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OBSERVATIONS i
There is one Idea underlying Mr. Bry
an's plea for support In his candidacy
or president of the United States
one Idea In all his speeches, one idea
In all his appeals. That is that every
man who has a dollar is a thief. He
Is logical enough to contend, by impli
cation, that the man who has not a dol
lar is honest. We have said in these
columns that Mr. Bryan is revolution
ary. This is disputed. We have
said that Mr. Bryan advocates re
pudiation. This is also denied. Will
anyone contend that Mr. Bryan, who
claims to be a democrat, a populist and
heaven knows what else, Is not a soc
ialist? For four years Mc. Bryan has been
a socialist of socialists. He left the
democratic party and joined the pop
ulists because the populists were nearer
socialism than the democrats. Mr. Bry
an attacks prosperity. He assails.suc
cess. Wealth is booty. He looks upon
the possession of money as a crime",
and yet he would give It to those who
have It not. He calls the man who
has a dollar a robber and he would take
the, dollar from the robber and give
it to the man who would like to have
it. This is a peculiar platform for a
man who would be president of the
United States.
The trouble with Mr. Bryan's argu
ment is that his premise is wholly
wrong. Honesty isn't a question of
dollars. Because a man is worth
$1,000, or $10,000, or $100,000, it does not
follow that he is a scoundrel 'who
should b dragged to the post and
flogged and his money given to the
poor. Mr. Bryan is a rich man. He
is not as rich as William Waldorf As
tor, or Cornelius Vanderbllt or his
friend Senator Stewart, the silver king;
but he is a rich man comparatively.
The great mass of the people are poorer
than Mr. Bryan. How many of the
"tolling masses" that he tells us about
are. able to live so comfortably as Mr.
Bryan, without any visible means of
support? The popoeratic candidate for
.president lives in his own house and
keeps servants and has a little money
loaned out. So compared with the
multitude, he. Is a rich man. Were we
to judge Mr. Bryan by his own code
we would be compelled to find him
guilty of grand larceny. But we do
not believe Mr. Bryan is a thief any
more than we believe John Wanamak
er of Philadelphia, or Dr. Paine, of
this city, is a thief. We do not be
lieve Mr. Bryan has acquired his
money dishonestly. We believe that
many rich men are honest.
The minute we assail the right of
property, that minute we become an
archists worse than socialists. And
Mr. Bryan's campaign is a systematic,
adroit attack on all property. On
the right of the men who have accumu
lated property to be protected In their
lawful possessions. He tells us that
the money owners and he, is a money
owner himself must be overthrown.
Has any candidate of any considerable
political party In this country ever
made his canvass on a plea so dan
gerous and revolutionary?
There, are a few men who advocate
Mr. Bryan's election who say openly:
"A great many people are bankrupt al
ready; let us go farther and bankrupt
everybody; let us burn ail the ships
and make everybody take to the sea
with us." And Mr. Bryan, standing
for this destructive, revolutionary, an
archistic idea, has the effrontery to tell
us that it Is a "good thing." Would you
make prosperity by oreatingpoverty?
Would you build up by tearing down?
Mr. Bryan has admitted that his
election would be followed by a fin
ancial panic. He says it would not
last long. What does Mr. Bryan
know about how long it would last?
The present panic commenced May
15th, 1893. Ever since wise men have
told us that It is about to end. It
is still on. How are the "tolling mass
es" to be benefited by another crash
that will absolutely paralyze the
commerce of this country? With the
banks closed, railroad companies bank
rupt, factories shut down for want of
money, it sems to us that the "toil
ing masses" would be Infinitely worse
off than they nre now. And for how
many years. couIdthe"toHing masses"
stand such a condition as would be
brought about by Mr. Bryan's elec
tion? If the fear of Bryan's election
causes Burlington stock to drop from
eighty to fifty-four and all other stocks
to lose fr"m one fourth to one third
of their value, and causes depositors
to withdraw nearly $60,000,000 from the
national banks of New York city in
six weeks, and brings on a more ser
ious money stringency than we have
seen since 1893, what would be the, re
sult if Mr. Bryan should be success
ful? The issue In this campaign Is a
simple, business proposition. Is confi
dence to be restored and business re
sumed, or are we to plunge still farther
Into adversity and put from five to
ten years between us and prosperity?
The "toiling masses" in this country.
Include from 50,000,000 to 60,000,000 peo
ple. These are the people who are
affected by the business condition. Is
it a "good thing" to destroy the earn
ing and producing power of this num
ber of people?
Governor Altgeld. in opening his
campaign for Bryan, free silver and
Altgeld In Illinois brought out in the
most striking manner the contrast be
tween present conditions, brought on
by distrust and shaken confidence, and
the. conditions. that. obtained four-years
ago when the political party that is
now out was in. The governor said:
"There was a time in the history of
our country when a healthy body, a
healthy brain, an honest heart and two
willing hands were all the capital that
a young man needed to start on a suc
cessful career. He had his choice of
employment. There was novelty on
every hand, and he could enter a field
that suited Tils tastes.
There are millions of farmers who
once were prosperous and could sell
the products of their farms for such
prices as enabled them not only to
pay their taxes, pay their debts, but
to supply their families with the com
forts and even the luxuries of life.
They had money to spend at the store,
at the shop and at the college.
There are in this community mine
operators who once found a broad mar
ket in which to sell their coal and could
realize prices which enabled them to
pay living wages to their men.
There are in this state thousands of
miners who make their living by the
hardest work known to man, digging
in the bowels of the earth. Once there
was a demand for their labor. Instead
of having to tramp over the country
and seek jobs they were sought for at
their homes. They were able to earn
enough money to not only support
their families but to educate their chil
dren. There are all over this country mer
chants who once were prosperous and
active. Their business was large, and
the farmers and laborers came to their
stores and purchased freely.
- There was a time-when -the manu-"
facturers were all busy making var
ious things that were used by a pros
perous and progressive people. There'
was a buyer for everything they could'
make. Their shops were filled with
laborers receiving their wages.
There was a time when our railroads'
were all busy. There was a time when
there was activity everywhere in this"
land. There was a demand for brains
and a demand for muscle. Kvfry man
willing to work had his choice of labor.
The great common toiling masses ofc
our country were contented, were ed
ucating their children, were good citi
zens and were happy. All this has
changed and there Is paralysis, stag
nation, want, suffering and discontent
all aver this the richest land under thfr
sun."
What a contrast between the sensa
tionalism of theBIalne and Cleveland
campaign of 1884 and the seriousness
of the contest that Is now on? Twelve
years ago the people of this country
were disgusted with the nauseating de
tails of a campaign of personalities.
Now they are interested almost solely
in a discussion of principles. No pres
idential campaign In a great many
years hes been so free from personal
ities as this contestibetween McKInley.
and Bryan. The youthfulness of the
democratic candidate as emphasized
by certain boyish manifestations has
contributed the only personal elemenl
of the canvass. The people have ec
cepted the Integrity and high charact
er of Mr. McKInley and Mr. Bryan
as indisputable fact, and there has
been no disposition to invade the sanct
ity of the private life of the candidates.
Twelve years ago principles were, for
at least a part of the campaign, almost
entirely lost sight of. Newspapers be
came detective agencies, and stump
speakers turned scandal mongers. It
was a campaign of mud slinging, and
!efore it was all over a good many peo
ple were bespattered. The Incidents
of that campaign are seldom referred
to now. One of the candidates is dead
and his name is given an important
place In history. The other is president
and in the Intervening years has be
come one of the most striking public
figures this country has produced.
Many of the details of this memorable
campaign have passed out of recollec
tion, and it 1b a good thing.
Samuel J. Tilden who was the choice
of a great many democrats, wrote to
Daniel Manning, chairman of the dem
ocratic committee of New York, under
date of June 10th, 1884: "Having now
borne faithfully my full share of labor
and care In the public service, and
wearing the marks of Its burdens, I
desire nothing so much as an honorable
discharge. I wish to lay down the hon
ors and tolls of even quasi-party lead
ership, an," to seek the repose of pri-
