" " "
IT"
nr I
THE OMAHA DAILY UI3E : WES DAY , FEIMUARY 11 , 181)3. )
affected. From 1R.T2 down to isso Ireland
could only present n small minority In Partru
llament In favor of restoring to her some
thing In the nature of her constitutional
rights. Since1W > the secret ballot had linflu
proved Ireland's position. In ISSO there wore
eighty-live nationalists , or more than liveJm
eighths. They had IK.-OII reduced to eighty
under Bomowhat i > eeullar circumstances , but
Ireland still demanded self-government by n
majority of four-fifths. There had never
been such a majority in England In favor of
any measure.
Continuing , Gladstone pointed out the
persistency and constitutionality of the
methods with which Ireland had continued
to demand autonomy. Since that time. It was
true , Ireland had not been wholly united. If
flho were the opposition would vanish. There
was one portion of Ireland opirascil to homo
rule , not mereli on the demand of certain
classes , but It was the demand of the people
in general In that portion ,
Why IrHinnl U Dlvlde.il.
The speaker continued by saying that he
would not attempt to measure the numerical
strength of this minority. Whatever It was ,
it was the result of a successful plot to
divide Ireland at this time. When , at the
close of the last century , It was united ,
Protestant and Catholic wrro In favor of
Irish autonomy. This division was brought
about maltriy through the medium of OranL'o
societies and religious animosity. During
the period of Independent Irish Parliament ,
Protestants were zealous supporters of Irish
nationality. It was not through their o vii
fault they are not now ready to unite with
their own blood and people to form a noble ,
glorious unity.
The speaker then took up England's atti
tude toward homo rule , saying there had
been n rapid conversion to It. In 1800 the
majority against It was 'Jll ; now it was only
Hoventy-one. Gladstone then proceeded to re
capitulate the points In tbo bill which the
government proposed for homo rule In Ire
land.
I'lilntH III dm Home Knle HIM.
In the first place wo have made it a desire
to get what we thought no unreasonable de
mand for the express mention of the suprem
acy of the Imperial parliament. There were
two methods In which that might bo done.
It might bo done by clause ; it might bedimo
in the preamble. Wo have chosen the pre
amble as the worthier and better ; for. If it
were dune by a clause , It would be too much
In the character of n mere enactment. It
is not necessary to say many words for such
a purpose. Our words tire : "Whereas , It
Is expedient , without impairing , orrestrlct-
Inc the supreme authority of parliament , "
and then the preamble goes on lo declare the
creation of the Irish legislature. With ref
erence to the charge frequently madengaiii.st
us , that wo are destroy ing the act of union ,
I wish to challenge Inquiry upon this
fundamental point.
What is the essence of the act of union ?
( "Hear , hcarl" ] That essence is to bo npprc-
.clated by comparing the constitution of
things found In the country before 1800
with the Constitution of tilings now subsist-
'lug ' in .England. Before 1800 wo had two
sovereignties in the country ; ono of those
was collectively lodged In tljo king and
Houses of Lords and Commons of Ireland.
There was no more right in a true historical
and legal sense in the sovereignty residing
In. Great Britain to interfere with the sov-
'ereignty of Ireland than there was in the
scyvroigntyof Ireland to interfere with the
sovereignty of England. Thin bill respects
and maintains these rights of sovereignty
equally throughout the entire range of the
three kingdoms. Then the bill constitutes
the Irish legislature.
I'owrfK of Hit ) Irlih I.uRUIiitnre ,
Power Is granted to the Irish legislature ,
which consists , first of all , of a legislative
council , and secondly , of a legislative assein-
, bly , empowered to make laws for the peace ,
order and good govornnu'iit of Ireland , and
in respect to matters exclusively relating to
JixJlhnd , or to n part thereof. That power is
pubjcct to a double limitation. First of all ,
it Is flubjeot td necessary and obvious limita
tions , imposing certain incapacities on the
Irish parliament , including all that relates
, to tho'crown , a regency or the vice royalty.
The subjects of peace aud war , public de
fense treaties and foreign relations , digni
ties , titles , law and treason do not belong to
the Irish legislature. The law of alienage
' 'does not belong to it { nor everything that belongs -
longs to external trade the coinage and
other subsidiary 'subjects. Other incapaci
ties are imposed similar to these
contained in the bill of 18SO. These
provide for the security of religious freedom ,
the safeguard of education and for the se
curity of personal freedom. Then
.coming to exclusive ixwcrs , wo retain the
'vieeroyalty of Ireland , but wo divest It of
the party character heretofore borne by
making the appointment run six years , sub
ject to the revoking power of the crown.
Then also the post is freed from all religious
disability. [ Cheers. ]
Then comes a clause which may bo con
sidered formal , although It is of great im
portance , providing for the full devolution of
executive jwvor from the sovereign upon the
vice royalty ; then comes an important pro
vision for the appointment of a legis
lative committee of the privy council of
Ireland , Wo propose to make this a legis
lative council for the ordinary affairs of the
cabinet of the viceroy. The question arises ,
shall there bo any legislative council ? All
doLlded that there ought to be such a coun
cil. It has appeared to us to bo highly in
convenient to alter the numbers of the legis
lative ' assembly. If wo were to Increase the
uim'bcr ) , wo do not know what the increase
ought to bo. If we were to reduce it , wo run
serious risks of causing practical incon
veniences In DiJblln , especially at the time
when the functlcms % of internal government
come lo bo newly exercised , and when ,
probably , there will bo a great deal to do.
Wo therefore leave the number at 101) ) , and
wo fix the term at live years. Wo leave the
constituency as it is now.
iicellvo ; I.eiflHlntivo Council.
Next , as to the legislative council , Mr.
Gladstone said he did not think they would
liuve iieon warranted , without some great
necessity , In establishing the system of a
( dnglo chamber , but in Ireland , ho added , far
from finding any such necessity , wo look to
the legislative council as enabling us to meet
the expectation that wo shall glvo to the
minority some means of freer and fuller con
sideration of Us views. The next thing is ,
shall thu legislative council bo nominated or
el cted' ' Wo came to tbo conclusion that a
nominated council would be a weak council ,
[ Cheers ] , If it sljould bo made weak the
council would probabli enjoy a very short
term of existenceWe , therefore , propose
an elective council , believing it to bo the
only form wherein wo can give any great
force to the vitality of the institution.
Well , then , how do wo differentiate this
council from that of popular assembly ? Wo !
propose to fix the number at forty-eight ,
with an eight year's term of office , the term
of the popular assembly being lesser. Wo
then constitute a now constituency. The
council constituency must , in the first place ,
bo associated with a ratable value of JESO ,
whereby to secure an aggregate constituency
approaching 170.000 pursons , including own
ers , as well as Occupiers , but subject to u
provision that no owner or occupier has a
vote In more than ono constituency. Then :
there is no provision In the bill making the
lofjlslatlve council alterable by Irish acts.
Uegarding the legislative assembly , the
Iftl members must bo elected for Irish leglsla
tlyo business by constituencies in Ireland.
AVe make these provisions In regard to the
assembly alterable In respect to electors ami
constituencies after six years , but In alter
ing constituencies , thopowerof the assembly
will bo limited by the declaratory act to the
effect that duo regard must bo hud to the
dUtilbutlon of population.
TII .Meut PoMitlhln Deadlock ,
The bill must Include a provision for meet
ing what Is called a deadlock , In a cast
where a bill has been adopted by the nsse.m
lily more than once , and whore there is nr.
interval of two years between the two adop
lions , or a dissolution of Parliament , then
upon Its second adoption , the two assemblies
may be required to meet , and the fata of the
bill is to bo decided in general assembly
[ Cheers. ]
Next , all appeals shall Ho to the priv.\
council alone , tint to the council and lords
The privy council may try the question o
the invalidity of any Irish act that Is , trj
It Judicially and with reasonable judgment
under the initiative of the viceroy or score
lary of state. In composing this Indicia
ctimmittco ( now recognized by us as tno enl
approach wo can make to the supreme cour
of the t'nltixl States ) , duo regard must be
bud to the different elements of nationality
( Theirs ) . Wo have not apprehended nn :
uinkulry there. Other clauses urovldo fo
the security of the emoluments of existing
judges and of ofllceis generally.
Then there Is a clause intended to corro-
sHiid | with the colonial validity Jaw. the ef
fect of which is , if the Irish legislature
aliould pass any net in any way contrary to
the imperial Parliament , such law
. ti-3.j. -i. Kd .
shall Do peed except Insofar n.i It Is con-
tvnfy to the imperial I'HiU'tmcnt.
Two exchequer Judges stmll t > o appointed
unilor the authority of the crown , tnnfnl.y for
financial business , Bosldes the exchequer
Judges it Is provided that for six years nil
judge * shall Ijo appointed-as now. Wo do
not reserve for the imperial 1'urllnmciit the
IKiwor to fix emoluments. Thcso will bo
fixed in Ireland , and the effect will be to
establish a Joint control of these appoint
ments ,
The month of September is probably the
most convenient month for the assembly to
meet. Therefore there is a elnuso providing
that it shall meet on the flr.it Tuesday in
September. [ Prolonged Irish cheers. ) Cer
tain clauses secure the Initiative in regard
to money bills to tno assembly.
Irluli Cniiitiiliiitnry.
Wo are now coming to the important ques
tion of the constabulary , wo propose a
gradual reduction and the ultimate dissolu
tion or disappearance of that force with the
discharge or every obligation towards them
In such n way as will not adversely affect
the interests of that homirublo force. During
the period of transition they arc to bo under
control of the viceroy. It is contemplated
that they will bo replaced by a force owing
allegiance to tbo Irish authorities In local
areas.
On the Important subject of the retention
of the Irish members In tbo Imperial Parlia
ment , I do not regard and never have re
garded it as touching what are sometimes
called the Hno principles of. the bill. It Is
not Included In any one of them , but whether
it bo a principle , or whether it bo not , there
is no question that it Is a very organic detail -
tail which cuts rather deep , In some
respects , into the composition of
the bill. There are strong ar
guments which may bo alleged in
liofctiso of the retention of Irish members in
Parlianicnt.but there is ono argument I must
put aside as a most dangerous argument , and
in itself quite untenable , the argument of
these who say unless you retain the Irish
members there is no parlimcntary suprem
acy over Ireland , I entirely decline to admit
that argument. I say that if you do not
admit it , at a strolto you shatter p.irliinen-
tar.v supremacy In this country. Although I
do not at all admit that parlhncntary su
premacy depends upon the retention of Irish
members I am yet qulto ready to admit that
the retention of members has a great prac
tical Importance because it views and ex
hibits the supremacy in a manner Intel
ligible to the people. Besides it gives
Ireland a full voice in all parli-
ineut matters. [ "Iloar.Ifoarl1' ] It has this
advantage wo can't in our llnan-
cial arrangement * get rid of nil
llnancial connection between the two
countries , unless 5'ou are prepared to face a
very inexpedient and inconvenient system of
different sots of treaties and trade laws.
That being so , it must bo that British bud-
guts will more or loss influence Irish
pecuniary balance. It is therefore desirable
for the purpose of mitigating any inconveni
ence which might thence arise that Ireland
should have something to say about these
British budgets. I know no argument of
nn abstract , theoretical or constitutional
character against the retention of Irish
members at Westminster. To revert to an
old expression which has become rather
familiar : "I do not think it is in the wit of
man to devlso a plan for their retention
which would not bo open to some serious
practical dinicultics. " [ Cheers ] .
JCcproHoiitiitloii In I'nrlliimcmt.
Retention involves two points first , as to
umbers and secondly , as to voting power.
S'ow as to the first question that of mnn-
> ers Is Ireland to bo fully represented in
ho house ! f "Hoar , hear 1" ] Well , probably
ho feeling will bo in favor of the alllrma-
ivc. Then arises another difficulty what
s full representation for Ireland ? In 18S4
ho house treated Ireland in n wise and lib-
iral spirit by assigning 103 members to that
-ountry. That number was then beyond
vliat , according to the calculations of popu-
ation in this country Ireland was entitled
o , and it is claimed that , unhappily , the
lisparity has since been aggravated by a
loublo process. The population of Great
Jritain has Increased , while that of Ireland
ms diminished , and has now reached a
joint that , whereas , formerly entitled to 103
uombers , it would , according to this same
atlo , now have eighty. There ought to bo
general determination to interpret full rep-
csentation as meaning representation ac
cording to existing population. . Speaking
of full representation , then , I imply that
Lho representation in the house from Ireland
vould he composed of eighty Irish gentlo-
nen. Of course. It follows that there would
tavo to bo an election. When it had been
lotermincd that eighty was the proper num-
) er , wo endeavored to arrange the schedule
of thu bill In such a manner that this im-
iL-jjiu representation would practically not
clash with representation in the legislature
at Dublin ,
Voting 1'owrr of Irlnli ItoprPHcntiitlven.
Now comes the greatest difllculty what
rating power are these eighty members to
lavoj Ireland is to bo represented hero
fully , that is my first postulate. My second
> ostulato is that Ireland Is to bo invested
, vith separate power , subject , no doubt , to
mportant authority , yet still , as wo must
'rom experience practically separate a cer
tain independent power , as has been done in
other legislatures of the empire , Ireland is
; o bo endowed with separate power over
Irish affairs. Then the question before
us is : Is she , or Is she not , to vote so
strongly upon matters purely British ? I
propose this question in the true parliamen
tary form aye or nay , There aits reasons
both ways. Wo cannot cut them off in a
manner perfectly clean and clear from these
questions. Wo cannot find an absolutely
accurate line of cleavage between questions
that are imperial questions and these that
are Irish questions. [ Cheers. ] Unless the
Irish members are allowed to vote on all
British questions , they must have too llttlo
or too much , because there are questions
which defy our efforts to arrange them with
accuracy and decision on the proper side of
the line as cither English or Irish. Wo do
notseo the possibility of excluding them from
ono of the highest and most important func
tions of the house namely , that of deter
mining the composition of the legislative
power. A vote of confidence Is a simple dec
laration , but it may bo otherwise. I do not
see that it is possible to exclude Irish mem
bers from voting on that great subject.
Next , unless the Irish members vote on all
questions you break the parliamentary tra-
dition. The presence of eighty members
with only limited powers of voting Is a seri-
ous breach of that tradition , which , whether
you choose to face it , ought to bo made a
subject of most careful consideration.
Dru\\lni ; the Limit.
Now comes the reasons against the uni
versal voting powers. It is dilllcult to say :
Kverything on that sldo Irish ; every thing on
this sldo Imperial. That , I think , you can
not do. If you ask mo for a proportion , I say
nine-tenths , nlneteen-twentloths , perhaps
nlnety-nlno ono-hundrcdths of the business
of Parliament can , without difficulty , bo
classed as Irish , or imperial. It would , however -
over , bo a grcak anomaly if these eighty
Irish members should coma hero contln-
ually to Intervene In questions purely
and absolutely British. If some largo
question or controversy In British affairs
should then come up , causing a deep and
vital severing of the two great parties in
this house , and the members of these parties
know that they could bring over eighty
members from Ireland to supiwrt their
views , I am afraid a cuso like that would
oju'ii a iwsslblo door to wholesale , dumrcrous ,
political Intrigue. [ "Hear , hear 1" ! My col
leagues , finding themselves not able to fuco
a contingency of that kind , inserted in the
bill limitations of tha voting power of the
Irish members , to exclude them , first , from
voting on a bill or motion expressly confined
to Great Britain ; second , from voting on a
tax not levied upon Ireland ; third , from
voting on a vote or appropriation of money
otherwise than for the Imperial service ;
fourth , from Voting on any motion or reso
lution exclusively affecting Great Britain.
The whole subject Is full of thorns and
brambles , but our object is the autonomy
and self-government of Ireland in all mat
ters purely Irish.
Only Ono Sy tom of 1
The Irish people certainly did not raise
the difllculty to which I have Just alluded
the retention of Irish members in the House.
This Is n secondary matter In their eyes and
ought not to Interfere with the principal
aim. In the fucoof the feeling that a shudo
of uncertainty still hangs over the question
of the retention of the Irish members wo
have anixrd to the paragraph concerning
this question , the words : ' Kxcoptlng and
until Parliament shall determine the coming
financial legislation. " I wish to supply
the keynote to the financial part of
the legislation. That kovnoto is to bo
found in the provision lueludod In our plans
from the first , wisely and generously as-
sen ted'to by Ireland through her roprcsenta-
lives , tll t there is but ono system of leglalu
tlon for all the kingdoms. As far ns
external things are concerned , that will bo
found to entail very lni | > ortnnt consequence * .
It has guided us4o the conclusion at which
wo arrived of unity of commercial legislation
for the three kingdoms. This Includes cus
toms and excise duties , postoflleo and tele
graphs. By adopting this keynote wo
can attain the most valuable results and wilt
bo likely to avoid the clashing of agents cf
the Imperial and agents of the Irish govern
ment. Wo can make , under cover of this
proposal , n larger and moro liberal transfer
to Ireland In the management of her own
affairs than wo could muko If wo proceeded
on any other principles.Ve hope to escape
In this way all collection in the Interior of
Ireland of any revenue whatever by Imperial
authority.
. The principle to which wo nro bound to
give effect In Ireland is ; Ireland has to bear
a fair share of Imperial expenditures.
[ "Hoar hear ! " The " "
, ] word "Imperial" Is defi
nite In the schedule which gives the list of
Imperial burdens. There arc three modes
In which Ireland's share may bo ascertained.
Ireland' ) ) Sluirn oftlm IJspoiiillturrR.
The -first method is the lump sum pay
ment adopted In 183(1. ( This method should
disappear naturally from the now bill , for
through the retention of Irish representa
tion here , Irish mcmbero will vote the 1m-
poflal expenditures. Consequently it would
seem strange unilor these circumstances to
revert to the method of a lump sum.
Another method is what may .simply be
described as the mode of quota that Is to
say that Ireland shall pay 0 per cent , or 5
per cent , or 4 per cent or what you please ,
of the Imperial expenditures. She will bo
debited to that extent and will have to pay
It over from her account to ours. If you fix
the quota , and the quota Is absolutely
elastic , the Imperial expenditure would still
determine the relative share to bo con
tributed by Ireland.
But there Is a third method which may
be adopted , that of deducting from the Irish
revenue the amount duo England. There Is
ono of these revenues to which the greatest
difllculty adheres. When explaining the
subject in 1880 I pointed out that this was a
largo revenue , locally received In Ireland ,
but which really belonged to Great Britain.
The principal of that revenue was within
the excise department. With the advan
tage of the consideration which the inland
revenue department has bad slnco the
former plan wns produced , wo got
rid of the itifllculty altogether , so
far as the inland revenue is con
cerned. Wo provide that revenue
levied in Ireland shall bo revenue really bo-
lonying to Ireland that Is , rovcnuo from
goods consumed in Ireland. It Is not so with
the customs. With the customs there is a
largo debt from Ireland to this country. It
is not so largo as is involved in the case of
excise , but still It comes up to several
hundreds of thousands of pounds. If wo
adopt the method of quota we should expose
Irish finance to largo and Inconvenient
shocks from changes introduced , in English
budgets. Imperative reasons would perhaps
make it necessary for us to do what we arc ,
I think , very unwilling to do , viz : to give
imperial office a meddling and intervening
power in relation to Irish affairs. [ "Hear ,
Hear ! " ]
The third plan is to appropriate n par
ticular fund. Say this fund shall bo taken
by us and shall stand in acquittal of all
obligations of Ireland for imperial services.
This fund will sweep away all the dllllcnltles
of calculation and intervention which might
belong to the quota method. Then wo have
the fund practically in our hands In the
management of the customs rovcnuo of
Ireland , which must bo British. Consequently
quently we shall bcdcprivcd of a fund which
will never go near the Irish exchequer. If
it bo deemed a fair and convenient arrange
ment , there can bo no question of handing it
backwards and forwards. Wo should keep
It or give Ireland a receipt in full , instead of
coming upon her for heavy payments from
year to year.
Then , next , the customs fund would bo
very nearly the right amount. I don't know
what the house might , consider the right
amount. Judgments might fluctuate. Some
might say 4 per cent , some 5 per cent , some
a llttlo moro than ,5 per cent. But the
amount is this. JW,40,000 ! ! yearlv ; 00,000 al
lowed for collection , leaves 2,370,000nct.
With the imperial expenditures at io'J.OOO-
000 , 2a70,000 is a sum that drops between a
charge of 4 and 5 per cent. The Irish mem
bers will observe that by that means every
thing of a practical nature wo will handover
to them. Though the rates of excise and
the post and telegraph rates will bo a fixed
amount , the authority and the whole control
over them will bo absolutely in the bauds of
Irish oillccrs.
The fund plan falls short of the exactitude
of the quota plan. The latter method meets
every exigency of peace and war , but this
[ ) lun Is not quite so exact. Wo are assured.
However , that wo shall obtain from Ireland
i fair share of assistance in a great imperial
emergency. I myself am bound to say that I
think there is very llttlo to fear from trust
ing the patriotism and liberality of the Irish
legislature. [ Opposition cries of "Oh 1 Oh 1"
ind cheers from members of the government
benches. ]
Never Irclniid'a Fault.
Stinginess , was never a vice of the Irish
people , and if wo look forward" very much , I
am afraid her suffrage will bo duo to gener
ous extravagances , rather than to meanness.
When wo como to a state of war wo have to
look to the resources , customs , cxclso and
Income tax. With regard to customs , wo
propose to leave them in our hands so that
there can bo no difficulty In adapting con
tributions so far as customs are concerned.
With regard to excise , wo have In view a
proposition to retain considerable control in
our own hands , which considerable power
will cnablo Grout Britain to make sure of
having aid from Ireland if uiio thinks such a
provision necessary. The Irish balance
sheet stands thus : Upon the credit side would
apucar excise , ! li20,000 ! ; stamps , income
tax , excise license , 1,41)5,000 ) ; postal revenue ,
740,000 ; crown lands. 05,000 ; miscellaneous ,
140,000 nraklng a total of 5,0(50,000. ( On
the other side , Ireland takes over the whole
civil charges with the exception of the con
stabulary charges of : i,110,000 ; Inland
revenues , 100,000 , and jwstal son-ice.
700,000 , Wo propose that Ireland shall
take part of the constabulary charges ,
amounting to 1,000,000. This would bring
the Irish charges to ! ilJO.OOO. ( 'Wo propose
that she shall receive against that the items
I have put to her credit , amounting to
5OC)0,0)0. ( ) Thus she will have a clear sur
plus of 500,000 with which to start on her
mission.
Conditions 1'iist nnil Present.
I will now release the house from the
painful consideration of details , which it has
pursued with unexampled patience. I have
tried to convoy the fundamental conception
and spirit of the scheme. 1 submlt'that tbo
plan may bo imperfect , but I hope it will re
ceive impartial consideration. Although
there may ho friendly and unfriendly criti
cisms , I hope I shall not give offense when I
express my conviction that a plan closely re
sembling this , If not the present proposal of
an Identical legislative chamber for Ireland ,
may shortly become a law. There is ono risk ,
that is , if tbo controversy is unduly
and unwarrantedly prolonged the law
for solf-govcrnment in Irish affairs
may become n demand for the repeal 1
of the union and the re-establishment of
dual supremacy in these islands. I hope
that tho'ship of state will bo steered from
that rock. I would ask you to contrast the
present condition of the Irish people with
what it was at the time of Swift , when the
Irish ascendancy in Parliament begged to bo i
admitted to the British Parliament and was
refused , or with what it was in the beginning
of the century , immediately after the union ,
when Irish voters were trooped to the polls
for the simple purpose of recording their
votes In order to return landlords to Parlia
ment.
Wo have concluded that wo have before us
now a different state of things , Ireland has ,
on her side , the memory of vast victories ,
earned by the swoa't of labor , but really
earned and recorded on her behalf. Ireland
has mighty sympathies. She requires this
larger and stronger Ireland. She has ob
tained the suffrage of Scotland and the suf-
frugoof Wules.und , In thoshortspacoof seven
years , she has changed a majority of morn
than 200 against her In England to one-third
that number. She was stinted In franchise
and nitons of representation. Now she jws-
sesses n most extended franchise with most
l > erfcct protection. Her remaining objects
she has not yet attained , but she looks for
ward to the attainment of them with more
means in her Hands. Quo other resource of
strength that she has is the moderation of
her demands. [ "Hear , hear. " ] She has ,
over since 18SO , If n9t before , but unequlvo-
cully and nationally slnco , abandoned
the whole whole argument that , per
haps , she was entitled to make on the
subject of the act of union , She has asked
you to suvo for yourselves every important
rower , She has consented to accept the
House ol Commons and the inversal suprom-
acy of the empire. In return she has asked
you only that she UliVb the inanogoment of
her own affairs , which reason in Justice ,
: oinblned with the Voice of her people , I
hope , will soon move this nation to say soon
shall bo awarded her , If this Is to bo the
end of the
mattertLHhOik dispassionate men
would say the sooner ended , the hotter ; the
sooner wo stamp the eal which will efface
all former animosities , aud open the era of
icacoand good will the sooner done the
bettor. l ' "
fllaiUtdiin't Cloning.
But these arOT'tnatters which human
vision Is hardly able to penotrato. I must
say , however , for nly o'ton part , that I never
will and never can bo a party to bequeathing
to my country the continuance of this
heritage of discord which has been handed
down from generation to generation ,
with hardly momentary Interruption ,
through seven centuries this heritage of
discord with all the evils that follow In Its
train. I wish no part in that process. It
would bo misery for mo if I had foregone or
omitted In these closing years of my life
any measure which it Is jwsslblo for mo
to ttiko toward upholding and promoting
the cause which 1 believe to bo the cause-
not of ono party or one nation but of all par
ties and all nations. To these nations , view
ing them as I do , with their vast opportuni
ties , under a living union for power and happi
ness , to these nations I say , let mo entreat
you if It were mv last breath I would en
treat you let the Head bury the dead and
cast behind you former recollections of by
gone evils ; cherish , love and sustain ono an
other through all the vicissitudes of human
affairs in times that are to come. [ Pro
longed liberal cheers. 1
When the cheering had died out Sir Ed
ward Clark , who was attorney general in the
Salisbury administration , congratulated Mr.
Gladstone on the magnificent physical effort
which ho had Just made , and then proceeded
to enlarge on the proposals of the bill.
lie dwelt with particular severity upon
the absence of any provisions which would
remove the objections of the people to homo
rulo. and went on to declare that the bill so
DUtllncd would not even satisfy the national
ists who had declared they would accept the
veto , which had been retained hi the now
bill.
Mr. Srxtnn Clifprril ,
Thomas Sexton , antl-Parnellllo for North
Kerry , was cheered on rising. Ho naid n
glowing tribute to Mr. Gladstone. Ho
referred to the ease of Canada and said
Canada would have been lost to England
lorg ago if she had been refused homo rule.
Ho declared that its provisions wcro on the
whole better than those of the bill of 1SSO.
Ho agreed with the proposal to establish anew
now police force , after which the Irish cons
tabulary was to bo withdrawn.
XMr. Sexton said he did not object to the
upper chamber , confided as a safeguard to
the minority. The financial proposals wcro
less Just to Ireland than these of the bill or
18SU. His party was not disposed to ma
any trouble concerning the retention of IrU
members at Westminster , but it was probable -
able that when homo rule had been estab
lished tholr voices would be silent in the
house , unless the other members troubled
them. [ Laughter. ] If the imperial Parlia
ment should display any tendency to a
capricious and vexatious use of the veto or
to interfere in the sphere defined by its Par
liament he thought it Would bo found that
Ireland's unique position would stand the
Irish members in good stead. [ Conservative
cheers. ]
Mr. Gladstone in answer to Sir Edward
Clarke said the land question was reserved
to the imperial Parliament for three years.
Colonel Sanderson , conservative for north
Armagh , spoke vehemently against any and
every plan of home rule.1 The Ulster loyal
ists he said , would offer to the last the bit
terest opposition to any homo rule scheme.
On the motion of Colonel Sanderson the de
bate was then adj61lrn6d.
IIlHV tllO Sl'CCll | U'llfl ItoCOlVfHl.
Members trooped oii into the lobbies
where tbo speech"Vis ( .informally discussed
with ( 'reatantmatlon , ' The Gladstonian lib
erals wcro disposcd'to regard It as a concilia
tory well balanced uinuV peace-making mes
senger , and seemed to be hopeful as to the
second reading. j , , -
The antl-ParnoUlto , members , while
guarded in their utt'pranccs favored the bill
as a Whole , and wcro osnqcially well pleased
with the financial arrangements , concerning-
which there hud b6 lf so much apprehension.
The I'arnellitcs would not say more than
that they would keep an open mind in regard
to the bill. .
All that the lories would say for the now
bill was that it was moro sagacious and bet
ter drawn than that of 18SO.
The liberal unionists would not make oven
this favorable admission and declared that
the bill must inevitably meet the fate of its
predecessor , that lit would never reach the
committee of the House of Commons.
The advanced radicals , led by Henry
Labouchero and Sir Charles Dllke , will op
pose the creation of a second chamber.
The moderate liberals also huvo some mis
givings in regard to complication * likely to
arise from three-fold elections in Ireland.
WHAT THU I'llliSS SAYS.
Comments of KiiRllsli nnil Irish Journal *
on the Speech.
LONDON , Feb. 14. The Dally News says :
"Mr. Gladstone displayed most splendid
powers of eloquence and argument. It is
utterly childish to call the bill a separatist
measure. * The bill Is so cautious and
moderate that it will probably convert
many moderates. "
The Times : "Thoso whom Mr. Gladstone
failed to convince in 16SO will not bo con
verted now by a less powerful and less per
suasive appeal. The speech , Indeed , was
marvellous for a man of 84 years , iluc if ho
has shown that ho can still bend the bow of
Ulysses , bis most uncritical admirers will 1
hardly refuse to confess that ho no longer
sends the arrow straight to the mark. The
case proposed abounds with ingenuity aud
plausibility , yet it produced an impression
of perfect disappointment. The most in
dulgent will fail to discern the faintest sign
of finality in the scheme and his omission of
any reference to the land question until 1
questioned on the subject indicates plainly >
how ho artificially restricted his views. "
In another article the Times denounces
the retention of the Irish members at West sr
minster and ridicules the notion that they
can sit In two Parliaments simultaneously.
"This beautiful provision enables the Irish
to have absolute control over both English
and Irish legislation , unfettered by the veto
that is proposed. "
The Daily Chronicle says : "Mr. Gladstone
achieved a feat unique in the life of any leg
islator of ancient or modern times. Alto
gether the present bill Is a great Improve
ment on the bill of 188(5 ( , and these opposing
ought to admit It. "
The Dally Telegraph speaks of the sight
of Mr. Gladstone delivering his speech as a
spectacle to which the world cannot supply
a parallel.
"Marvelous as a physical and intellectual
tour do force , " says The Telegraph , ' 'it is
not statesmanship , ilbr does it boar the re-
molest rcsemblanco- ' anything deserving
the name. " i J
The Standard says , : > > VTho measure is im-
practicable and Imp ssitjlo. _ The details are
open to stronger objiictjqn than these of the
bill of 1880. Mr. Gla'd&toiio has merely sub-
stitutcd ono fatalitMfor another , and has
avoided dinicultics by leaving them untouched -
touched , " .
The Morning Post1Tho ; measure is more
futile and fnntiistio'thWnny before submit
ted to a civilized assembly. "
A dispatch from Dublin quotes the Free-
-I . ' 1
THE NEXT MORNING I FEEL BRIGHT AND
NEW AND MY COMPLEXION IS EiCTTCR.
My doctor nayi It acU gently on the itonmrh ,
liver and kldners. and H a pleasant laxative. TUH
drink Is made from lierrn. and la prepared lot lisa
ueaillyuteo. " "
Xl uS fJH llltat60c.andiapackase. If you
cannot t "it , nd youraddrisw rorafrra sample.
I.Bnc' I'umllr nle.llrljir inuvri Hi hntrcl *
rurh day. Ill ordfr to be liralmy Ihl. u norrunry.
AdUrcH OilATOi : 1\ WOOtYA11U , I.K lloy. N.Y.
man's Journal as follows : "Whllo open to
improvement , the bill Is altogether a good ,
watertight measure. "
The Irish Times nays ; "Seven years hnvo
failed to tench Mr. Otadstono respect
either of the rights of the Irish minority or
of the facts of history. Ulster says that It
will not have It. "
A113WH //.12'K TH.VT.
Several Trlnl * Wlilrli n Nlckrl-Stccl llnrvey-
Itpd IMitto WUIutooit.
WASHINGTON , D. 0. , Fob. 13. A
highly successful teat of the now nickol-
Htool Ilurvoyizcd nrmor nlnto took pluco
nt the Iron IIciul iirovingf ground Satur
day. The tests
were witnessed by n
number of ordnance exports , naval
ollloorn and stool inatiiifaotiirors , under
the direction of Captain Sampson of the
ordnance bureau of tbo Navv depart
ment. The object of the trials was to
determine what tests ahould bo estab
lished for the 7,0110 tons of nrmor for
which bids are to bo opened at the Navy
dopartnient next Tuesday.
Among the fonturojvliich contributed
lo the Interest In this test was the fact
that Ibis was the thickest piece of armor
of this chtiructor over lusted unvwhoro
In tbo world. The first shell was IIred
at a velocity at Impact of 1,472 feet per
second. It penetrated the plato about
live inches and broke in fragments , but
the closest scrutiny failed to dot6rinlne
the slightest crack In the p ate.
The second shot was llred at a velocity
at impact of 1,0(50 ( fcot per second , ft
penetrated tbo pinto between six
and seven inches , cracking it clear
through the upper part of its length ,
but without , however , reducing the pro
tection which it would have all'orded tea
a ship.
The third shot was fired at u velocity
of 1,000 feet and produced a result simi
lar to that of the second.
The fourth shot , which was fired at
the very unusual velocity of 12,0(50 ( feet
per second , penetrated about ten indies.
The plato was cracked and tbo backing
which supported it was much broken.
Captain .Sampson , in speaking of the
test , said that no obtainable velocity
could have driven the shell through the
plato. The plate , he said , was moro
than equal to the proposed require
ments , and the tests were , in every way ,
highly satisfactory.
/.VKK/M.vcr > ; TIIK
lti > v. Tennis llnmlln '
i'rnicliril
n Sliillk | > niit
Scrincin Dii till ) . * > ul > Jrut.
WASHINGTON , D. C. , Fob. l.'l. Rev.
Tennis Ilamlin , pastor of tbo Church of
the Covenant , where President Harrison
attends , preached a very significant ser
mon vcstorday on the inerrancy of the
bible. Ho declared the deliverance of
the general assembly of 181)12 ) , that "tho
church holds' ' to such a doctrine as a
standard of the church is without
ground , and further said : "If the iner
rancy of the delivery stood upon the
same footing , it would bo a simple and
harmless matter. Hut the reason care
fully exalts that opinion to the level of a
doctrine. It asserts that 'our church
holds' it. It assumes that ovcry minis
ter assented to it at hia ordination. It
calls upon him , if ho does not believe , to
leave the church. It embraces in its sum
mons all ordained olllcors and deacons , as
well as ministers. And , if they do not
withdraw it 'enjoins' the olllcors of the
church to 'censure and speedily eject
them. ' The interpretation of the
standard sots up n totally now doctrine ,
which makes It a test of ministerial and
oflloial standing. Now , I deliberately
and solemnly pronounce this nn act of
the greatest usurpation. The general
assembly in ns much bound by the con
stitution as Is the humblest minister or
member _ , of the church. It has no moro
authority to impose the opinion of u
majority of its members upon us as a
doctrine than it has to declare that its
views about lynching shall have all the
force and weight of a federal statute. "
All disorders of the Throat and
Lunga is Ayor's Cherry Pectoral.
It has no equal as a cough-euro.
"When I was a boy , I had a bronchial
trouble of such a persistent and stubborn -
born character , that the doctor pronounced -
nounced It Incurable with ordinary
remedies , but recommended mo to try
Ayer's Cherry Pectoral. I did so , and
ono bottle cured mo. For the last fifteen
years , I have used this preparation , with
good effect whenever I take a bad cold ,
and I know of numbers of people who
keep it In the house all the time , not
considering It safe to bo without it. "
J. C. Woodson , 1 > . M. , Forest Hill.W.Va.
"For more than twenty-five years , A
was a sufferer from lung trouble , at
tended with coughing so severe at times
as to caiiflo hemorrhage , the paroxysms
frequently lasting three or four hours.
I was induced to try Ayer's Cherry Pec
toral , and after taking four bottles , was
thoroughly cured.--Franz Hoffman ,
Clay Centre , Kans.
La Grippe
"Last spring I was taken down with
la grippe. At times I was completely
prostrated , and so difficult was my
breathing that my breast seemed as if
confined in nn iron cage. I procured a
bottle of Ayer's Cherry Pectoral , and
no sooner had I began taking It than
rollef followed. I could not believe that
the effect would bo so rapid and the
euro so complete. " W. II. Williams ,
Cook City , S. t > ak.
Cherry Pectoral
Prepared by Dr. J. C. Aycr & Co. , Lowell. MUM.
Bold by all DruggliU. 1'rlcc * 1 ; lx bolllot , $5.
Prompttoact , surctocure
Delay is Dangerous
DO YOU VALUE YOUR EYESIGHT ?
If so , call and consult
PROF. HIRSCHBERG ,
Wlio will bo at tlio store of MAX MF.YEIt &
1IHO. CO. . In OMAHA. NEIL , KKHItUAHYSO
to Si and 1mvo tliom fitted with u Pulr of his
Nonchangeable Spectacles ,
Meyer & Bro. Co. ,
fc'olo AK'ontrt forOmnlm , Nob.
S TKHTUD KUI3" .
"A. H. DY.SR ,
Kliivaiorx , iruritiioiHiK , dirt try liii
mill nil work reiiilrint | ; u lluiroiiili mill
liruotlritl kuimlrilmi nl i-i > ii > lriiiUi > u unit
mrii > illi of iimlnrliili' , it xnrciulty.
1 * . U. JO L UUJ , freiaunt , Neb.
SCENES OF AGONY RECALLED
Rev , J , P , Kiug Describes the Lynching at
Paris , Tor. , of the Negro Smith.
HE WAS ALMOST LYNCHED HIMSELF
Hidden Out ofTown On n Itiill for
111 * Volcn In 1'rotcit
the Awful Cruelly of
the Muh.
New VOIIK , Feb. 13. Uov. J. P. King of
Texas , whoso report of the lynching of
Negro Smith nt Paris , Tex. , brought out the
formation of the antl-lynchln league yester
day nt the Union Colored Methodist church ,
In West Thirty-second street
, barely es
caped death himself in Ills efforts to save the
prisoner. Ho has eomo north to start n
crusade against negro lynching. To a re
porter lov.-Dr. { King said , in regard to the
lynching of Smith :
"I was ridden out of Paris on a rail because -
cause I was the only man In the country to
raise my volco against the lynching of Smith.
1 opposed the illegal measure before the ar
rival of the prisoner and I was warned that
I might meet his fate if Iwas not careful ,
but the sense of justice made mo bold , and
when I saw the poor wretch trembling with j
fear , and got so near I could hear his pleadings - |
ings , 1 determined to stand by him to the
last.
Iliited Him lor HU Crime. .
"I hated him for his crime , but , from the
conversation I had with him , I was firmly
convinced that ho was irresponsible. I had
known Smith for years , and there wore
times when Smith was out of his head for
weeks. Two years ago I made an effort to
have him put in an asylum , but the white
people were trying to fasten the murder of n
young colored girl upon him and would not
listen.
' For days before the murder of the llttlo
Vance irlrl , Smith was out of his head and
dangerous. Ho bad just undergone one. at
tack of delirium tremens , and was In no con
dition to bo allowed at large. Ho realiml
his condition , and when 1 spoke to him a
week before his crime ho promised to re
form. The next time I saw him was.on the
day of his execution.
" 'Drink did it ! drink did it1 ! he sobbed ;
then bowing hi.s face in his hands , ho asked :
'Is it true , did I kill her ? Oh , my God , my
God ! '
"Some ono seized mo by the shoulder and
hurled mo back and Smith fell writhing to
the ground in terror as four men seized his i
arms lo drag him to the float on which ha
was to bo exhibited before ho was finally
burned nllvo.
" 1 followed the procession and wept aloud
as I saw Hlllo children of my own rneo
follow the unfortunate man and taunt him
with Jeers. Kven at the stake , children of
both sexes and colors gntheivu In grouiw
and when the father of the murdered child ,
caressed the hissing Iron with which ho was
about to torture the helpless victim , the
children became ns frantic as the grown people -
plo and struggled forward to obtain places
of advantage.
Children Vl nv the Awful Scene.
"It wns terrible. Ono llttlo tot , scarcely
older than llttlo Myrtle Vance , clapped her
baby bunds as her father held her on hU
shoulders above the heads of the people.
" 'For ( Jod's sake , ' I shouted , 'send the
children home. '
" 'No. no ! ' shouted a huntlrod maddened
voices , -lot them learn a lesson. '
"As the hot Iron sank deep Into poor
Henrys flesh n hideous yell rent the air , and
with a sound as terrible as the crv of lost
souls n judgment day. LMKX ) maddened people
took .p thu victim's cry of agony and a pro.
lonifod howl of maddened glee rent the air ,
"No ono was himself now. The people
were i-apablo ' of any now atroclt\ . and as
Smith's yells became more and more frequent
quent It was dlfltcult to hold the crowd
back , so anxious went the savages to parti
cipate in the sickening torture.
"For half nn hour I tried to pray , as the
beads of agony rolled down my forehead and
bathed my face. Suddenly , Smith forgetful
of his agonv , called out with all his might
'God forgive them and mo. '
"For an Instant a hush spread over the
people. I could stand no more , and , with si
superhuman effort , dashed tlirouirh the com
pact mass of humanity and stood at the foot
of the burning scaffold.
" 'In the mimouf God , ' I cried , ! command
you to cease this torture. '
Knoclted Semi'lon * .
"Tlio heavy butt of a Winchester rlllo
descended on my head and I fell to the
ground. Hough hands seized me and nugry
men lioro mo away and 1 was thankful.
"At the outskirts of the crowd 1 was at
tacked again , and then several men escorted
mo to my homo , where 1 was allowed
to take a small aniout of clothing ,
A Jeering crowd gathered without and
when I appeared nt the door , ready hands
soiled mo and 1 was placed on a rail and with
curses and oaths taken to the railway sta
tlon and placed on a train. AH the train
moved out some of them threw bill" In my
hands and said : 'God bless you , but It was
no use. ' ' "
When nskcd if ho would ever tvturn to
Paris , Mr. King said : " 1 shall n < VIT go
south again. "
Will Sm-tTvil l > r. ( Ireon.
Niw : YOIIIC , Fob. ' ! ! . It is stated on the
authority of a prominent director of tnj
Western Union Telegraph eompaiu that
General Thomas T. Eekcrt , first vice presl
dent and general manager , will succeed Dr.
Green as president. '
The Morse Dry Goods Co.'s
Spring
Kid Glove
Sale.
One lot of 8 inch suede mousquetaire kid
gloves in tans , browns and gray , a regular
$1.25 glove. Commencing tomorrow the
sale price will be 620.
In this' sale will also be found our
dressed and undressed , 4-button and 8
inch mousquetaires , value $2.25 , in black
and colors ; our * price now will be $1.35.
The Morse Dry Goods Co.
We're Selling Out ,
too ! . ;
Yes ; we are , we're selling out.
That is , we're selling out
our winter goods , including
all our winter overcoats and
winter suits at prices far below - ,
low the regular winter price.
We're selling out these winter goods
at these prices because the sea
son is now late and we'd rather
sacrifice a bit on them than to
carry any over. We quote no
prices here , but rest assured
you won't find as good bargains
in Omaha as at the
Columbia Clothing
Company ,
13th and Farnam Streets.
