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though he may bare sat up the very
night before to finish a continued
story.
"Jtoden's Corner," by Henry Seton
Merriman, is finished in the August
number of Harper's. It Is a story of
a corner in malgamite, a chemical
which cannot be found in the encyclo
pedias, but which, according to Mr.
Merriman, is used in the manufacture
of paper. The word is excusable un
der the broad license granted to fiction-makers,
but It is a pity to set
youngsters and the feeble-minded
readers of serial stories looking for
something which does notexfet. There
is so much in the encyclopedias wait
ing to be wrought into speeches and
club essays, it is an irrecoverable loss
of energy to look for a word which
has not yet been adopted into the
language. However, Mr. Merriman
explains that malgamite is a chemi
cal used in the manufacture of paper,
that the villain of his story has stolen
a formula, cheaper, but absolutely
fatal to the workers, from a dying
man, and that under cover of a char
ity to the sickly malgamite operatives
he, the villain, has established works
at Scheveningen in Holland. On the
Dunes of Holland the scene of the
story is laid. The paper manufactur
ers realize when they try to buy mal
gamite for their paper contracts that
the "charity" has absorbed all the
woikers and the price of the product
lies been doubled. Meanwhile one of
the directors, who lias bjen deceived
into thinking the company a charity
rather than a corner, discovers that
the workmen are rapidly being killed
by their deadly occupation. He in
form the villain that the works must
lie closed and the profits divided be
tween the two organizers and the re
maining workmen. Ihe villain, Von
Holzen, refuses this proposition and
attempts on three occasions to kill
Cornish.-the man who has discovered
that it is a nefarious scheme. In the
concluding installment Von Holzen
attacks the hero, Cornish, and rushes
at him with a knife, but 'the clever
hero steps aside and the villain falls
with head foremost into the canal.
He had made such a furious charge
that he dived into the soft mud of the
canal bed and it held him there, feet
upwards. Then the hero visits his
fiancee and the author writes finis.
Mr. Merriman s heroines are charac
terized by a faintness and an unreality
that is disappointing. To allow the
heroine to be eclipsed.by the vitality
of the other women in the story is in
consistent, but the author has done it
before and he repeats his error in
"Roden's Corner." Like Meredith's
stories, this one is full of detached ob
servations of life and character that
the world-weary will appreciate, as,
for instance: "For death is in itself
dignified and demands respects for all
with whom it has dealings. Many at
tain the distinction of vice in life,
while more only reach the mere medi
ocrity of foolishness, but in death all
are equally dignified We may, in
deed, assume that we shall, by dying,
at last command the respect of even
our nearest relations and friends for
a week or two, until they forget us."
In a recent issue of the Evening
Post the state administration presents
its first campaign document for the
ensuing political contest in the form
of an article bearing this suggestive
heading: "Honesty has Leen the
watchword in every department of
the present reform state government."
Mr.W.F. Schwind, who, with a
few others, founded the Evening Post
which the administration uses as a
catapult for hurling boquets at itself,
was secretarry of the senate at the,
last legislative session and a vocifer
hm representative of "the present re
form state government," as well as
the especial protege of W. J. Bryan.
After the adjournment of the legisla
ture and the publication of the re
port of the auditor, showing the legis
lative expenses, there arose so much
unfavorable comment over the action
of Mr. Schwind inpresentingand over
the action of the auditor in approving
and paying the claim of the secretary
of the senate for services, even among
the supporters of the administration,
that Mr. Schwind felt impelled to pub
lish over his signature an article de
fending the expenditure. In that ar
ticle be stated that the legislative
session covered a period of 84 days,
exclusive of Sundays, and the actual
number of working days of the session
was 74: Mr. Schwind presented a
claim for 131 days' service rendered as
secretary of the senate during a ses
sion covering oniy 84 day6, during 10
of which the legislature was not in
session. This claim was verified by
Mr. Schwind and in satisfaction there
of he received from the state, upon
the approval of the auditor, $004, or $4
per day for 151 days. Mr. Schwind was
also allowed two assistants in the dis
charge of his duties as secretary and
they each drew pay upon claims ap
proved by the auditor for 151 days'
service at the rate of $4 per day. In
addition to two assistants the sec
retary of the senate was allowed a
stenographer at an expense of 1348, :i
messenger at an expense of $255, a cus
todian of his office at an expense of $246,
a custodian of supplies for the senate,
which were in the charge of the secre
tary, at an expense of $240. In addi
tion to these items the state paid a
message clerk $378, and a clerk of the
committee of the whole $328. For
services in compiling the journal af
ter the legislature adiourned Mr.
Schwind was paid $1,300
The defense of the action of Mr.
Schwind in demanding and receiving
from the state pay for 151 days ser
vice, as stated by him in his pub
lished article, was that former secre
taries of the senate had charged for
overtime, as he designated it. A man
charged with theft would hardly ex
pect to escape conviction" and punish
ment upon the plea that other men
had stolen. Mr. Schwind knew that
he was not entitled to receive pay for
151 days service as secretary of the
senate when -the senate was in session
only seventy-four days. The auditor
of public accounts knew that the
claim presented for his approval for
151 days service by the secretary and
his two assistants was not just and he
knew that it should have been, re
jected; he approved it and drew a
warrant for its payment. The auditor
is one of the executive officers of the
"present reform state government."'
j
In the second term of his adminis
tration, Governor Holcomb has ac
cepted the necessity of making all ap
pointments for Holcomb only and has
had a distinct understanding with ap
pointees that his recognition of their
existence and desire for a living was
strictly for their support against the
opposition to him and a third term.
There are many indications that he
will need all such pledges. Among
them this very just appreciation of
the present governor's character ap
peared in last week's Woman's Weekly
a populist newspaper.
Governor nolcomb would like to be
governor for another term. He has
written a letter asserting the contra
ry. His word is not supposed to be
bis bond in this instance any more
than in a thousand others. He has
fooled so many of his best friends by
that word, whieh they are inclined to
believe; he has made so many ap
pointments which are a total failure
from a political and every other stand
point; he has declared himself an an
archist to please the Omaha Bee, and
he has chosen republicans'rather than
those of his own party. So as a third
termer, it is said that be is not avail
able. There are hundreds of people
in his own party who could and would
not support him for office, just be
cause be has said one thing and done
another so of ten that they are dis
gusted. There are several other peo
ple mentioned for the office, any of
whom probably stand a better show
than Mr. Holcomb of leading the
state ticket to victory.
Among the most objectionable types
of ward politicians, of which this city
has several representatives, the traitor
has no standing and no influence.
The ward worker is not apt to pos
sess wealth or influence. He, indeed,
has nothing but his reputation for
faithfulness and a good memory for
services rendered to recommend him
to the laborers among whom, or
rather upon whom he works. If one
campaign were all, the" ward worker
could afford to disregard promises
made for tho purpose of electing this
"or that candidate to some office, but
spring succeeds falLand fall succeeds
spring and there are two crops
a year planted at the prima
ries. The possession of the high
est office in the state has evidently
made its incumbent for two terms be
lieve that it was something in the way
of a life tenure and that it was no
longer necessary for him to keep faith
with his supporters. The rank and
file who have been gradually boosting
Governor Holcomb into sight are just
as gradually realizing that he has no
intention of remembering the humble
agents of his exaltation. The road by
which he ascended to the capitol is
simply the road, and made to walk on.
We fear he will find it uncommon
slippery when he tries to reach the
United States senate.
TO THE STATE CONvBNTI N.
The republican state convention
meets in Lincoln August 10.
Without wishing to be over zealous
in advice, may we ask those who
sit as delegates in that conven
tion to give attention to one particu
lar feature of the political situation
in tliis state. For twenty-five years
the railroads have exercised too much
control over the politics of this Ne
braska community. Republican dele
gates, you know this -to be true. You
know that this railroad influence,
through the use of free passes, has
bribed and debauched the higher con
science of all the political parties in
this state. You know that this rail
road control has become so, bold of late
that for several years a man has been
employed on a regular salary bv the
railroads to distribute passes and to
mannge, contiol and manipulate the
action of each political party, in its
county and state conventions, in the
legislature and in the selection of its
candidates for public office. At first,
years ago, this management of the
state's politics was explained by the
railroad officials as a necessity on
their nat, to ward off the constantly
threatened attack upon the business
and property interests as common
carriers.
For years thousands of highminded
and' honorable men, humiliated to see
themselves practically disfranchised
by this corporation influence, tolerated
it as a lesser evil than the dangerous
anti-railroad element, which, if al
lowed to control, would recklessly
strike'at the property of the innocent
non-resident stockholders.
Now, the danger from vicious anti
railroad leg'slation is passed. There
is no threatening hand raised now. If
then the railroads are no longer com
pelled in self-defense to manage our
state conventions and to select our
candidates for us, why do they not
withdraw their offensive usurpation
of our political rights and let our
conventions alone?
Here is a man, traveling over the
state year in and year out, nosing
around wherever there is a convention
or an assemblage of men, giving out
suggestions as to who and what men
and what measures would be satisfac
tory to "our people . "
This man Ager, J. II . Ager, has for
ten years been employed on a regular
salary by the railroads, for the first,
few years slyly and undercover, but of
late boldly and boastingly, employed
to do what? 2fot anything that is
legitimate or honest. Not anything
that any self respecting republican,
populist or democrat would admit
without a blush for his party. But
employed to manage the politics of
the state, and this man refers to the
railroads as "our people."' Gentlemen
of the republican state convention,
isn't it about time to stop this Ager
business? Havn't you had Ager
enough? Arn't you tired seeing this
man tip toe through the convention
halls and don't you know that there is
a stigma upon every man who is
nominated by his assistance and a
shame upon any party who will submit
to such-insulting and impudent usur
pation? No other state in the union would
tolerate such a condition, a man hired
by the corporations as a professional
directorand manager of political con
ventions and as a selector of candi.
dates for office For the last two
years this man has devoted much of
his time to the management of fusion
politics, for the fusionists have been
in power at the state house.
You will see him flitting in and out
of the governor's office, in and out o
the oii inspectors office, in and out o
the auditor's office, holding little sly
caucuses behind closed doors, whis
pering to Edmiston here, to Maret
there and always producing at each .
visit to the state house a flutter o
anxiety and a whispering suspense
among the clerky understrappers as to
what will be the next move on the
checker board, for they have al
learned at tne state house that n
matter what the platform says, and
no matter who holds the offices In this
administration, the railroad influence
is the power behind the throne and
Ager is its errand boy and body ser
vant. Does the populist governor evince
and feel a twinge of humiliation or in
sult when this man tip-toes into his
sanctum to give him the very latest
suggestions from "our people?" Not
a bit of it Does Maret take offense
at Ager's authority over the reform
movement? Not a bit of it. They
are alike. They are of the same mind,
mould and morals. They draw their
salaries, one for managing the reform
movement and the other for manag
ing the managers of the reform move
ment and there is no dignity orsenti
raentin either of them which interferes
with the transaction of "'business."
But, gentlemen of the convention,
it makes but little differencejto you
when you assemble on the 10th of
August what relations exist between
.the political managers of railroads and
the managers of the populist state
administration. The people are .ex
pecting nothing from Edmiston or
Maret. They are no longer looking
for reform through the Sainted Silas
with his pockets full of free passes
and swiped house rent. But they are
expecting something from the repub
lican party, The republican press of
the state has promised them that the
republican party has learned from the
bitter experience of the past and will
never again put its head under the
yoke of corporation control.
.Ager will be at the republican state
convention on August 10. He will be
whipping in and out among the dele-
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