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About The courier. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1894-1903 | View Entire Issue (Sept. 5, 1896)
L fex -? VOL.UNO;34 "Vr?'r .vi-7., -, ESTABLISHED IN 188G T j.. - ft- 5' PRICE FIVE CBNTi ,V- 1MI V -.-v. B .&. fltJsB 8E & 'air- j)$" 19 VH r'BBr-ffBloOBWfB VISbIBV' bH--BBBBF ' I LINCOLN NBB., SATURDAY. SEPTEMBER 5, IKX5, r -i --. .. ntnFon otficb at Macau am bcoitd-ci.am MATTB PUBLISHED ETZKT SATU1DAT BY tk emiER ramiK ui musuN ei Office 1132 N street,. Up Stairs. Telephone 384. W. MORTON SMITH SARAH B. HARBIS Editor and Manager Associate Editor Subscription Bate la Advance. Pa annum t2.0t Six Months 1-00 Three sooths M Oae month ..' 90 Itagle copies 6 OBSERVATIONS i There is one Idea underlying Mr. Bry an's plea for support In his candidacy or president of the United States one Idea In all his speeches, one idea In all his appeals. That is that every man who has a dollar is a thief. He Is logical enough to contend, by impli cation, that the man who has not a dol lar is honest. We have said in these columns that Mr. Bryan is revolution ary. This is disputed. We have said that Mr. Bryan advocates re pudiation. This is also denied. Will anyone contend that Mr. Bryan, who claims to be a democrat, a populist and heaven knows what else, Is not a soc ialist? For four years Mc. Bryan has been a socialist of socialists. He left the democratic party and joined the pop ulists because the populists were nearer socialism than the democrats. Mr. Bry an attacks prosperity. He assails.suc cess. Wealth is booty. He looks upon the possession of money as a crime", and yet he would give It to those who have It not. He calls the man who has a dollar a robber and he would take the, dollar from the robber and give it to the man who would like to have it. This is a peculiar platform for a man who would be president of the United States. The trouble with Mr. Bryan's argu ment is that his premise is wholly wrong. Honesty isn't a question of dollars. Because a man is worth $1,000, or $10,000, or $100,000, it does not follow that he is a scoundrel 'who should b dragged to the post and flogged and his money given to the poor. Mr. Bryan is a rich man. He is not as rich as William Waldorf As tor, or Cornelius Vanderbllt or his friend Senator Stewart, the silver king; but he is a rich man comparatively. The great mass of the people are poorer than Mr. Bryan. How many of the "tolling masses" that he tells us about are. able to live so comfortably as Mr. Bryan, without any visible means of support? The popoeratic candidate for .president lives in his own house and keeps servants and has a little money loaned out. So compared with the multitude, he. Is a rich man. Were we to judge Mr. Bryan by his own code we would be compelled to find him guilty of grand larceny. But we do not believe Mr. Bryan is a thief any more than we believe John Wanamak er of Philadelphia, or Dr. Paine, of this city, is a thief. We do not be lieve Mr. Bryan has acquired his money dishonestly. We believe that many rich men are honest. The minute we assail the right of property, that minute we become an archists worse than socialists. And Mr. Bryan's campaign is a systematic, adroit attack on all property. On the right of the men who have accumu lated property to be protected In their lawful possessions. He tells us that the money owners and he, is a money owner himself must be overthrown. Has any candidate of any considerable political party In this country ever made his canvass on a plea so dan gerous and revolutionary? There, are a few men who advocate Mr. Bryan's election who say openly: "A great many people are bankrupt al ready; let us go farther and bankrupt everybody; let us burn ail the ships and make everybody take to the sea with us." And Mr. Bryan, standing for this destructive, revolutionary, an archistic idea, has the effrontery to tell us that it Is a "good thing." Would you make prosperity by oreatingpoverty? Would you build up by tearing down? Mr. Bryan has admitted that his election would be followed by a fin ancial panic. He says it would not last long. What does Mr. Bryan know about how long it would last? The present panic commenced May 15th, 1893. Ever since wise men have told us that It is about to end. It is still on. How are the "tolling mass es" to be benefited by another crash that will absolutely paralyze the commerce of this country? With the banks closed, railroad companies bank rupt, factories shut down for want of money, it sems to us that the "toil ing masses" would be Infinitely worse off than they nre now. And for how many years. couIdthe"toHing masses" stand such a condition as would be brought about by Mr. Bryan's elec tion? If the fear of Bryan's election causes Burlington stock to drop from eighty to fifty-four and all other stocks to lose fr"m one fourth to one third of their value, and causes depositors to withdraw nearly $60,000,000 from the national banks of New York city in six weeks, and brings on a more ser ious money stringency than we have seen since 1893, what would be the, re sult if Mr. Bryan should be success ful? The issue In this campaign Is a simple, business proposition. Is confi dence to be restored and business re sumed, or are we to plunge still farther Into adversity and put from five to ten years between us and prosperity? The "toiling masses" in this country. Include from 50,000,000 to 60,000,000 peo ple. These are the people who are affected by the business condition. Is it a "good thing" to destroy the earn ing and producing power of this num ber of people? Governor Altgeld. in opening his campaign for Bryan, free silver and Altgeld In Illinois brought out in the most striking manner the contrast be tween present conditions, brought on by distrust and shaken confidence, and the. conditions. that. obtained four-years ago when the political party that is now out was in. The governor said: "There was a time in the history of our country when a healthy body, a healthy brain, an honest heart and two willing hands were all the capital that a young man needed to start on a suc cessful career. He had his choice of employment. There was novelty on every hand, and he could enter a field that suited Tils tastes. There are millions of farmers who once were prosperous and could sell the products of their farms for such prices as enabled them not only to pay their taxes, pay their debts, but to supply their families with the com forts and even the luxuries of life. They had money to spend at the store, at the shop and at the college. There are in this community mine operators who once found a broad mar ket in which to sell their coal and could realize prices which enabled them to pay living wages to their men. There are in this state thousands of miners who make their living by the hardest work known to man, digging in the bowels of the earth. Once there was a demand for their labor. Instead of having to tramp over the country and seek jobs they were sought for at their homes. They were able to earn enough money to not only support their families but to educate their chil dren. There are all over this country mer chants who once were prosperous and active. Their business was large, and the farmers and laborers came to their stores and purchased freely. - There was a time-when -the manu-" facturers were all busy making var ious things that were used by a pros perous and progressive people. There' was a buyer for everything they could' make. Their shops were filled with laborers receiving their wages. There was a time when our railroads' were all busy. There was a time when there was activity everywhere in this" land. There was a demand for brains and a demand for muscle. Kvfry man willing to work had his choice of labor. The great common toiling masses ofc our country were contented, were ed ucating their children, were good citi zens and were happy. All this has changed and there Is paralysis, stag nation, want, suffering and discontent all aver this the richest land under thfr sun." What a contrast between the sensa tionalism of theBIalne and Cleveland campaign of 1884 and the seriousness of the contest that Is now on? Twelve years ago the people of this country were disgusted with the nauseating de tails of a campaign of personalities. Now they are interested almost solely in a discussion of principles. No pres idential campaign In a great many years hes been so free from personal ities as this contestibetween McKInley. and Bryan. The youthfulness of the democratic candidate as emphasized by certain boyish manifestations has contributed the only personal elemenl of the canvass. The people have ec cepted the Integrity and high charact er of Mr. McKInley and Mr. Bryan as indisputable fact, and there has been no disposition to invade the sanct ity of the private life of the candidates. Twelve years ago principles were, for at least a part of the campaign, almost entirely lost sight of. Newspapers be came detective agencies, and stump speakers turned scandal mongers. It was a campaign of mud slinging, and !efore it was all over a good many peo ple were bespattered. The Incidents of that campaign are seldom referred to now. One of the candidates is dead and his name is given an important place In history. The other is president and in the Intervening years has be come one of the most striking public figures this country has produced. Many of the details of this memorable campaign have passed out of recollec tion, and it 1b a good thing. Samuel J. Tilden who was the choice of a great many democrats, wrote to Daniel Manning, chairman of the dem ocratic committee of New York, under date of June 10th, 1884: "Having now borne faithfully my full share of labor and care In the public service, and wearing the marks of Its burdens, I desire nothing so much as an honorable discharge. I wish to lay down the hon ors and tolls of even quasi-party lead ership, an," to seek the repose of pri-
