Illustrated Bee
HE
NUMBER 348.
Entered -Second' Class at Omaha Postoffice Published "Weekly by The Bee Publishing Co. Subscription, $2.50 Ter Year.
APRIL 2D, 1906.
AROUND THE WORLD WITH WILLIAM JENNINGS BRYAN
Plan Whereby Independent Self-Government May Be Granted the Philippine Islanders Without Menace to American Interests and at Great Saving to People of the United States in Men and Money
Omaha
SINGAPORE. Jan. 22, 1096. (Special Correspondence of The
Dee.) In speaking of Philippine Independence I have pre
sented some of the reasons siren by Filipinos for desiring
it, but there are arguments which ought to appeal espe
cially to Americans. . If It were- our duty to maintain a co
lonial policy, no argument could be made against It, because duties
are imperative and never conflict. If, on the other hand, the Fili
pinos desire Independence and are capable of self-government, we
cannot Justify the retention of the islands unless we are prepared
to put our own interests above theirs, and even then we must be
satisfied that our interests will be advanced.
In the beginning of the controversy there were many who be
lieved that the Philippine islands would become a source of profit to
the United States. It was confidently predicted that a multitude of
Americans would flock to the islands and find rich reward in the
development of their resources. These hopes have not been real- .
ized. Except in Mindanao, of which I shall speak later, there is
no evidence of any present or future colonization by Americans.
There are a few Americans engaged in business In Manila and at
other army posts, but these are insignificant in number and the
business done by them Is nothing as compared with the cost of
colonialism to the United States. We are maintaining about 2,000
American soldiers in the islands and 5,000 native scouts, officered
by Americans and paid for by the United States.
No Pecuniary Advantage to America
Besides this outlay for the army, our Philippine policy has been
made the excuse for a large increase in our naval expenditures.
While it. is difficult to determine accurately the annual cost of our
Philippine policy to the people of the United States, it is safe to say
that it exceeds the value of all the merchandise that we export to
the Philippine islands and all the money made by Americans in the
islands, including salaries paid to Americans from taxes collected
in the Philippines and the expenses are borne by all the people
while the benefits are received by a mere handful. No one, there
fore, can Justify the holding of the Philippines on the ground that
they are a pecuniary advantage.
It it is urged that we need the Philippine islands as a base for
the extension of our trade in the orient, I answer that it is not
necessary to deny the Filipinos Independence in order to hold a
sufficient number of harbors and coaling stations to answer all the
requirements of trade. The Filipinos are not only anxious to have
the advantage of our protection, but they recognize that to protect
them we must have harbors and a naval base. In return for the
services we have rendered them we have a right to ask, and they
would gladly grant, such reservations as we might need. These
reservations could be properly fortified and would furnish coaling
stations both for our own navy and for our merchant marine. It
goes without saying that in case we had war with an oriental na
tion it would be infinitely better to have the Filipinos supporting us,
io their own Interest as well as out of gratitude, than to have them
awaiting an opportunity, for Insurrection. .". ',..
Menace to Self-Government -
Sixteenth of This Series of Letters Seventeenth
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' Letter Will Appear in The Bee Next Sunday
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A FILIPINQ FAMILY GROUP.
I have -already. referred to the danger which may come to the . jan,i and develop it with European capital and Chinese labor; our give to its people the trade advantages enjoyed by those who live in
principle of self-government in the United States from the systematic pian must be to develbp the natives themselves by showing them Hongkong, Singapore and other open ports,
denial of self-government to the Filipinos, f'(o.uojWialii oyitter methods' and by.'openliw before' them a iddeiHlwrtaon. AVoW-
explain their continued presence in the Philippine lslanfls by alleg-. reservation there would be religious freedom, freedom of speech, difficulty Of Dealing with MorOS
lng incapacity in me ampinov ney nna loomsetves uuconsuiouBiy Ireedom cf the press, self-government and public instruction for all. .
buiicuuwi.uk Bwrv,vuv. " i- - ana every upmung lnauance wouia nave ireo uiar. 11 wo ueiiova
that right, makes might and that truth has within Itself a propagat
ing power, we can not doubt the spread of American civilization
from these American centers. j 'f
t. i. a t . 1 TT7. a.a1m.1.'v Vm I A . r
ence that these changed opinions may have upon the politics of our
own country if a colonial poller is. indefinitely continued. . . "
Neither can we ignore the fact that our prestige as a. teacher -of
the principles of republican government must be impaired if we
hold colonies under the law of force and defend ourselves by using
the arguments employed by kings and emperors as an excuse for
denying self-government to their own people. We cannot preach
that governments derive their Just powers from the consent of the
governed and at the same time adopt a different principle in practice.
It is worth while also to remember that foreign service is more
or less demoralizing on our troops. Our soldiers are good, average
men, but all men are more or less influenced by environment, and
our soldiers cannot be expected to maintain as high a standard of
morality when far away from home and the influences of home, as
when, their good purposes are strengthened by the presence of moth
ers, sisters and friends. The hospital records show the extent to
which our soldiers yield to the temptations wMch surround the post,
and the saloons that follow our army speak forcibly of the dangers
which attend foreign service. Can we afford to subject the morals
of our young men to such severe tests unless there is some national
gain commensurate with the loss?
If our nation would at once declare its intention to treat the
Filipinos living north of Mindanao as it "treated the Cubans, and then
proceed, first, to establish a stable government, patterned after our
own; second, to convert that government into a native government
by the substitution of Filipino officials as rapidly as possible; third,
to grant Independence to the Filipinos, reserving such harbors
jLai naval stations as may be thought necessary; and, fourth, to an
nounce its purpose to protect the Filipinos from outside interfer
ences while they work out their destiny if our nation would do this
it would save a large annual expense, protect its trade interests,
gratify the Just ambition of the Filipinos for national existence and
repeat the moral victory won to Cuba.
In return for protection from without, the Filipinos would,
agree, as the Cubans did, that in their dealings with other nations .
they would not embarrass us. x
Outline for the Reservations
The reservations retained could be converted into centers for
the extension of American influence and American Ideals, and our
nation would increase its Importance as a real world power. Un
less our religion and our philosophy are entirely wrong, moral forces
are more permanent and in the end more potent than physical force,
and our nation has an opportunity to prove that a nation's greatness,
like the greatness of an individual, is measured by service. It also
has an opportunity to prove that the oriental can be led by. advice
and improved by example and does not need to be coerced by mili
tary power.
Our reservations ought to contain model schools, with a central
college, experimental farms and institutions in which the people
could be trained in the arts and industries most suited to the nat
ural resources of the country. Our nation is unfitted by history and
by tradition to exploit the tropical countries according to the meth
ods employed by some of the monarchs of Europe. To hold people
in subjection requires a large military expenditure; if we were to
attempt to make our own people bear such a burden, they would
soon protest; if we Were to make the Filipinos bear it, it would
crush them. The Filipinos would resist sch a policy, if employed
by us, more bitterly than it it were employed by a European coun
try, because they have learned from us the lessons of liberty. Sub
ject peoples are not willing laborers, and our country would not
endorse a system of compulsory labor. Education, too is incon
sistent with a permanent colonial system, and cannot be carried far
without danger to the ruling power.
Choice Must Soon Be Made
We must choose, therefore, between two policies, and the sooner
the choice Is made the better. As we cannot adopt the European
policy without a radical departure from our Ideals and ultimately
from our form of government at home, we are virtually forced to
adopt a plan distinctly American a plan in which advice, example
nd helpfulness shall be employed as means of reaching the native
heart. Some of the European nations have been content to seize
Tariff for the Filipinos
While the Philippine islands are under American authority, the
government ought to be administered for the benefit of the Filipinos,
in accordance with Secretary Taft's promise. If they are to be sub
ject to our tariff laws when they buy of other nations, they ought
to have free trade with us, but the Philippine islands are so far
from us that it would be more Just to allow the Philippine tariff to
be made by the Philippine assembly soon to be established. The
Filipinos belong to the orient and their dealings must be largely
with the countries of the orient; unless they are in a position to
have their tariff laws conform to their geographical position, there
must necessarily be friction and injustice. '
So important are geographical considerations that Americans
who see fit to take up their residence upon such reservations as we
retain for harbors, coaling stations and a naval base ought to be
freed from the fetters of our tariff laws and shipping laws. I even
venture to suggest the creation of an oriental territory, to be com
posed of such stations and reservations as we may now have or here
after acquire in the orient. This territory should have a delegate
in congress like other territories, but should be free by constitutional
amendment from our tariff laws and permitted to legislate for itself
upon this subject. It could thus establish free ports, if it chose, and
If we! believe" ' ": In wnt"1 nvo, aa anonc independence ana seu-Eovernmcm
In the Philippines.. I nave Deen speamng or iuzon ana ine oiner
islands north of Mindanao. As I have already pointed out, the con
ditions existing, In Mindanao and the Sulu archipelago are so differ
ent from those existing in the northern Islands that the two groups
must be dealt with separately. It would not be fair Jto deny inde
pendence to the Christian Filipinos living in the north merely be
cause the Moros have never shown any desire to adopt a republican
form of government. (They live under a sort of feudal system, with
sultan and datu as the ruling lords.)
But while the work, of establishing a stable government among
the Moros is a more difficult one and will proceed more slowly, the
same principles should govern It. The Moros have furnished a great
many pirates for the southern seas, and the influence of the ad
venturer and freebooter is still felt in Moroland. Then, too, they
have an unpleasant way of killing Christians, on the theory that by
doing so they not only insure an entrance into heaven, but earn the
right to four wives in their celestial home. Occasionally a Moro
takes an oath to die killing Christians (he Is called a Juramentado),
and after a season of fasting and prayer, and generally with shaven
eyebrows, he goes forth to slay until he himself Is slain. Besides
those who deliberately take human life by retail or by wholesale,
there are religious fanatics who act under frenzy.
Good and Bad Points of Moros
All in all, the Moro country Is far below the northern islands in
civilization whether the civilization is measured by a material, an
Intellectual, a political or a moral standard. But even among the
Moros I believe it is possible to introduce American ideas. Already
some progress Is being made In the establishment of schools, and
Governor Flndley has succeeded in interesting the natives in ex
changes where trade is carried on according to American methods.
While polygamy is still permitted, slavery is being exterminated, and
the natives are being shown the advantage of free labor. I believe
that even among them our work can be advanced by assuring them
of ultimate independence, to be granted as soon as a government is
established capable of maintaining order and enforcing law. By
educating young Moros and then using them in official position, we
can convince the Moros of the sincerity of our friendship, and these
native officials will exert an increasing influence for good. In the
meantime, we should establish experimental stations and by the use
of native labor train the people to make the best use of the resources
of their country. I bellcvo General Wood is already planning for an
experimental farm near Zamboanga.
While the Moros are a fierce people and accustomed to blood
shed, they have enough good qualities to show the possibility of im
provement. They are a temperate people, abstaining entirely from
Intoxicating liquors, and while they practice polygamy and add con
cubinage to plurality of wives, they carefully guard the chastity of
their women. They have their system of laws, with courts for the
investigation of criminal charges and for the imposing of fines. The
existing code In the Sulu archipelago, while lamentably below our
penal code, shows a desire for the establishment of Justice between
man and man. Dr. Saleeby has published a translation of the ex
isting code, together with the code (not yet adopted) prepared by
the present prime minister of the sultan, and a comparison of the
two shows distinctly that American Influence is already being felt
While I do not believe that any large number of Americans can
be induced to settle permanently in Mindanao (and Mindanao seems
to be the most inviting place), there will be ample time to test
this question while a government Is being established among the
Moros. It is more likely that the waste lands will be settled upon
by emigrants from the northern islands and that in time the Chris
tian Filipinos will be sufficiently numerous to control the islands,
and they can then be annexed to the northern group.
American Ideas Are Spreading
The leaven of American ideas is already spreading. At Zam
boanga we met Datu Mandl, who has adopted the American dress
and opened one of his buildings for a Moro school for girls. He Is
manifesting an increasing interest in the American work. Datu
Mandl's brother was one of the Moros taken to the World's fair and
he, too, has abandoned the native dress. I have already referred
to the desire expressed by Datu Piang to have his sons attend school
in America. This Is a good sign, and money spent in educating them
would reduce military expenditures in that part of the island. The
sultan of Sulu also wants to visit America, and a trip would do him
more good than a year's salary. As soon as we convince these
people that our purpose Is an unselfish one, they will become willing
pupils, and in the course of time they will find the home more con
genial than the harem and the ways of peace more pleasant than
the warpath.
While our plans should be unselfish, they would probably prove
profitable in the end, for friends are better customers than ene
mies, and our trade Is apt to develop in proportion as we teach the
natives to live as we do. When Solomon came to the throne, in
stead of choosing riches or long life, he asked for wisdom that he
-might govern- his people -aright, and he received not only wisdom,
but the riches and the length of days which he had regarded as less
Important. May we not expect a similar reward if we choose the
better part and put the welfare of the natives above our own gain?
Wisdom of Doing: Right
After all, the test question Is, Have we "faith in the wisdom to
do right?" Are we willing to trust the conscience and the moral
sense of those whom we desire to aid?
Individuals have put Christianity to the test and have con
vinced themselves that benevolence unarmed is mightier than sel
fishness equipped with sword and mail, but nations have as yet
seldom ventured to embody the spirit of the Nazarene in their for
eign policy. Is it not an opportune time for our nation to. make the
trial? Our president has recently been hailed as a peacemaker
because he took the initiative in terminating a great war, but this
involved no sacrifice upon our part. May we not win a greater
victory by proving our disinterested concern for the welfare of a
people separated from us not only by vast waters but by race, by
language and by color?
Carlyle, in concluding his history' of the French revolution, de
clared that thought is stronger than artillery parks and that back
of every great' thought Is love. This is a lofty platform, but not
too lofty for the United States of America.
(Copyright, 1006.) W. J. BRYAN.
An Incident of the Destructive Chicago Fire
Experience of a Banker with People Having Money in the Vaults of a Financial Institution
w
IIEXEVER a great fire devastates a large city, the first effort
of those concerned with the work of restoration is to get
the banks open so that the pressing needs of a homeless
population may be cared for. At such times business la
done on a strictly cash basis and everything sells at a premium. The
consequence ie an extraordinary demand for hand-to-hand money,
since the merchant can use the poor man's dollar to better advantage
than the rich man's credit in buying supplies for his empty warehouse.
The struggle that ensues to obtain all the cash in sight is full of
human Interest It has its picturesque features. On Monday, Octo
ber 10, 1871, when all Chicago trudged downtown to see what was left
of the city, great crowds besieged the banks. Some men were crying,
others talked incoherently and everybody seemed half dazed. An
officer of one of Chicago's greatest banks, who fought his way through
the smoldering embers to the white marble hall which surrounded bis
vault, gives in the New York Post the following description of what
occurred:
"Although the iron door of the vault bad been somewhat expanded
by heat, I found that the combination worked perfectly. That reas
sured me, and after hunting about the debris I fished out one or two
iron crowbars, and by wedging them in finally opened the vault door.
The inclosure smelt smoky, but I soon found that the cash was all
right, and so were our books. That made me feel good, and I got down
to work in short order. The first thing I did was to look at the bal
ance sheet and see what our exact resources were. A glance showed
me that by collecting what was due from out-of-town creditors tho
bank could pay everything It owed and declare a 10 per cent dividend
besides, even if it lost every dollar due from its Chicago clients. That
was all I wanted to know.
"On leaving the vault I saw four men waiting for me in what
had been the cashier's office. They were among our largest depositors,
and I knew well enough what they wanted. They were of very differ
ent types; one a shrewd money-lender, who had $30,000 to his credit
on our books; another was a school treasurer in an outlying district,
who would have been ruined bad we not been able to pay him $25,000;
a third was an out-of-town banker with $150,000 to the credit of his
institution in our bank; and the fourth was a man who has since he
come one of Chicago's greatest capitalists, who had always professed
his sincere friendship for me. It was a trying ordeal, and one calcu
lated to make each of my visitors show the real stuff that was la htm.
As events proved, this did not take long.
"The little monhv-lender grabbed me first With a strange little
wink he forced me one side and said in a half -whisper: 'Do you know
how much I have in your bank? '
-I said, 'Yes. about $30,000
" 'Well, I will give you $6,000 if you will give me that balance in
cash right away.'
" 'I won't do that.' said I; 'your money is all right; but you will
have to wait a week for it until we get In shape again.'
44 'Whatr he fairly gasped, 'do you decline $(5,000? That is a good
deal of money in a city that has gone to destruction.'
"I answered no, that I would not, and told him in plain English
what I thought of him: 'I am not knave enough to take your bribe
and give you an unfair advantage over the' other depositors, and I am
not fool enough to do it, because I know as soon as you discover the
bank paid its claims within a week you would 6ue me for the $0,000.
Get out of here right away.'
"That was the last of him. He took bis money when the week
was up and kept clear of the bank after that Then the school treas
urer came to me with a straightforward story of how his bondsmen
were anxious to know bow be stood. When I told him that bis money
was safe and that he would not lose a cent, he burst Into tears, saying
the news was too good to be true. The out-of-town banker was also
very nice, saying that he did not care to withdraw bis money so long
as he knew It was safe. Then the man who lias since grown enor
mously wealthy accosted me with the remark that he had come dowu
to see how things stood. That gave me a chance to test him, so I said,
brusquely:
" 'You know how things are as well as I do. Can't you see the
position we are inf 'Oh, yes, yes,' he answered, hastily. 'I don't care
about the fire. We are all In the same fix.' But I want to know how
you stand personally. Have you plenty of ready cash? You cannot
get credit these days, so If you need anything from the grocer's you
want hard cash. I brought you a little'
"With that the man threw open his coat, dived down into his
pocket dragged out a roll of bills as big as his bands could grasp. Then
he straightened them out and divided them into equal piles, retaining
one himself and handing me the other. He was dreadfully in earnest,
but I told him I thought I could manage without it He assured me
that whatever he had would always be at my disposal That man has
Since continued one of my best friends."
A Successor to "America"
Recent discussions at Washington of the alleged need for new
music for "America" a new national air, in ether words lead Interest
to an effort to ascertain what degree of popularity haa been attained
by the tune composed for the words of "America" by Arthur Ev John
stone, to whom the Society of the Cincinnati of Rhode Island awarded
a gold medal, In a competition of over GOO composers, nearly three
years ago.
At the annual celebration of the society on the 4th of July, 1001, a
committee was appointed to try to find a suitable tune of American
origin for .the words of "America," the well known lines, "My country,
tls of thee, sweet land of liberty," being dear to the hearts of all Amer
icans. It was thought somewhat Inappropriate that the members of
the society, whose ancestors, the continental officer of the revolution,
spent eight years in driving monarchy from America, should now sing
"My country, 'Us of thee" to the tune of "God Save the King," a tune
which is now a national air in several Eurepea countries, especially
associated with royalty and monarchical Ideas, and in that regard
alleged to be quite unsuitable for the people of a free republic.
A music committee, comprising Dudley Buck, Samuel P. Warren,
Horatio Parker, professor of music at Yale university; O. Edward
Stubbs and Albert Gallltln, considered C17 compositions, tome of the
best composers sending in contributions. The committee awarded the
gold medal to Arthur Edward Johnstone, the formal presentation tak
ing place end the new tune being sung for the first time by the society
at Its celebration on July 4, 1903, at the Old State House la Prevldence.
The society, In adopting this tune for its own 4th of July and
other patriotic celebrations, placed no restrictions on its composer aa
to Its general use, and expressly disclaimed any desire te monopolize
the air. It was accordingly offered to the people of the United States,
hoping It might grow lu their consideration the more It woe played
and sung.
Regarding the growth of his composition in general popularity, Mr.
Johnstone said recently:
"With regard to the actual progress the tune has made throughout
the couutry, I fear I am as much In the dork as you or any other citi
zen. It is only incidentally and accidentally I hear from time to time
that certain public or private schools use this tune.
"For Instance, I hapjened to hear from a Bosten friend who has
recently become a resident of Beattle, Wash., that one of the first bits
of music she heard in Seattle was this tune, sung by one of the school
children.
"Judging from the letters I have received, I think the tune Is less
known in the great centers than in the far away parts of the country.
Florida, Montana and Minnesota have sent ne more kindly and appre
ciative letters than New York or Massachusetts. I know in an In
definite way that schools, patriotic societies and Masonic and other
lodges have used the tune and still use it I must say I have no evi
dence of waning interest, but rather the contrary." New York Post