THE OMAHA DAILY UEE: WEDNESDAY, DECEMDER I, 1901.
FIRST MESSAGE OF PRESIDENT THEODORE ROOSEVELT
4
Tetl of the McsanRe,
To the Senate and House of lleproscnta
lives; The congress assembles this year
tinder, the shadow of a great rnlsmlty. Ou
September 8 President McKlnley was shot
by nn f.narchlst whllo attending the Pan
American exposition nt UufTalo, and died In
that elly September 14.
Of the last Bcven elected presidents, ha
la the third who has been murdered, and
tho bare rccllal of this fact Is sufficient to
Justify gravo nlarm among all loyal Ameri
can cltlzeiiH. Moreover, tho clrcumstantes
of thio, the third assassination ot an Amer
ican nesldcnt, have n jiecullnrly sinister
slgninear.ee. Hoth President Lincoln and
I'resldent Garfield wero killed by assassins
of types unfortunately not uncommon In
history; President Lincoln falling n victim
to thi terrible passions aroused by four
years of civil war, and President Oarfleld
to tho revengeful vanity of a disappoints!
ofTlccsoeker. President McKlnley was killed
hji an utterly depraved, criminal belonging
to thil. body of criminals who object to all
governments, good and bad alike, who aro
against any form of popular liberty If It
Is guaranteed by oven tho most Just and
liberal laws, and who arc as hostile to the
upright exponent of a free people's sober
will as to tho tyrannical and Irresponsible
despot.
Tribute tn I'resltlrttt MeKlnlt-j-.
It In not too much to say that at the time
of President McKlntey's death he was tho
most widely loved man In all the United
States, while wo have never had any public
man of his position who has been so wholly
free from the bitter animosities Incldont to
publle life. Ills political opponents "wero
.Mie first to bear tho heartiest and most
generous tribute to tho broad kindliness ot
nature, the sweetness and gentleness of
iharortcr which so endeared him to hh
close associates. To n standard of lofty
Integrity In public life he united the tender
atTcetlona hiv! home virtues which are nil
Important In the makeup of national char
acter. A giillant soldier In tho great vvir
for tli union, he also shono as an example
to all our peopl" because, of hla conduct
In tho most sacred nnd Intimate of homo
relations. There rould be no personal hatred
of him, for be never acted with aught but
consideration for the welfare of others. No
one could fall to respect blm who knew
him In public or prlvnto life. Tho defend
ers ot those murderous criminals who seek
to excuse their criminality by assorting
that It la exercised for political ends, in
veigh against wealth and Irresponsible
power. Hut for this assassination even this
base apology cannot be urged.
President McKlnley was a man of moder
ate means, a man whose stock sprang from
the sturdy tillers ot the soil, who had him
self belonged among tho wage workers, who
had entered the army as a private soldier.
Wealth was not Htruck at when the presi
dent was assassinated, but the honest toll
which Is content with moredato gains after
(i lifetime of unremitting labor, largely In
the service of the public. Still less was
power struck at In the senso that power
is Irresponsible or centered In the hands
of any ono Individual. The blow was not
aimed at tyranny or wealth. It was aimed
nl one of the strongest-champions tho wage
worker has ever had; at oni of tho most
faithful representatives of tho system ot
public rights and representative government
who has over risen to public otllcc. Presi
dent McKlnley filled that, political office for
which the entire people vote, and no presi
dent not even Lincoln himself was over
more earnestly anxious to represent tho
well thought out wishes ot the people; hla
ouo anxiety In every crisis was to keep Ih
closest touch with the people to find out
what they thought and to endeavor to give-
expression to their thought, after having
rndenvorecr to guide that thought nright.
Ho had Just been re-elected ,to the presl
dency because the majority of our citizens,
the mujorlty of our farmers nnd wage
workers believed that be had faithfully up
held their Interests for four years. They
with him. They felt that he represented
felt themselves In close and Intimate touch
so well and so honorably all their Ideals
nnd aspirations that they wished him to
continue for another four years to represent
them.
And this was the man at whom the nasas
hln Htruck! That there might be nothing
lacking to complete the Judns-llko Infnmy
of his act, he took advantage of an occn.ilon
wh'on tho president was meeting the people
gcnernlly; and advancing as It to take tha
hand outstretched to him In kindly and
brotherly fellowship, he turned the noblo
.nnd generous confidence of the victim Into
nu opportunity to strike the fatal blow;.
There is no baser deed In nil tho nnnals of
crime.
The hhnck, the grief of tho couutry are
bitter In tho minds of all who saw tho dark
days while the president yet bovcrrd be
tween life nnd death. At last the light was
stilled in the kindly eyes and the bronth
went from tho Hps that even In mortal
ngony uttered no words save of forgiveness
to his murderer, ot love for his friends and
ot unfaltering trust In the will of the Most
High. Such a death, crowning the, glory
ot such a life, leaves us with Infinite sor
row, but with such ,prldo in what he had
accomplished and In his own personal char
acter, that wo feel tho blow not as struck
at him, but as struck at the nation, Wo
mourn n good and great president who Is
dead; but while we mourn we aro lifted up
by the splendid achievements ot his life
and the grand heroism with which ho mot
hla death.
When wo turn from the man to the na
tion, the harm done Is so great as to excite
our gravest apprehensions and to demand
our wlrcst and most resoluto action. This
criminal was n professed anarchist, In
flamed by tho teachings of professed Rn
nrchlfts, and probably abo by the reckless
utterances of thoso who, on the stump and
in the public press, appeal to tho dark and
evil spirits of malico and greed, envy and
sullen hatred. The wind Is sowed by tho
men who preach such doctrines, and they
cannot escape their sharo ot responsibility
for tho whirlwind that Is reaped. This
applies alike to tho deliberate demagogue,
to tho exploiter of aonsattonullsm. nnd to
the crudo nnd foolish visionary who, for
wbntevor reason, apologizes for crime or
excites aimless discontent.
The blow was aimed not nt this president,
but at nil presidents; at every symbol of
government. President McKlnley was as
' emphatically tho embodiment of the popular
will of tho nation expressed through the
forms of law Ba a NowKngland town meet
ing Is In similar fashion the embodiment
nt tho law-abiding purpose and practice ot
tho people of tho town. On no conceivable
theory could tho murdor ot the president be
accepted a duo to protest against "in
rqunlltles In tho social order," savo as tho
murder of all tho freemen engaged in
town meeting could be accepted as u pr6
test against that social Inequality which
puts a malefat.'or In Jail. Anarchy Is no
more an expression of "social discontent'
than picking pockets or wife-beating.
Aiuirahv Must Ue Made Odious.
Tho anarchist, and especially the anarch
1st In tho United States, Is merely one type
ot criminal, more dangorous than any othe
becfiuso ho represents the same depravity
in n greater degree. The man who advo
rates anarchy directly or Indirectly, In any
ahapo or fashion, or the man who apolo
glzes for anarchists and their deeds, makes
himself morally accessory to murder before
tho fact. The anarchist Is a criminal who
perverted Instincts lead bltu to prefer con
fusion and chnos to tho most beneficent
form of social order. Ills protest of con-
corn for worklngme.n is outrageous In Its
Impudent falsity; for It tho political Instltu
tlons of this country do not offord oppor
tunlty to every honest and Intelligent son
of to!, then tho door of hope Is forever
cloned against him. The anarchist Is every
where not merely the enemy of system and
of progress, but the deadly foe of liberty.
If ever anarchy Is triumphant, Its triumph
will last for but ono red moment, to be
succeeded for ages by the gloomy night of
despotism.
For the nnarchlst himself, whether he
preaches or practices doctrines, wo need
not have one parllclo more concern than
for nn ordinary murderer. Ho Is not the
victim of social or political Injustice. There
aro no wrongs to remedy In tils case. The
eauso of his criminality Is to be found In
his own evil passions and In the evil con
duct of thoso whr urge him on, not In any
failure by others or by tho statu lo do
Justice to him or hli. Ho Is a mnlcfactor
nnd nothing else. He Is In no sense, In
no shape or way, a "product of social con
ditions," save as n highwayman Is "pro
duced" by the fact that an unarmed man
happens to have a purse, It Is a travesty
upon the great end holy names of liberty
aud freedom to permit them to be Invoked
In such a cnuse, No man or body of men
preaching nnarehlstlc doctrines should bo
allowed at large nny more than If preach
ing tho murder of some specified private
Individual. Anarchistic speeches, writings
and meetings nro essentially seditious and
treasonable.
I earnestly recommend to the congress
that In the excrclsn of Its wlso discretion It
should take Into consideration the coming
to thla rounlry of anarchists or persons
professing principles hostlln to nil govern
ment, nnd Justifying the murder of those
plnced In authority. Such Individuals1 ns
thoso who not long ago gathered In open
meeting to glorify the murder of King
Humbert of Italy perpetrate a crime, nnd
the law should ensure their rigorous pun
ishment. They nnd those, llko them should
be kept out of this country; nnd If found
hero they should be promptly deported to
the country whence they came; and far
reaching provision should be made for the
punishment of those who stay. No matter
calls more urgently for tho wisest thought
of tho congress.
IlliT Keilcrnl Court .lurlndli'tlmi.
The federal courts should be given Juris
diction over nny mnn who kilts or attempts
to kill the president or any man who by
the constitution or bylaw Is Irt line of suc
cession for the presidency, while tho pun
ishment for nn unsuccessful attempt should
bo proportioned to the enormity of the of
fense against our Institutions.
Anarchy Is n crime ngnlnst the whole
human race, nnd all mankind should band
against the anarchist. His crlmo should be
made an offense ngalnst the law of na
tions, like piracy und that form of man
stealing known ns the slave trade; for It is
of far blacker infamy thnn cither. U
should bo so declared by treaties among
all civilized powers. Such trcatlei would
give to tho federnl government the power
of dealing with tho crime
A grim commentary upon the folly of the
anarchist position was afforded by the at
titude of the law toward this very criminal
who had Just taken the life of tho presi
dent. Tho people would have torn him
limb from limb it It had not been that the
law ho defied was at onco lifvokcd in hH
behalf. So fa. from his deed being com
mitted on behalf of tbc poople ngalnst the
government, the government was obliged a:
once to exert Its full police power to save
him from Instant death at the hands of tho
poople. Moreover, his deed worked not the
slightest dislocation in our governmental
system, aud thr. danger of a recurrence of
such deeds, no matter how great It might
grow, would work only In tho direction of
strengthening nnd giving harshness to the
forces of order. No man wilt dver be re
strained from becoming president by nny
fear as to his personal safety. If I no risk
to the .president's Ufa became great, It
would mean that the ofllce would more and
more come to be filled by meu of a spirit
which would nm It o them resolute and
merciless In dealing with nvery friend ot
disorder. This great country will not fall
Into anarchy, and If anarchists should ever
become n serious menace to Its Institutions,
they would not merely he stamped out, but
ould Involve In their own ruin every ac
tive or passlvn sympathizer with their doc
trines. Tho American people are slow to
rath, hut when their wrnth is once
kindled it burns like a consuming flame.
Proof of l'riiierlty.
During tho Inst five years business con
fidence has been restored, and tho nation
Is to bo congratulated because ot Its pres-
nt nboundlng prosperity. Such prosperity
can never be created by law alone, al
though It is easy enough to destroy It by
mischievous laws. It tho hand of the Ixird
la heavy upon nny country, It flood or
routh comes, human wisdom is powerless
to nvert tho calamity. Moreover, no law
can guard us against tho consequences ot
our own folly. The men who nro ldlo or
rcdulous, the men who seek gains not by
genulno work with' bead or band but by
gambling In any form, arc always a source
of menace not only to themselves but to
others. If tho buslnesa world loses Its
head, It loses what legislation cannot sup
ply. Fundamentally tho welfare of each
citizen, nnd therefore tho welfare ot tin
aggregate ot citizens which makes the na
tlon, must rest upon Individual thrift and
energy, resolution and Intelligence, Noth
Ing can, take the placo of this Individual
capacity; but wise legislation nnd honest
and intelligent administration can give li
the fullest scope, tho largest opportunity
to work to good effect.
Tho tremendous and .highly complex In
dtmtrlal dcvolonment which went on with
ever accelerated rapidity during the latUv
bait of tho nineteenth century brings us
face to face, nt the beginning ot tho twen
tieth, with very serious social problems
The old laws, nnd the old customs which ha.l
almost the binding force ot law, wore once
quite suRlclent to regulate the accumula
tion and distribution of wealth. Since the
Industrial changes which havo so onor
mously Increased tho productive power ot
mankind, they are no longer sufficient.
The growth of cities has gone on beyond
comparlon faster than tho growth ot tho
country, nnd the upbuilding of tho great
Industrial centers has meant a startling In
crease, not merely In the aggregate of
wealth, hut iriMbe number ot very largo
Individual, and especially of very large
corporate, fortunes. Tho creation of these
great corporate fortunes has not been duo
to the tariff nor to any othor governroenta
action, hut to natural causes In tho busi
ness world, operating in other countries as
they operate- in our own.
Tho process has nroused much antagou
Ism, a. great part of which Is wholly with
out warrant. It is not truo thnt as tho rich
have grown rlchor tho poor have grown
poorer. On tho contrary, never before ha
tho average man, tho wage worker, the
farmer, tho small trader, been so well off
as In this country und at tho present time
There haro been abuses connected with
the accumulation ot wealth; yet It remains
truo that a fortune accumulated in legltl
mate business can he accumulated by th
person specially benefited only on eondt
tlon of conferring immense Incidental bene
fits upon others. Successful enterprise, of
the type which benefits all nianklno, can
only exist If the conditions ate surh us to
(offer great prizes ns the rewardi of surceso
, Comliliuitloii unit Ttnti.
The captains of Industry who have driven
tho railway systems across this continent,
who have built up our commerce, who havo
developed our manufactures, have on the
whole done great good to our people. With
out them the material development ot
which wo are so Justly proud could never
have taken place. Moreover, wo should
recognize tho Immense Importance to this
material development of leaving ns un
hampered as Is compatible with the public
good tho strong and forceful men upon
whom tho success of business operations
Inevitably rests. The slightest study ot
business conditions will satisfy anyone
capable of forming a Judgment that tho
personal equation Is tho most Important
factor In n business operation; thnt the
business ability of tho man at the bend ot
any business concern, big or little, Is usu"
ally tho factor which flxen tho gulf between
striking success nnd hopeless failure.
An additional reason for caution In deal
ing with corporations Is to be found in the
International commercial conditions of to
day. Tho same business conditions which
have produced tho great aggregations of
corporate and Individual wealth have mnilo
them very potent factors in International
commercial competition. Ilusinecs con
cerns which havo the largest means nl
their disposal nnd nro managed by the
ablest men are naturally those which tnku
tho lead in tho strife for commercial su
premacy among tho nntlons of tho world.
America haa only Just begun to assume
that commnndlng position In tho Interna
tional business world which we believe will
more and more be hers. It Is of tho ut
most Importance that this position bo not
Jeoparded, especially nt n time when tho
overflowing nbundnnce of our own natural
resources nnd the skill, business energy
and mechanical aptitude of our people maku
foreign markets essential. Under such con
dltlons It would be most unwlso to crnmp
or to fetter tho youthful strength of our
nation.
Moreover, It cannot too often be pointed
out that to strike with lgunrnnt violence at
tho Interests of one not ot men almost
Inevitably endangers the Interests of all.
The fundamental rulo In our national life
tho rule which underlies nil others Is that,
on tho whole, nnd In the long run, we shall
go up or down together. Thero nro excep
tions, and in times of prosperity somo will
prosper far more, aud In time of adversity
some will suffer far more than othors;
hut speaking generally, n period of good
times means that all shnrc more or less
In them, and In a period of hard timed all
feel tho stress to a greater or less degree.
It surely ought not to be necessary to enter
Into any proof of this statement; the mem
ory of the lean years which began In 1893
Is still vivid, nnd we can contrast them
with the conditions in this very year which
Is now closing. Disaster to great business
enterprises can never have Its effects
limited to the men at the top. It hpreads
throughout, and while It Is had. for every
body. It Is worst for those furthest down.
The capitalist may be shorn ot his luxuries;
but the wage worker mny bo deprived of
even bare necessities.
The mechanism of modern business Is so
delicate that extreme care must be taken
not to' Interfere with It in a spirit of rash
ness or Ignorance. Many of those who
havo made It their vocation to denounce
the great Industrial combinations which, nro.
popularly, although with, technical Inac
curacy, known as "trusts,1 appeal, spe
cially to hatred and fear. These nrc. pre
cisely the two emotions, partlculaly when
combined with Ignorance, which unfit men
for the exorcise ot cool and stendy Judg
ment. In facing new Industrial conditions,
the whole history of tho world shows that
leglslitlon will generally bo both uuwisn
ud ineffective unless undertaken after
aim Inquiry and with sober self-restraint.
Much of the legislation directed . at the
trusts wottld bsve been exceedingly mis?
chlovous had it not also been entirely, In
flective. In accordance with n well known
sociological lnw, tho ignorunt or reckless
gltator has boon tho really effective-
friend ot the ovils which ho has been noml-
nlly opposing. In dealing with business
Interests, for the government to undertake
by crude and Ill-considered legislation to
do whnt may turn out to bo bad, would
be to Incjir tho risk of sUch far-reaching
national disaster that it would tie prefer-
bio to undertake nothing nt all. The men
who demand tho Impossible if the undo-
Irable serve aa tho nlll'j of the forces
with which they are 'uuilnally nt iJjar, for
they hamper thoso who would endeavor to
find out in rntlnnal fashion wbat the
wrongs really are and to what extent nnd
in what manner it Is practicable to apply
remedies.
All this is true, and yet it Is also true
that thero are real and grave evils, ono ot
tho chief being over-capltallzatlon because
of its many baleful consequences; nnd a
resoluto nnd practical effort must be made
to correct theso evils.
Supervision of Trusts Denifiiiilcil,
Thero Is r widespread conviction In th
minds of tho American peoplo that the
great corporations known as trusts ore. In
certain of their fenturcs nnd tendencies
hurtful to the general welfare. This springs
from no spirit of onvy or uncharltableness,
nor lack ot pride In tho great Industrial
achievements thnt have placed this coun
try at tho head of tho nntlons struggling
for commercial supremacy. It docs not
rest upon a lack of Intelligent appreciation
of the necessity of meeting changing and
changed conditions ot trade with new
methods, nor upon Ignoranco of tho fact
that combination .of capital In tho effort
to accomplish great things Is necessary
when tho world's progress .demands that
great things be done. It Is based upon
sincere conviction that combination apd
concentration should be, not prohibited, but
supervised and 'within reasonable limits
controlled; and In ray Judgment this con
viction Is right.
It Is no limitation upon property rights
or freedom, of contract to requlro that when
men receive from government tho privilege
of doing business under corporate form,
which frees them from Individual response
billty, and enables them to call into their
enterprises the capital of tho public, they
shall do so upon absolutely truthful repre
sentations as to the valuo of the property
In which the capital Is to be livestcd.
Corporations engaged In interstate com
merce, should bo regulated If they are
found to exercise a llcenso working to thu
public Injury. It should he as much tliw
aim of those who seek for social better
ment to rid the business world of crimes ot
cunning as to rid tho entire body politic
of crimes of violence. Oreat corporations
exist only because they are created and
safeguarded hy our Institutions; and it Is
therefore our right nnd our duty to son
that tbey work In harmony with these
Institutions.
Pulitli'My Tirol Ksnciitlnl.
Tho first essential In determining how to
deal with the great Industrial combination
Is knowledgo of the facts publicity, in
tho Interest of tho publlo, tho government
should have the right to inspect and cx
amine tho workings of tho great corpora
tions engaged In Interstate business. Pub
llclty Is tho enly sure remedy which we
can now Invoke. What further remedies
are needed In the way of governmental
regulation or taxation, can only bo dip
tcrnUned nfler publicity has been obtained,
process of law, and In tho course ot
Administration, Th" first requisite 13
knowledge full nnd complete knowledge
which may be made public to the world.
Artificial bodies, such as corporations and
Joint stock or other ntsoclations, depend
ing upon nny stntutory law for their exist
ence or privileges, should bo nubject to
proper governmental supervision, nnd full
nnd ncruraln Information ns to their opern
tlonshould bo made public regularly at
reasonable intervals.
The largo corporations, commonly called
trust.', though organized In one state, al
ways do business In many stnlen, often do
ing very little business In the stato whor
they are incqrporated. There Is utter lack
of uniformity lg ithe state Inws about
them; and as no State has nny exclusive
Interest In or power over their acts. It
has In practice uroved Impossible to got
adequate regulation through stnto action,
Therefore, In tho lntotest of tho whole
people, tho nation tdiould, without Interfer
ing wl(h the pow'cr of the states In the
matter ttsqlf, ajso assume power of super
vision nnd regulation over nil corporation
doing nn Interstate business. This Is espe
cially true where the corporation derives
a portion of Sts wealth from the cxlstenco
of some monopolistic element or tendency
In Its business. There would be no hard
ship In such supervision; banks are nub
ject to it, and in their case it is now
accepted ns n simple mntter of course. In
deed, It is probable that supervision of cor
porations by the national government need
not go so far ns Is now the case with the
supervision exercised over them by so con
aervatlvo n slate ns Massachusetts, In order
to produre excellent results.
When tho constitution was Hdopfed, ,nt
the end of tho eighteenth century no hu
man w Isdnm could foretell tho sweeping
changes, alike In Imlustrlnl and political
conditions, which wero to take place by
tho beginning of the twentieth century. At
that time it wns ncccpled ns a matter of
course that tho several stntcs were tho
proper authorities to regulate, so far as
wns then necessary, tho comparatively In
significant and strictly localized corporate
bodies of the day. Tho conditions nro now
wholly different and wholly different action
Is' called for. I believe that a law can be
framed which will enable the national gov
ernment to exercise control nlbng tho Jlnen
nbove Indicated; profiting by the experi
ence gained through tho passage and .ad
ministration of the Interstate commorce
net. If, however, the Judgment of con
gress is thnt It lacks tho constitutional
power to pass such nn net, then n constitu
tional amendment should be submitted to
confer tho power.
I)cinrtiuciit of Commerce.
There should be created u cabinet officer,
to bo known as' secretary of commerce and
industries, ns provided in tho bill Intro
duced at the Inst session of congress.
It should be his provlnco to deal with com
merce In Us broadest sense; Including
nmong ninny other things whatever con
cerns labor nnd all matters affecting the
great business- corporations and our mer
chant marine.
.The eourse'proposcd Is one phase ot what
should be (I'comprohenslvo nnd far-rench-ing
scheme of constructive statesmanship
for the purpose' of broadening our markets,
securing our business Interests on a safe
basis, and intiklng firm our new position In
the International industrial world, while
Lscjupnlously'i '.'safeguarding the rights of
wngc'woruer'nnd capitalist, of Investor and
private dtUcn, tso ns to securo equity as
bp t ween Man -wind- man in tills republic.
With- the -sole exception of the farming
Interest, no "one mntter Is of such vital
moment to our whole people ns the wclfarn
of tho wage workers. If the farmer and
the w-ngc vvurkor are well off, It is abso
lutely certain that all others will be well
off too. It If therefore a mutter for hearty
congratulation that on the wholo wages
nro higher today In tho United States than
ever beforo In our history, and far higher
tVtan In nny other country. The standard
of living It nlso. higher than
ever before. Every effort of legls.
lator and administrator should bo bent
to secure tha permanency of this condition
of things and its Improvement wherever
possible,
Chinese ISxeliiNlnn Act.
Nat only ' must our labor bo pro
tected' by the tariff, but It should also be
protected so far as It is possible from tho
presence In this country ot any laborer
brought over by contract, or of those who,
coming freely, yet represent a standard of
living so depressed that they can undersell
our men In tho labor 'market and drag
them to n lower level. I regard It hs ncces
Kory, with this end In view, to re-ennct Im
mediately tho law excluding Chlncbo labor
ers nnd to strengthen it wherever nccett
sury In order to mnke Its enforcement en
tirely effective.
Protection lit l.nliorcru
The' nation li government should demand
tho highest quality of service from Its em
ployes, nnd In return It should be a good
employer. It possible legislation should bo
passed, In connection with the interstato
coinmcrco law, which will render eftectlfo
tho efftrts ot tlltforcnt states to do away
with tho competition of convict contract
labor In tho open labor market. So far ns
practicable 'under the conditions of gov
crnmenl work, provision Bhould be made In
render the enforcement of the eight-hour
lav easy and certain. In nil Industries
curried on directly or Indirectly for the
1'nltod States government women nnd chll
dtcu n lion Id be protected from excessive
hours ot labor, from night work nnd from
work under unsanltnry conditions. The
govornmont should provide In 1th contracts
that nil work should bo done under "fnlr"
conditions, nnd In addition to setting a
high standard should uphold it by proper
inspection, extending if necessary to tha
subcontractors. Tho govctnment should
forbid nil night work for women nnd chll
dron, ns well ns excessive overtime, For
tho Dlsttlct ot Columbia a good factory
law should bo passed; nnd, as a powerful
Indirect aid" to such laws, provision should
bo mado to turn tho Inhabited nlloys, the
oxlsttirty of which Is n reproach to our
capital city, Into minor streets, whoro the
lnhabltaiits enn live under conditions favor-
ablo to benlth nnd morals.
American wage workers work with their
heads as well as their hands, Moreover,
they tako n keen prido in what they aro
doing; so that, Independent of the reward,
tbey wish to turn out a perfect Job. This
Is the great secret of our success In com
petition with Iho labor of foictgu countries
Tho mot vital problem with which this
country, nnd for that matter tho wirtlo
civilized world, has to deal, Is the problem
which has for ono sldo tho betterment of
social conditions, moral and physical, In
largo cities, and for another sldo tho etlort
lo dcnl with that tangle of far-reaching
questions which wo group together when
wu penk of "labor " Tho chief factor In
the success of each man -wage worker
tarmor and capitalist alike must ever be
tho sum total 'of his own Individual quail
tics and ahllltlrH. Second only to this
comes the power of acting In combination
or Hshoclutlon with others. Very great
good has boen and will bo accomplished by
associations or unions ui nc wumci.i
when managed With forethought, and when
they combine InMntrnco upon their own
rights with law-abiding respect for the
rights of olhcrs. "The display ot these
quallUaj In such bodies Is a duty to tho
nation no less than to the associations
themselves. Finally, there must also In
many cases be action by tho government In
order to safeguard tho rights and Interests
of all. t'nder our constitution there Is
much more scope for surh action by tho
state nnd tho municipality than by the na
tion. Itut on points such ns those touched
on nbove the national government enn act.
When nil Is said and done, tho rule of
brothrrhood remains ns the Indispensable
prerequisite to tUcresS Lb the kind of na
tional lite for which we strive, Knch man
must work for himself, and unless he so
works no outside help can avail him; but
each man must remember also that he t.i
Indeed his brother's keeper, and that while
no man who rctuses to walk can be carried
with advantage to himself or anyone elie,
yet that each at times stumbles or halts,
that each at time needs to have the help
ing hand outstretched to him. To bo
permanently effective, aid must always tak
tho form of helping n man to help himself,
and we tan all best help ourselves by
Joining together In tho work that Is of
common Interest to all.
Itntiilitrnllnii I.oitk t.nn t lotnctnr .
Our present Immigration laws arc un
satisfactory. Wo need every honest and
efficient Immigrant fitted to become an
American citizen, every Immigrant who
tomes hero to stay, who brings here n
strong body, a stout heart, a good head and
n resoluto purpose to do his duty well In
every way and to bring up his children n
Inw-abldlng mid Clod-fearing members nl
tho community, nut there should be a com
prehensive law enacted with the object ol
working a threefold Improvement over out
present system. First, wc should aim tc
exclude absolutely not only all persons whe
are kuown to be believers in anarchistic
principles or members of nuarchistlc so
cieties, but nlso all persons who arc of n
low moral tendency or of unsavory reputa
tion. This means that we should require a
more thorough system of Inspection abroad
and n more rigid system of examination at
our Immigration ports, the former being
especially necessary.
Tho second object ot a propdr Immigra
tion law ought to be to secure by n rarctut
and not merely perfunctory educatlonnl
test some Intelligent capacity to npprerlntn
American Institutions and act sanely ns
American citizens. This would not keep
out all anarchists, for many of them be
long to tho Intelligent criminal class. Hut
It would do what Is nlso In point, that Is,
tend to decrease tho sum ot Ignorance, so
potent In producing the envy, suspicion, I proper exercise of the banking functional
malignant passion and hatred of order, out I mit thoro seems to bo need of better safc
of which anarchistic sentiment Inevitably' guards ngalnst the deranging influence of
springs. Finally, all persons should be cx- ( commercial crises and financial ,ianlcs.
eluded who nrc below a certnln standard of I Moreover, the currency of the country
economic fitness to enter our Industrial 3hould be mad roiponslve to the domands
field as competitors with American labor ;
There should ho proper proof of personal i
capacity to earn an American living nnd
enough money to Insure a decent star:
under American conditions. This would
stop tho Inllu;: of cheap labor and thu re
sulting competition which gives rise to so
much of bitterness In Americnn imlustrlnl
life; and It would dry up the springs ot the
pestilential social conditions In our great
cities, wbore anarchistic organizations havo
their greatest possibility of growth.
Hoth the educational and economic tests
In a wise Immigration law should bo de
signed to protect nnd elevate the general
body politic and social. A very close super
vision should be exercised over the steam
ship companies which mainly bring over
the Immigrants, and they should bo held
to n strict accountability for any Infraction
of the. law. '
Reciprocity I'nilcr Protective i'nrlflf.
Thero is general acqulescenco in our
present tariff system as n national policy.
The first rcqulslto to our prosperity Is the
continuity nnd stability of this economic
policy. Nothing could be moro unwise man
to disturb the business Interests at the
country by nny general tariff chango at
this time. Doubt, apprehension, uncer
tainty nro exactly what wc most wish to
avoid In tho Interest of our commercial nnd
material well-being. Our experience In the
past has shown that sweeping revisions of
tho tariff nro apt to produce conditions
closely approaching pnnlc in tho bualncss
world. Yet It Is not only possibly, but
eminently desirable, to combine with the
stability of our economic system a sup
plementary system ot reciprocal benefit nnd
obligation with other nntlons. Such reci
procity Is nn incident and result of the
firm establishment and preservation of our
present economic policy. It wa. specially
provided for In the present tariff law.
Reciprocity must be treated as the hand
maiden ot protection. Our first duty Is to
eeo thnt tno protection granted ny tne
tariff In every case whero It Is needed Is
maintained, and that reciprocity bo sought
for so far ns ;t can snfely be done without
Injury to our homo Industries. Just how
far this ts must bo determined according
to tho Individual case, remembering al
ways that every application of our tariff
policy to meet our shifting national nce-ds
must bo conditioned upon tho cardinal fact
that tho duties must never be reduced be
low tho point thnt will cover tho difference
botween the labor cost here and abroad.
Tho well-being of tho wage worker Is n
prime consideration of our entire policy sf
economic legislation.
Subject to this proviso of tho proper
protertlon necessary to our industrial well.
being at home, the principle of reciprocity
must command our hearty support. The
phenomennl growth of our export trade
emphasizes tho urgency of the need for
wider markets and for a liberal policy In
denllng with forelgu nations. Whatever Is
merely petty and vexatious In the way of
trado restrictions should bo avoided. The
customers to whom we dlsposo of our sur
plus products In the long run, directly or
Indirectly, purchase those surplus products
by giving us somothlng In return. Their
ability to purchase our products should as
far ns possible be secured by so orranglnn
our tariff as to onablo us to take from them
thote products which we can use without
harm to our own Industries and labor, or
the uso of which will bo of marked benefit
to us.
It ts most Important that we should
maintain the high lvel of our present
prosperity. Wn have now reached the
point In tho development of our Interests
whoro we nro not only able to supply our
own markets but to produce a constantly
growing surplus for which we must find
markets abroad. To secure there markets
we can utilize existing duties In nny caso
where they are no longer needed for the
purpose of protection, or In any rase whero
the article Is not produced here nnd tho
duty Is no longer necessary for revenue, a
giving us something fo offer In exchaiiRti
for what we ask. The cordial relations
with other nations which are so desirable
will naturally be promoted by the courso
thus required by our own Interests.
The natural line of development for a
policy of reciprocity will be In connection
with thoso of our productions whleh no
longer require all of thesiipport once noeded
to establish them upon n sound basis, and
with thoso others where either because of
natural or of economic causes we arc be
yond the reach of successful competition,
I ask tho attention of fho senate to tin.
reciprocity treaties laid before It by my
predecessor.
Americnn Irrehnnl .llnrlnr.
The condition of tho American merchant
marine is surh as to call tor lmracdlatn
remedial action by congress. It .Is dls-
creditable to us ns a uatlon thnt our mer
chant marine should be utterly Inslsnlfi
cant In comparison to that of other nation
which wo overtop In other forms of busi
ness. Wc should not longer submit to con
ditions under which only n trifling portion
of our great commerco Is carried In our
own ships. To remedy this state of things
would not merely serve to build up our
shipping Interests, but It would also result
In benefit to alt who aro Interested In the
permanent establishment of a wider mar
ket for American products, nnd would pro
vldo nh nuxlllary force for tho navy. Ship
work for their own countries, Just ss rail
roads work for their terminal points. Ship
plug lines, If established to the principal
countries with which we have dealing,
would bo of political as well as commercial
benefit. From every standpoint It Is tin- j
wise for the united States to continue to
rely upon the ships of eonirftlng nations
for the distribution of our goods. It ihould
be made advnntngeons lo carry American
goods In American built ships.
At present American shipping ts under
certain great disadvantages when put lu
competition with tho shipping of foreign
countries. Many of the fast foreign
steamships, nt a speed of fourteen knots or
above, are subsidized; nnd all our ship,
sailing vessels nnd steamers alike, cargo
carriers of slow speed nnd mall carriers of
high speed, havo to meet the fact that the
original cost of building American ships Is
greater thau Is the case abroad; that the
wages paid American officer and senuien
are very much higher than these paid the
officers nnd seamen of foreign competing
countries, nnd thst the standard of living
on our ships Is far superior to the standard
of living on the ships of our commercial
rivals.
Our government should take such action
as will remedy these Inequalities. Tim
American merchant marine should be re
stored to tho ocean.
Mnlulnlii Cold Mitiutnrd.
The act of March 14, l?fto, Intended un
cqulvocnlly to establish gold as the stand
ard money and to maintain at a parity
therewith all forms of money medium li.
use with us has been shown to he timely
nnd Judicious. The price of our govern
ment bonds In the world's market, when
compared with the price of similar obliga
tions Issued by other nations, Is a ftattoi
Ing tribute to our public credit, Tills con
dition it I evidently desirable to maintain,
In many respects tho national banking
law furnishes sufficient liberty for thu
0f our domestic trade and commerce.
tliicst Ion ot Surplus.
The collections from duties on Imports
nnd Internal taxes contlnua to exceed the
ordlnnry expenditures of the government,
thanks mainly lo tho reduced army ex
penditures. The utmost care should be
taken not to reduce the revenues eo that
thero will be any possibility of a deficit;
but, after providing ngalnst any such con
tingency, means should be adopted which
will bring the revenues more nearly within
the limit of our nctual needs. In his report
to, congress the secretary of the treas
ury considers all these questions nt length
nnd I nsk your attention to the report nnd
recommendations.
I call special attention to the need ot
strict economy In expenditures. The fact
that our national needs forbid us to be
niggardly In providing whatever Is actually
necessary to our weii-ooing, snoum mans
us doubly careful to husband our national
resources, as each of us husbands his pri
vate rcsoutces, by scrupulous avoidance of
anything like wasteful or reckless expendi
ture. Only by ambiance of spending money
on what Is needless or unjustifiable can we
legitimately keep our Income Jo the point,
required to meet our needs that are genu
ine. Iiilorntntc Commerce: l.nrr.
lu 1887 a measure was enncted for the
regulation of interstate railways, commonly
known as tho Interstate commerce act. The
cardinal provisions of thst act were that
railway rates should be Juit and rcasonablo
and that all shippers, localities and com
modities should be accorded equal treat
ment, A commission was created and en
dowed with what were supposed to be tho
necessuiy powers, to executo the provisions
of thin act,
That law was largely an experiment. Ex
perlenco has shown the wisdom of Its pur
poses, but has also shown, possibly that
some of Its requirement are wrong, cet
talnly thnt tho means devised for tho en
forcement of Its provisions aro defective.
Those who complain of the management of
tho railways allege that established rates
are not maintained; that rebates nnd simi
lar devices are habitually resorted to; that
theso preferences nro usually lu favor of
tho largo shipper; thnt they drive out ot
business tho smaller competitor; that whlu
many rates are too low, many others aro
excessive, nnd that roas preferences are
made, affecting hoth localities and com
modities. Upon the other hand, the rail
ways assert that the law by its very torma
tends to produco many of these Illegal
practices by depriving carriers of that right
of concerted action which tbey claim Is
necessary to establish and nialntnlu non
discriminating rates.
Tho act should be amended. The railway
is a public servant. Its rates should bu
Just to and open to all shippers alike. The
government should see to It that within
Its Jurisdiction this U so and should pro
vide a speedy, Inexpensive and effective
remody to that end. At the same time u
must not be forgotteu that our railways
aro the arteries through which the com
mercial llfchlood of this nation flows, Noth
ing could be more foollah than tho enact
ment of legislation which would unncrcs
sarlly Interfere with the development and
operation of these commercial agcncle.
The subject Is one of great Importance and
calls for tho earnest attention of congress.
Ileiuirtineiit of ,e rlcttl lure.
The Department of Agriculture during
thu past fifteen years has steadily broad
ened Its work on economic lints and nt
accomplished results of real vnluo In up
building domestic and foreign trade, it has
gone Into new fields until it Is now In
toiicn with nil sections of our country and
with two of the Island groups that havu
lately come under our .Jurisdiction, wbotiu
people must look to agriculture as a liveli
hood, It Is searching tho world for graln,
grasses, fruits and vegetables spe.-lally
lltted for Introduction Into localities In the
several stales nnd territories where they
mny add materially to our resources, n
scientific attention to soli survey and possi
ble now crops, to breeding of new varieties
of plants, to experimental shipments, to
r.nlmnl industry and applied chemlstr,
very practical a hi tins been given our farm
ing nnd stock growing Intercits, The prod
nets of tho farm have taken an unprece
dented place In our export trade during
tho year that has Just closed,
Forest I'reservntlon.
Public opinion throughout the I'nlted
States has moved steadily toward a Just
nppreclatlon of tho value of terrain,
whether jilanted or of natural growth. The
great part played by them In the creation
and maintenance ot the national wraith Is
now more fully realized than ever hefnr.
Wise fortet protection does not mean
the withdrawal of forest resources, whether
of wood, water or grass, from contribut
ing their full share to the welfarn of the
people, hut, on Ihc contrary, gives the as
siiranee of larger and more certain sup
plies. The fundamental idea of forestry
Is the perpetuation of forests by use. For
est protection Is not an end of Itself, It I
means to Increase and sustain the
sources of our inuntry nnd the Industrie
which depend upon them. The preserva
tion of our forests Is an Imperative btitl
nets necessity. We have come to see
clearly that whatever destroys the forest,
except to mnke way for agriculture, threat
ens our well-being.
The practical usefulness of the national
forest reserves to the mining, grazing. Ir
rigation nnd other Interests of the regions
In which the reserves lie h led to a wide
spread demand by the people of the west
for their protection and extension. The
forest reierves will Inevitably be oft still
greater use In the future than In the past.
Additions 'should be made to them when
ever practicable and their usefulness should
be Increased by a thoroughly business-like
management
At present the protection of the forest
reserve rests with the general land odV.e,
the mapping and description of their tim
ber with the United States geological sur
vey nnd the preparation of pUns for their
conservative uso with the bureau of for
estry, which Is also charged with the gen
eral advancement of practical forestry In
the United Stntes. These various func
tions should be united In the bureau of
forestry, to which they properly helon.
The present diffusion ot responsibility Is
bad from every standpoint. It prevents
that effective co-operation between the
government nnd tbc men who utilize tbs
resources of the reserves, without which
the Interest of both must suffer. The
scientific bureaus generally should be put
under the Department of Agriculture. The
ptesldent should have by law the power of
transferring lands for use as forest re
serves to the Department of Agriculture.
He Already has such power In the rase of
lands needed by the Departments of War
and the Navy.
The wise administration of the forest
reserve will he not les helpful to the
Interests which depend od watfr than to
those which depend on wood and grass.
The water supply Itself depends upon th
forest. In the arid region It Is water, not
land, which measures production. The
western half of the United States would
sustain a population greater than that of
our whole country today if the water
thnt now inn to waste were saved and
used for Irrigation. The forest and water
problems nre perhaps the most vital In
ternal questions of the United States.
Certain of the forest icscrves should also
be made preserves for the wild forest
creatures. All of the reserves should b
bettor protected from fires. Many of them
need special protection because of the
great Injury done by llvo stock, above all
by sheep. The Increase In deer, elk and
other animals In the Yellowstone park
shows what may be expected when other
mountain forests are properly protected by
law and properly guarded. Some of Ihese
areas have been so denuded ot surfac
vegetation by overgrazing that the ground
breeding birds, Including grouse and quail,
and many mammals, Including deer, havo
been exterminated or driven away. At th
same time the water-storing capacity ot'
the surface has been decreased or de
stroyed, thus promoting floods In times
af rain nnd diminishing' the flow of streams
between rains.
In cases where natural conditions havs
beon restored for a few years, vegetation
has again carpeted the ground, birds and
deer are coming back and hundreds of per
sons, especially from the Immediate neigh
borhood, come each summer to enjoy tb
privilege of camping. Some at lesst of
tbo forest reserves should afford perpetual
protection to the native fauna and flora,
safe havens of refuge to our rapidly dimin
ishing wild animals of tho larger kinds, snd
free camping grounds for the ever-Increasing
.numbers of men and women who bav
learned to find rest, health and recreation
In the splendid forests and flower-clad
meadows of our mountains. The forest
reserves should be set apart forever for
the use and benefit of our people at a
whole and not sacrificed to tho short-Sighted
greed of a few.
Tho forests are natural reservoirs. My
restraining the streams In flood and re
plenishing them In drouth they make pos
sible tho use ot waters otherwise wasted.
They prevent the soil from washing and
so protect the storage reservoirs from
filling up with slit. Forest conservation Is
therefore nn essential condition of water
conservation.
IrrlKitllon Prnlilems,
The forests nlone cannot, however, fully
regulate and conserve the waters of the arid
region. Great storage works are necessary
to equalize the flow of streams and to savo
the flood waters. Tholr construction bas
been conclusively shown to be an undertak
ing tco vast for private effort. Nor can It
best bo accomplished by the Individual
states acting alone. Far-reaching Inter
state problems are Involved, and the re
sources of single states would often be In
adequate. It Is properly a national func
tion, at least In some ot Its features. It
l. as right for the national government to
make the streams and rivers of the arid
region useful by engineering wbrks for
water storage as to make useful the riv
ers ar.d haroor of the humid fegloq by
engineering v.'orks of another kind. Tb
storing of the floods In reservoirs at th
headwaters of our rivers Is hut an enlarge
ment of our present policy ofrlver con
trol, under which lovcea are built on the
lower reaches of Iho snme streams,
The government should construct anJ
maintain these reservoirs as It does ether
publle works. Where their purpose Is to
regulate tho flow of stream, the water
should be turned freely Into the channel
in the dry season to tako the same coure
under the same laws as the natural flow
The reclamation of the unsettled arid public-
lands prescn's a different problem. Herj
It l not enough to regulate the flow of
streams. Tho object of the government Is
to dispose cf the land to sjttlers who will
build homes upon It. To accomplish this
object, water must be brought within tholr
reach,
The pioneer settlers on the arid public
domain cbcs their borne alon streams
from which tbey could thennelvss divert
the waters to reclaim their holdings. Such
opportunities are practically gone. There
remain, howevtr vast areas of public lnd
which ran he mnde available for home
stead rettlcmetit. hut mil; by rctcrvolrs
and main-line cansls Impracticable for
private enterprise. Thesi irrigation works
should be built by the national govern
ment. The lands reclaimed hy them should
be reserved by the government for actual
jettlers and the cost of construction should
so far as posslbln be repaid by the land re
claimed. The distribution of the water, tha
division of th streams among Irrlgstots,
should be left to the settlers themselves
In conformity with slate laws and without
Interference with those law or with vestel
rights. The policy of the national govern
meut should be to aid irrigation In the sev
eral states and territories In such manner
as will enable the people In tbo local com
munities to help themselves, and as ll'
stimulate needed reforms in thn state lavs
and regulation governing Irrigation,
The tcclatuatlon and settlement ot Us
1J