The Omaha Illustrated Bee
NUMBER 347.
Entered Second Class at' Omaha Postoffice Published Weekly by The Bee Publishing Co. Subscription, $2.50 Ter Year.
APEIL 22, 1900.
AROUND THE WORLD WITH WILLIAM JENNINGS BRYAN
Ambition of Filipinos . for Independence, Their Qualifications for Self -Government and the Position of the United States as Indicated by Public Utterances by High Officials at Manila and Washington
SINOAPORE. Jan. 22, 1906 (Special -Correspondence of The
Bee.) Having In previous articles discussed the conditions
as I found them in the Philippines, let us consider what the
United States should do In regard to the Filipinos and their Islands.
First, as to the northern group of lslanda the Islands north
of Mindanao. Hare the Filipinos a right to solf-government? Da
they desire self-government and Independence? Have they the
capacity for self-government?
The first question must be answered In the affirmative. If our
theory of government is correct. That governments derive their
Just powers from the consent of the governed, is either. true or
false; if true, we cannot deny its application to the Filipinos; it
false, we must find some other foundation for our own government.
The second question I am able to answer, yes. My visit to
the Philippines has settled this question in. my mind. I have heard
people in America affirm that the intelligent Filipinos preferred
American sovereignty to self-government, but this Is unqualifiedly
false. Captain J. A. Moss, a member of General Corbln's personal
staff, recently made a trip through the province of Pampanga,
Nueva Eclja and Pangaslnan and published a Journal of his trip
in one of the Manila papers upon his return. He concluded his
observations as follows: "The discharged soldiers who are married
to native women and who are 'growing up with the country,' and
are, therefore, in a most excellent position to feel the native pulse,
all told me the great majority of the natives have no use for us.
Ex-Interpreters and other Filipinos with whom I was on intimate,
cordial relations while serving in the provinces, told me the same
thing. I have, therefore, from the foregoing, come to the con
clusion that the Filipinos may be divided into three classes:
(a) The 'precious few,' comprising those who are really friendly
towards the Americans and think our government beneficial to the
islands; (b) those who are in some way beneficiaries of the gov
ernment and entertain us for what may be termed 'expedient
friendship;' (c) the great majority who have absolutely no use for ua
and to please them we cannot get out of the Islands any too soon."
Strong Feeling for Independence
The conclusion drawn by Captain Moss is warranted by the
facts, and the feeling for Independence is stronger in Manila, if
possible, than in the provinces. I talked with Filipinos, official
and unofficial, and while' they differed in the degree of friendliness
which they felt toward the United States,' all expected ultimate
independence. Tbo ".ollege students of Manila In the various law
schools, medical colleges and engineering schools, numbering In
all about 1,000, prepared and presented 'to me a memorial of
more than flf.. printed pages. This was prepared by subcommittees,
and afterwards discussed, adopted and signed by the students. It
presented an elaborate review of the economic, industrial and po
litical situation, viewed from the standpoint of these young men.
It criticised certain acta of the American government thought to
be unjust and set forth arguments In favor of self-government and
Independence arguments so fundamental and so consistent with
American Ideals that no American statesman would have publicly
disputed them ten years ago.
The Filipinos point out that the Americans lack the sympathy
for and Interest In the Filipino necessary to Just legislation, and
this argument Is no reflection upon the good intentions of Amer
icans. In fact, good Intention is generally admitted, but Americans
at home recognize, as do Filipinos here, that good intentions are
not all that is required. We have In the United States men of wjhal
general Intelligence, but differing so In -sympathy that no amount
of good Intent can keep from doing what the other regards as
unjust. Take,' for Instance,' Ihe' representatlve capitalist and the
average laboring man; neither would feel that the other, however
well meaning, waa competent to speak for him.
Condition Applied to American Cities
The Filipinos also- deny that the Americans are sufficiently
acquainted with Filipino affairs to legislate wisely. We also recog
nize the force of this argument at home, and we leave the people
of each state to act upon their own affairs. The people of a city
would resent Interference In their local affairs by the people of the
country, although Identical In race and language. And they would
resent Just as much the attempt of any group of men, however
wise, to direct their government during a temporary residence.
How, then, can congress expect to legislate wisely for people who are
not only separated from America by the widest of oceans, but
differ from the people of the United States In color, race, history
and traditions? How can a body of men, however benevolent and
intelligent, hope by a few months' residence to so identify them
selves with the Filipinos as to make rules and regulations suited to
their needs? -t.
The Filipinos also present an argument against the. expenslye
ness of American rule, and this argument is not only unanswerable,
but It is directed against an evil which Is without remedy. If
Americans are to hold office in the Philippines, .they must be well
paid. They must not only receive as much ris they would receive
In the United States for the same work, but they must receive
more in order to compensate them for serving so far from home.
This is not only theoretically true, but the theory Is exemplified In
the pay roll. The governor general receives $20,000 a year, two
fifths of the salary of the president of the United States, and yet,
what a contrast between the duties and responsibilities of the two
position'. And what a difference, too, in the wealth of the two
countries and in the abUlty of the taxpayers of the two countries
to pay the salaries! -
Salaries Paid Officials Are Higher
The three American members of the commission (excluding
the governor general) receive $15,000 per year, almost twice the
salary of cabinet officers and three times the salary of senators and
members of congress. It is true that these salaries do not appear
as salaries paid for work on the commission, but as each American
member of the commission receives $10,000 as head of a department
and $5,000 as a member of the commission, his total income is
$15,000, while the Filipino members of the commission receive
but $5,000.
The members of the Philippine supreme court receive $10,000
each (the Filipino members of the court receiving the same as the
Americans), a sum much larger than that usually paid to Judges
In the United States In courts of similar Importance. This high
range of salaries runs through the entire list of civil officials, and
there Is no chance of lowering It Except in the case of Judges, the
Filipino officials, as a rule, receive considerably less than the
Americans performing similar work, and this is a constant source
of complaint To Americans it is sufficient answer to say that high
salaries are necessary to secure able and efficient officials from
the United States, but the Filipino Is quick to respond: "Why, then, .
do you Insist upon sending us Americans to do what our people
can do and would do for less compensation?"
Not only must the salaries of Americans be high, but Amer
icans must be surrounded with comforts to which the average
Filipino is not accustomed. No one can remain In the Philippines
long without hearing of the Benguet road p.ni the enormous
amount expended in Its construction. There is a mountain resort
In Benguet province, in north central Luzon, which the com-
mission thought might be developed into a summer capital or
a place to which the families of the officials. If not the officials
themselves, might retreat during the heated term. The railroad
running from Manila, to Dagupan would carry the health seeker
to within thirty er forty miles of Benguet, and an engineer esti
mated that a wagon road could be constructed the rest of the way
for $75,000. It seemed worth while to the commission to appro
priate that much for a purpose which promised so much for the
health and comfort ct those engaged In the benevolent work of
establishing a stable government. The commission could hardly be
blamed for relying upon .the opinion of the engineer, and the en-
Fifteenth of This Series of Letters Sixteenth
Letter Will Appear in The Bee Next Sunday
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GROUP OF FILIPINO B0Y3 PRACTICING WITH BLOWGUNS.
glneer ' doubtless meant well. ' But the first appropriation, scarcely,
made an. impression, and the second engineer estimated that the
cost would be a little greater. Having invested $75,000,' the com
mission did not like to abandon : the plan, and so further appro
priations were made until more than $2,500,000 in gold have been
drained, from the Insular treasury -and the Benguet road Is sot yet'
completed. If It is ever completed it will require a constant outlay,
of a large sum, annually te keep' It in repair. ' ' " " ' -' " ' ?
Having met the members of the commission and other Amer
icans' residing in the Philippines, I am glad to testify that they
are as a rule men of character, ability and standing. The personnel
of Philippine official life la not likely to be improved, and so long
as we occupy the Islands under a colonial policy, the Benguet
experiment is liable to be repeated in various forms, and yet the
Filipinos point to the Benguet folly to illustrate both ignorance of
local conditions and partiality toward the foreign population.
The third question: Are the Filipinos competent to govern
themselves? Is the one upon which tke decision must finally turn.
Americans will not long deny the fundamental principles upon which
our government rests, nor will . they upon mature reflection assert
that foreigners can sympathize as fully with the Filipino as repre
sentatives chosen by the Filipinos themselves. The expenstveness
of a foreign government and its proneness to misunderstand local
needs will be admitted by those whe give the subject any thought,
but the well meaning persons may still delude themselves with
the belief that Spanish rule has incapacitated the present genera
tion for wisely exercising the franohise or that special conditions
may unfit the Filipinos for the establishment and' maintenance of as
good a government as can be imposed upon them from without.
Reasons for Filipino Independence
. Before visiting the Philippines I advocated independence on toe
broad ground that all people are capable ef self-gevernment not
that all people If left to themselves would maintain governments
equally good, or that all people are capable of participating upon
equal terms in the maintenance of the same government, but that
all people are endowed by their Creator with capacity to establish
and maintain a government suited to their own needs and sufficient
for their requirements.- TO deny this proposition would, as Henry
Clay suggested more than half a century ago, be to Impeach the
wisdom and benevolence of the Creator. I advocated independence
for another reason, vis., because a refusal to admit the Filipinos
capable of self-government would tend to impair the strength of
the doctrine of self-government when applied to our own people.
Since becoming acquainted with the Filipinos I can argue from ob
servation as well as from theory, and I insist that the Filipinos are
capable of maintaining a . stable government without supervision
from without. T do not mean to say that they could maintain
their Independence, if attacked by some great land grabbing power,
but that so far as their own internal affairs are concerned they do
not need to .be subject to any alien government. There is a wide
difference, It is ' true, between the general intelligence of the
educated Filipino and the Intelligence of the laborer on the street
and in the field, but this Is not a barrier to self-government. Intelli
gence controls In every government, except where It is suppressed
by military force. Where all the people vote, the intelligent man
has more. influence than the unintelligent one, and where there la an
obvious' Inequality a suffrage qualification usually excludes the
more ignorant.
Take the case cfthe Japanese, for instance, no one is dis
posed to question their ability to govern themselves and yet the
suffrage qualifications are such that less than one-tenth of the
adult males are permitted to vote. Nine-tenths of the Japanese
have no part in law making, either directly or through representa
tives, and still Japan is the marvel of the present generation. In
Mexico the gap between the educated classes and the peons Is fully
as great, if not greater, than the gap between the extremes of
Filipino soclty, and yet Mexico 1b maintaining a stable government,
and no party in the United States advocates our making a colony
of Mexico on the theory that it cannot govern itself.
Qualifications for Self-Government
Those who question the capacity - of the Filipinos for self
gevernment overlook the stimulating influence of self-government
upon the people; they forget that responsibility is an educating
Influence and that patriotism raises up persons fitted for the work
that needs to be' done. Those who speak contemptuously of the
capacity of the Filipino ignore the fact that they were fighting
for self-government before the majority 'of our "people knew where
the Philippine islands were. Two years before our war with Spain
Rxal was put to death because of his advocacy of larger liberty
for his people, and when I witnessed the celebration ef the ninth
anniversary of his death I could not doubt that his martyrdom
would be potent to stir the hearts of the coming generations when
ever any government, foreign or domestic, disregarded the rlghU
of the people. ?
.A year before our war with Spain the Filipino people were
in insurrection against that country, and they demanded among
other things "parliamentary representation, freedom of the press,
toleration -of all religious sects, laws common with theirs and ad
ministrative and economic autonomy."
Here was a recognition of the doctrine of self-government and
a recognition of the freedom of the press as the bulwark of liberty.
There was also a demand for freedom of conscience and the right
to administer their own affairs for their own interests. In the
proclamation from which I have quoted there was no demand
fors independence, but it must be remembered that we did not de
mand independence from England until after we found it was Im
possible to secure Justice under a colonial system.
Whether by the demand for "laws common with theirs" the
Bull Elk Lays Siege to a Yellowstone Park Hotel
I Oil twenty-four hours the snow bad fallen at Mammoth and at
6 o'clock on the evening in question fully three feet covered
the formation. Robert Edgar, better known to the whites as
Geyser Bob and to the Indians as Poslntonka (Big Nose), was
forced to make his bldally trip with the snow plow, and as be swung
around the Cottage hotel on the night run of his pathfinder he espied
a large bull elk coming over the brow of the hill. .
Here was a chance to square up for all the tricks of the cottage
pang, which was given to uulng Geyser as' a butt of not a few Jokes.
Forgetting the dignity becoming a government employe, he hurried to
the stable, procured an armful of hay and returned Just as the elk
reacbod the foot of the hill and cast the hay in front of the frout door
of the hotel. .
Tho elk, not too proud to tickle his throat with government dry
grass, fell to. It was now 6:30 and three of Uncle Sam's trained and
tried Philippine heroes came over to chat and speud an hour. As they
approached the elk he tossed his twelve points, took a few step for
ward, and the soldiers, seeing that he meant business, immediately
made' for the barracks, it at once becoming a point of Interest
Assistant Superintendent Joseph De Bar came for dinner. For
ten years Joe had not gone off a walk. He struggled along through
the snow, head down, until Prevldence bade him look up. He obeyed
Providence and not twenty feet in front of him the elk was making
ready to charge. Joe charged first. Madly he plowed through the
snow, made a hundred-yard detour and entered the cottage through
the back door.
Huntley Child and G. Roger Pryor followed la Joe's wake and It
is doubtful If even when younger they exceeded the speed record set
by De Bar.
Pryor advanced the theory that the elk wanted water. Manager
Campbell of the cottage volunteered to serve it and rushed the can to
the edge of the porch. The elk disdained water and dashed upon the
porch. Campbell retreated In bad order, stumbled and fell. The
crowd inside hurried away, leaving Campbell alone. Finding himself
on his knees, Campbell uttered a prayer, to which heaven responded.
The elk fell over the pall. Instantly both were up and off together.
The elk reached Oanipbell Just In time to get two prongs into his leg.
Campbell threw himself against the door. It gave In and he was saved.
No more attempts were made by civilians to pacify the elk.
In response to a hurry-up call to Fort Yellowstone a detachment
of five soldiers arrived via the hills and the now popular back-door
route. The elk had stationed himself on the porch, not three feet from
the door. Fully twenty blanks were fired at him and burning paper
offered him. All In vain. Neither would he accept hospitality nor
depart "Twenty -three!" an exorcism of the independent waa even
yelled by every one in chorus; the dinner bell was rung in his very
face, but be was Immovable.
All night long the elk walked the porch and occasionally. Just to
assert his authority, he broke a window or so. With daylight he with
drew to the rear of the building and, finding all tracks leading inward,
again started for his post In front On the return Journey he stepped
Into a small geyser hole and broke his leg. At 8:15 a soldier put him
out of misery with a shot, ending the reign of the tyrant Montana
Record.
Filipinos meant that they wanted the protection of laws made by
the Spanish for themselves I do not know. If that is the meaning
of their demand, they must be credited with understanding the
Importance of a principle to which some of our own public- men
seem to be blfnd. The evil of a colonial policy, the gross injustice
of It, arises largely from the fact that the colony is governed by
laws made for It, but not binding upon the country which makes
the laws. The Mexican who does not participate in the making
of the laws of his country has at least the protection of living under
laws which bind the maker as well as himself. So with the Japa
nese who does not vote, the laws which he must obey must be
obeyed by those who do vote, and the taxes he pays must be paid
also by those who enjoy the franchise.
But under a colonial system the subject must obey a law
made for him by one who is not himself subject to the law. The
distinction is so plain that it ought to be apparent to anyone upon
a moment's thought.
It Is objected that but a small proportion of the Filipinos are
educated; it may be answered that the number of educated is In
creasing every day. The fact that the Filipinos support the schools
so enthusiastically, even when those schools are established by
outsiders and when the teaching is in a language strange to them,
speaks eloquently In their behalf. Nor Is this a new born teal. Tho
Agulnaldo government provided for public schools and, cock fighting
being prohibited, cock pits were actually turned into school houses
in some sections over which the authority of the government ex
tended. It is objected by some that the intelligent Filipinos would
under Independence use the instrumentalities of government to
tyrannize over the masses. This Is not a new argument; it is
always employed where an excuse for outside Interference Is desired,
but there Is no reason to believe that the Filipinos would be less
interested in the people of their own race and blood than are
aliens whose salaries are such as to make it impossible for them
to claim that they serve from purely altruistic motives.
Independence Contemplated in Washington
That those in power in Washington contemplate independence
must be admitted, unless those who speak for the administration
Intend gross deception. In his speech on the evening of Rlzal day,
December last, General Smith, one of the Philippine commission
and head of the educational department, said: "Popular self
government for the Philippines is the purpose of both peoples.
If either seeks to achieve It Independent .of the other, the expert- '
ment Is doomed to failure. If both work for It harmoniously,
there Is no reason why it should not be accomplished." If It Is
accomplished, the history of the Philippines will held no brighter
page than that which recites the struggle of a simple people to
fit themselves' for independent government If it Is accomplished,
the fairest page in American history will be that which records
the creation of a new nation and the unselfish development of an
alien race." If this is not a promise ef ultimate independence,
what possible meaning can the language have? If the Administra
tion does not intend that the Filipinos shall some day be Inde
pendent, its representatives sheuld net hold out this hope.
But there Is even higher authority for the. hope of Inde
pendence. When the so-called "Taft party" visited the Philippines
last summer. Secretary Taft made a speech In which he assume'd
to speak for the president Referring to the presidents opinion, he
said: "He believes, as I believe, and as do most Americans who
have had great familiarity . with Ike lacta,. . that It. la absolately 1m-
possible to hope that the lessons which It Is the duty of the
United States to teach tke whole Filipino people can be learned
by them, as a body, la less than a generation ; and that the prob
ability is that it will take a longer period in which to render them,
capable of establishing and maintaining a stable independent gov
ernment" Pledge Made by Secretary Taft
This, It is true, states when Independence cannot be hoped for,
rather than when it can be hoped for, and yet no honest man
would use the language Secretary Taft employed without having in
his mind the idea that independence would be granted at some
future date. But his concluding words even more clearly present
the hope of ultimate Independence, for he says: "All that can be
asserted Is that the policy which has several times been authori
tatively stated, that this Filipino government shall be carried on
solely for the benefit of the Filipino people and that self-government
shall be extended to the Filipino people as speedily as thy show
themselves fitted to assume and exercise it, must be pursued con
sistently by the people of the United States or else they shall forfeit
their honor."
Here Secretary Taft pledges the American government as far
as be has power to pledge It and he pledges the president also
to extend self-government to the Filipinos as rapidly as they show
themselves fitted for it. The great trouble about these utterances
and. similar ones is that they are not binding upon the government,
and the Filipinos are constantly disturbed by doubts and fears.
Beth at Manila and in the United Slates ridicule is eftea cast upon
the aspirations of the Filipino people, and plans are made which
are inconsistent with ultimate independence. The attempt en the
part of the commission to issue perpetual franchises is naturally,
and I think rightfully, opposed by all Filipinos. If our occupation
is to be temporary, why should our legislation be permanent? Why
bind tho ward in perpetuity so that ho cannot control his own
affairs when he reaches years of maturity? What is needed is an
immediate declaration of the nation's purpose to recognize the in
dependence of the Filipinos when a stable government is estab
lished. It is not necessary that a definite time shall be stated, nor
is it so Important Just when the Filipinos are to have their inde
pendence, as it is that the nation's purpose shall be made known in
an authoritative way and that the subsequent acta of our govern
ment shall be in harmony with that declaration. I believe that a
stable government can be established within a short time and that
independence could be granted with advantage to eur government
and with safety to the Filipinos within five years at the farthest.
But whether independence is to be granted in five or ten years
or after a longer period, there should be no longer delay about'
announcing a policy. I have tried to impress upon, the Filipinos
the necessity of leaving this question to the people of the United
8tates and the importance of proving In every possible way the
virtues, the character and the progress of the people; I have pointed
out the folly "of insurrection and the damage done to their cause
by resorting to force of arms, but I am equally anxious te Impress
upon my own countrymen the Importance of dealing frankly and
fairly with the Filipinos.
What Americans Have at Stake
We have more at stake in this matter than have the Filipinos.
They still have their national greatness to achieve; our position U
already established. We have the greatest republic known to his
tory; we are the foremost champion of the doctrine of self-government
and one of the leading exponents of Christianity. We can
afford, aye, our honor requires us, to be candid with the Filipinos
and to take them Into our confidence. We dare not make them
victims of commercial greed or use their Islands for purely selfish
purposes. It is high time to announce a purpose that shall be
righteous and carry out that purpose by means that shall be
honorable.
In my next article I shall endeavor to elaborate a plan which,
will, In my Judgment, bring Independence to the Filipinos, relieve
us of the expense of colonialism, secure every legitimate advantage
which could be expected from a permanent occupation of the
Islands and. In addition, enable our nation to set the world an
example In dealing with tropical races. W. J. BRYAN,
.(Copyright. l0e).,
