In spite of
legal barriers which thereforo had bet
ter be removed in responso to the
popular demand, The first census of
Kansas taken within six months after
tho passugo of the organic act Indi
cates that there was alroady a popu
lation not far from nvo thousand.
, (To be Continued)
CA88ATF8 CAREER.
His Way of Running the Pennsyl-
vanla Railroad.
How did Mr. Cassatt work? Just as
Padorewskl plays apparently without
trying. Facility in the actual details
cf the work gave him faculty in tho
big affairs.
Mr. Cassatt had the faculty of appre
ciating that he could not do every
thing himself, that his duty was to se
lect the task of greatest importance
und attend to that and then to take the
next most Important taBk and attend t
that, and so on. The rest was done by
his generals, and the test chief Is the
one who can pick the best generate.
Most men are eaten up by details.
Thoy never get time to do the big
things because thoy are slaves to the
little things. They confound the neces
sity of knowing how to do little things
with the necessity of doing them.
Mr. Cassatt did that first which was
life and death to the Pennsylvania.
This is why he was a general In fact
ns well us In title. Mr. Cassatt kno.r
the proper relations berween work and
rest. When he quit work he made :t
good job of the change and courted the
piny as ardently as he had courted th
toll. He applied this rest rule to the
urmy under his command, and no set
of railway employes work under more
humane and considerate rules than
those of tho Pennsylvania.
There are ten or twelve vitally dif
ferent methods of running a great
railroad. The Pennsylvania way
stands first, because It Is the most
highly developed on the continent.
The method from this point of view,
Is simple. It follows the old adage:
"A place for everything and every
thing In its place." The system of ad
ministration is perfect. Pennsylvania
railroad officers come as close to being
perfect machines as it is possible for
men to come. There are more than 600
of them. Every one has his specific
duty. If he falls In that he is reprl-
mauded or discharged. If he does more
than he 'is listed for he is again repri
manded. There must be neither dere
liction nor interference.
The Pennsylvania school produces
automatic railroad men. They may be
successfully transplanted from one di
vision to another, but history has
failed to record that they can be moved
to any other system.
Mr. Cassatt was first and foremost
an engineer. He also remembered that)
It takes money to make the mare go.
Certainly, he took money, more than a
barrel of it, to make the Pennsylvania
go from New York" to Chicago, a dis
tance of little less than 1,000 miles, In
eighteen hours. The long, glittering
steel pathway over which the flyc
makes Its dally trip has been literally
paved with dollars, just as much so as
'if President Cassatt had taken the en-
tire output of the United States mind
and Btrewn it along the whole dis
tance. For In the past six years thers
has been no less than $200,000,000 pul
into improvements of the road between
the metropolis of the East and tlH
great distributing center of the West
When Alexander J. Cassatt became
president of the Pennsylvania railroad
In 1899, he had an idea stowed away in
his mind the feasibility of establish,
ing an eighteen-hour schedule between
New York and Chicago. It might b
better to say that ho had an idea of a
fourteen-hour schedule, for that li
what he was aiming to establish. How
long Cassatt had had this idea no enfl
knows.
His engineering schemes appeared to
demand the supernatural.
It is told that at a meeting of the di
rectors of the Pennsylvania railroad a
year ago one of them turned angrily
to tho president and said:
"Cassatt, you have gone engineering
mad."
But Cassatt had his vindication
when two trains, one going east and
tho other west, covered the dlstanco
between New York and Chicago in
three minutes less than eighteen hours,
ma umw umittuiuea ior meir run a
scant week before.
Ib there any ground for wonder that
men doubted .the sanity of President
Cassatt.when he declared that to sue
ceasfully operate the Pennsylvania roil
road it was necessary to blow away the
Bides of the mountains In order to lay
bix tracks where there were already!
xour, to increase from one to four
tracks the Fort Wayne lines between
Pittsburg and Chicago, to spend mll-i
lions upon millions to reduce grades
that were apparently satisfactory al
ready, to ellmlaate curves that couldj
De easily rounaea with a little care,
and finally to spend $100,000,000 for u
tunnel from Jersey City te a site sev
ering two blecks ot the heart si New
York for a passenger terminal?
A Lost Circus Monkey.
It was a cold dark night, the wind
was blowing and a mournful sound
heard where the leaves went sweeping
bnck and forth under the trees. In a
house on the outsklrt of a little town a
light burned near the window and sev
eral times since dark a little boy who
sat Inside, hnd gone to the door to look
down the road upon which he expected
his father to return.
It had been a fine day for the boy, he
had been to tho 'circus, and his mind
was crowded with thoughts of the won
derful sights and questions he wished
to aak his father about them.
Soon he heard steps outside and in
another minute the two were talking
eagerly and laughing aloud about tho
funny trlckB of tho clown. Tho front
door through which the father had en
tered was closed and locked, but sud- .
denly, though no sounds had been
heard on the porch, thero was a dis
tinct knock on the door.
"Who can that be, Billy?" asked the
father, "wo are not apt to have visitors
at this hour."
"It must be a tramp," replied Billy,
"you know they often follow a circus
and are not always good looking fel
lows, either; suppose wc do not open
tho door."
'Oh, that wouldn't do," answered the
father, "It might be some one who
needed help, or a message, from a
neighbor."
So Billy hurried to the door and call
ed from the inside.
"Who is it? What do you want?"
But not a word came in Teply, only
a kind of grunting such as might be
made by one who was suffering.
At this the father stepped forwnro
quickly and threw open the door, say
ing: "If it 1b a tramp he must be in
trouble."
"Oh, maybe he Is sick!" exclaimed
sprang the tramp who had been
Billy, but the door swung open and In
crouching In the dark. Billy gave a lit
tle scream of surprise, then stepped"
bnck, for somehow he felt he would
like to have his father meet this
strange tramp first.
But not a question would the visitor
answer, he only shook his head, and,
then, spying a loaf of bread on the ta
ble leaped toward It and began to help
himself without the least hesitation.
By this time Billy was laughing and
the visitor heartily joined In, that is
he winked his eyes, cocked his head
on ono side, and did many funny things
which were much the same as laugh
ing.
"Strayed from the circus," said Bil
ly's father directly; "we must give
him a night's lodging In some safe
place and telegraph to the company
about him In the morning."
So this is what they did, and by noon
the next day Billy's tramp, a great big
monkey, was put on the train, to Join
his circus company and soon was again
busy entertaining the children who
watched outside his cage. Pittsburg
Press.
Graceful Hands.
It is next to impossible to make the
hands slender. You can make them
graceful by indulging In certain Del
Barto exercises, stretching the fingers
to the utmost and closing the hand
slowly and gracefully. You can also
keep your hands soft and white by us
ing a pure soap and cosmetic jelly. If,
in addition, the nails are beautifully
manicured, the extra plumpness win
not matter so -very much., Tho main
thing is to have tho hands white and
Boft, the nails polished and clean and
to move the hands gracefully. All
these delightful conditions can be cul
tivated. Trains are Back Again. x
Once again long, graceful trains are
to bo seen, and as they are becoming
alike to short and tall, stout and slen
der, It is to be hoped that the fashion
has come to stay were such a thing
to be dreamed of. It is to be noticed
that most of thp younger women still
have their ball gowns cut rather short
that is, while long all around, the
train is scarcely noticeable. Naturally,
the comfort of a short dancing gown is
great, but then tho charming lines
given to tho figure by a long sweep ot
silk or satin should more than compen
sate for the Blight inconvenience, and
aa a matter of fact, a long train is no
more difficult to manage and looks far
better when gathered up than a short
pr one.
