THE DESPOTISM OF AN EMPIRE
How the Liberty of the Press Is
Restricted In Russia.
THE LIBERALS' LAGT APPEAL.
An Anii'i-lcnii'H Ohfipt-viitlotiH in n
Imnil Where Free Institutions Do
Not K.xlsl'iuiil the I'.lwhtHol Per-
HOIIS Are Not
m tlic Ccnturu-r < inUnut < l from litt Sim-
diri/'c tiff. ]
It is not necessary to pursue the hls-
lory of the fierce conlllct which took
place between the "lorrorisls" on ono
nido anil the police anil gendarme * on
lift- other in the year 187 ! ) anil the first
part of the year 1880. The liberals did
not participate in that conlllct , and
only took the field again when , on Feb
ruary tM , 1880 , the C7.ni1 , finding that re
pressive measures alone were not ade
quate to coio with the volcanic social
forces which were in operation" , ap
pointed a "supreme executive com
mission" and put at the head of it Con- !
ural Lot-is MelikolV , an army ollleor , but
a man who was believed to ho in sym
pathy with the It'W-abiding branch of
the protesting party. To Loris Mollkoff
the liberals determined to make a last
appeal , and in March , 1880 , twenty-live
01 the leading citi/ons of Moscow , in
cluding professors in the university ,
members of the Moscow Har association ,
a" number of well known authors and
representative men from the educated
classes generally , drew up , signed ,
and forwarded to the new dictator
of Russia a long and carefully prepared
letter , in which they bet forth temper
ately , . but with great courageand frank
ness' . their views with regard to the real
nature of the evil from which the em
pire was suffering and the measures
which , iir their opinion , should bo
adopted to restore tranquillity to the
country * I obtained from one of the
signers a copy of that lellor. In order
to fully appreciate the weight and sig
nificance ot this documents the reader
must bear in mind that it is not an edi
torial from it "nihilistic' ' newspaper ; it
is not an anonymous proclamation in-
londe.d . to excite and encourage rebel
lion , ' ft is not a letter designed to ailect
public opinion in any way , at homo or
abroad. If is u calm , temperate state
ment , of facts an conclusions , written at
a most critical moment in the history of
Russia , signed by most of the ablest and
patriotic citizcnlH of the empire , and
carried per.-onally 1 > y ono of them to
Loris Molikolt , with a request that it bo
laid before the Tsar. The rest of this
article ( except the final parapraph ) is a
translation of the letter :
From the liberals of Moscow to Gen
eral Loris MolikolT , chief of the supreme -
preme executive commission : The un
fortunate condition of Russia at the
present time is duo to the fact that there
has arisen in Russian society party
which acts with great irrationality , and
is carrying on a contest with the gov
ernment in u manner with which righl-
Ihinking people , no matter what their
position or degree of education , cannot
sympathize. This contest , which is sc-
d'itloiiH in its character , manifests itself
in a series of acts of violence directed
against the ruling authorities. The
question is , How can the o\il bo reme
died1.1
In order to answer this question it is
necessary , lir.st to uncover the real
cauf-o.s of the evil. The object of the
present letter is to show
1. That the principal reason for the
morbid form which the contest with the
government has taken Is the absence in
Russia of any opportunity for Iho free
development of public opinion and the
free exorcise of public activity.
2. That the evil cannot bo eradicated
by any sort of repressive measures.
l ! . That tl-o present condition of the
people , many of who o most urgent
needs are wholly unsatisfied , constitutes
ample cause for dissatisfaction , and that
this dissatisfaction having no moans
of free expression , necessarily manifests
itself in morbid forms.
1. Tli.it the causes which underlie
this wide-spread discontent cannot be
removed by governmental action alone ,
but require the friendly co-operation of
all Iho vital forces of society.
The unnatural form which the contest
with the government has taken is duo
to the absence of all means for the free
and orderlj expression of public dis
content. Dissatisfaction cannot bo ex
pressed through the prosttinco the
press is closely restricted in
us comments upon governmental
action , and such restriction is en
forced byarnings , suspensions , and.
heavy penalties , in the shape of the in
terdiction of blrcet sales and the de
privation of the right to print ndvor-
tis.oments. which fall upon the periodi
cal press with crushing force. Ques
tions of lirst class importance are
wholly removed by censorial prohibi
tion from the Held of newspaper discus-
hion , and that at the very time when
thby most occupy public attention.
"Within the past year the prohibition
has been extended to oven educational
subjects , such as the classical system ol
, instruction and the laws regulating
, universities. *
Measures as Important as university
reform are considered secretly and kept
concealed , from the people. Then there
are other subjects which the periodical
pii-s ; ) lire directed to discuss "with' es-
piioiiil mutton and circumspection" a
phrase which , in the language of the
etjnsiirs , has almost the force of a com
plete prohibition. Newspapers are not
oyon allowed to publish facts ,
if such facts compromise or ro
lled In any way upon governmental
ortrans. All remember the recent case
of. the newspapers "Golos , " which was
severely punished for merely publish
ing the facts with regard to the illega'
imprisonment of certain dissenting pre-
lules.t The press must , therefore ,
either bo silent or hypocritical , or must
oxpret-s itself In the language of nlle-
* lt niny Hi'cm RtratiRO to tlio American
reader 1 1 wt the lltmlim government should
prohibit tlio discussion of such question * as
' 'Scientific vs. Classical Kilucntioa ; " but it
must lie remembered tlmt sclent lllc training ,
to USD the hiii > ; iiao | of the Kusslun censors ,
"excites " that Is leads the
the niliul , , stu
dent to think , question and exiterlment
while the study of the dead languages does
not Imvo that pornu-ions tendency to so pi-cut
mi extent The chissU-al system of Instruc
tion la therefore favored by the government ,
mid the advocacy of aii > other system is for
bidden , Ilonry Spencer's "Kducation , " nnd
"Tho Culture Demanded by Modern Life , "
by the late K. L. Youmnna , havn been \vlti'
drawn from all the Russian public llln-Ie"s
and placed on the index ox Urgutorlus !
O. 1C.
IA correspondent of * , no "Oolos" t Suz
r'1 \ , in the proving , of Vladimir , discovered
that in the ' . . .ison connected with the monas
lory < , there i-onllncd
iiiat jiluco worn twc
.iishops nnd an archbishop of the dissenting
sect known as the "Starovo'-si , " or old be
lievers. Onoof the bishops luid been In soil
tar.y conllnement In this moaasterial prison
seventeen years , the other twenty-two yean
and the archbishop twenty six years. Tin
"Golos , " in commenting editorially iiK | > n Its
coriespondeiit's letter , suggested that the.si
pulatos hud probably been put in prison fm
> omo bcrtnrhin obstinacy nnd had then been
entirely forgotten. For publUliing this let
tur and commencing upon It , tim " ' ( Joins'1
was -deprived for i\ ' month pf Iho right tc
priut advertisements. " '
gory a language which delnorrtll7.es
lilornturo and which often unnuccs'iik1-
ily excilcH public opinion. If the news
papers discuss government measures
within Iho narrow limits to which they
are confined , their readers Book for
bidden meaning and unexpressed opin
ion between the lines. If , on Iho other
hand , a newspaper praises Ihe govcrn-
inenl , 11 Is not believed , because the
commendation is regarded as hypocriti
cal. Perfect frcedoin of speech is the
privilege of the representatives of ox-
troino opinions only , and wo find It on
'
the ono side , for'ox'amplo , in the "Mos
cow Gazelle' ' nnd kindred organs , and
on the other , In the ' 'underground" '
The forcible repression of discontent
is injurious in another way. The impossibility
'
possibility of speaking out 'frankly com
pels people lo keep Ihoir ideas lo them
selves , to cherish nnd nurse them in
secret , and to regard complacently even
illegal methods of putting them into
practice. Thin is created one of Iho
most important of the conditions upon
which the spread of pcdlllon depends ,
namely , the weakening of the loyally
of those who.under other circumstance's ,
would regard sedition with abhorrence.
There are in organized soclely self-
reliant opinions which ulrivo for free
oxpressson. and nn accumulated fund of
energy which seeks a field for adivlly.
The more rigorously these impulses are
repressed in their legal form , the sooner
they will lake on a form which is not
legal ; the more apparent will become
the lack of harmony between the striv
ings of socioly nnd the working meth
ods of the ruling power ; and the more
general and cmphatio.and consequently
the more infectious , will bcco'mo the
illegal protest. When society has no
means of making known and discussing
peaceably and publicly its wants and
necessities , Iho more energetic mem
bers of that society will throw them
selves passionately into secret activity ,
and lese _ gradually the habit of trying
to obtain their ends by reasonable
methods. The characteristics which at
lir.st mark only the more hot-headed
members of society will at last become
common lo people of a very different
class , simply because the latter have
no field in which to cultivalo better
qualities.
At the present time , there is n preva
lent opinion that Ihe existing evils can
bo eradicated only by repressive meas
ures. Many people believe that , before
anything else is thought of , attention
should bo concentrated upon methods
of repression , and that , when such
methods shall have attained the results
expected from them , il will be lime
"enough to proceed with the further de
velopment of Russian social life. Hut
the evils cannot be remedied by repres
sive measures ; and that is not all re
pressive measures not only do
not euro the evils which ex
ist , but they crealo new evils ,
because Ihoy sire inovilubly necoinnnn-
ied by administrative license. * It
might be possible , under given condi
tions , for people to reconcile themselves
to Ihe uncontrolled exercise of power by
the higher authorities ; but license
above creates license below. Every
ollicial ispravnik , stauavoi , uriadnii ;
or gendarmet has his own idea of sav
ing the country , and upon the strength
of it he sots himself above all la\vs and
institutions. The government thus
tears down with one hand what il builds
uij with the olher , and finally under
mines all respect for authority , by es
tablishing the conviction in the minds
of the people that authority does not
'
propose to bo bound by any' fixed and
definite rules of procedure. License ,
furthermore , threatens an extraordinary
'
ary widening of 'tho cjrelo of
persons to be proceeded ngainst. It
opens the way for a general appli
cation of Iho rule that ' 'he who is not
for us is against us" a rule which ,
when applied by the government , is
particularly dangerous , because it de
clares persons to be enemies of the
country who are in reality peaceable
and useful citizens , but who simply do
not agree in all respects with the ad-
miuislralion.
Everybody is well aware of Iho shadow
which lias rew'iilly boon east , without
any serious reason , upon some of the
best elements of our society. A crusade
has been declared against the educaled
class , and in this movement the govern
ment it elf is not altogether guiltless.
It scums to bo forgotten that the edu
cated clns.tupon which n brand is thus
set is a product of Russian history ; tlmt
the government it-elf , since the time of
Peter the great , has been creating this
unforlunnto clnss , and that now , what
ever may bo its character , it embodies
all the self-conscious intellectual facul
ties of the Russian people. Those who
seek to crush these intellectual faculties
rely upon the support of excited passion ,
forgetting that passion isndoublo-edgod
blade , which , when it has been raised
and turned in ono direction , cannot bo
restrained if , under the impulse of an
unforeseen impulse , it takes another.
Education Iho sulf-coiiscious think
ing power on the other hand ,
is the best possible sup
port of order , it must bo remembered ,
lurthermoro , that by encouraging pas
sion , instead of intelligent rolleetionad
"
ministrative license" strikes down the
sense of lawfulness which in Russia is
perfectly developed at best. License
also brings the organs of authority into
collision willi one oiiotber , and. such col
lisions are extremely injurious : to the
processes of healthy national life. Nothing -
ing but the supremacy of law can regu-
lalo and discipline.and bring inloagree
ment with one another the orgaiis'of tid-
mfnistrnllvo authority.
Hut aside from all this , repression can
not kill human thought. Convincing
proof of this /act is furnished by the hist
reign ( ISlIoto i8.Vj ) us well as by moio
recent years , Tlio idea of popular rep
resentation , for example , lias recently
taken enormous strides forward and has
made its way even into the wilderness
of the provinces , notwithstanding the
fact that public discussion or considera
tion of that idea has booifabsolutoly for
bidden. In Iho absence of a free press
there arises another medium of iuter-
coinmunicnlion in Iho shape of the oral
transmission of ideas from mouth tc
mouth. Examples of the wide oxlcn-
sion in Ibis way of religious heresies are
lee well known to need reference
and precisely the tame thing takes
place in the sphere of polities. When
the human mind Is subjected to op
pression it becomes peculiarly aculo and
rccuplivo , catching quickly at the
slightest hintaiulattiichingsiliiiifiennco
to things which under filhcr circum
stances it would pass willioul nltontion.
it is this which ives so much weight
to Iho ultor .iccs os Iho "underground"
press. Everybody knows how quickly
tlio newspaper.Kolokol and other simi
lar publications lost their Influence
when Russian periodicals were given
comparative freedom of speech. !
In the present unfortunate state of
The Knsshm word proi/.vol , which I have
hero translated "license , " ha * no precise
en.nivalontin Kiiglish. It means action upon
personal impulse action which is not con
trolled by law , nor by any standard'duty or
obligation external in the actor. The word
"license" Is intended to have this significa
tion wherever It occurs , in the present paper.
tTheso words cannot bo translated into
Knplhh. An ispraynllc H u sort of local
Kovt-rnment j xtjnavoli und uriadnllts are
oftlcera of the Iwal rural polk-o.
JTho "Kolokol , " or "Hell , " was a radical
Join mil published fortnightly hi London by
llrucn G , 1C ,
iffah-g repression is incapable of Htlnln-
ng even the immediate results which
ire expected from it , because It Cannot
Intl objects upon Nvhlch to exert itself.
There can bo no war unless there is nu
enemy in the Held. In n situation like
.ho present one , opposition to the gov
ernment does not manifest itself exclu
sively through the actions of a few
mown individuals ; it hovers in the air ,
mil lurks In the hearts of a mult Undo of
iiooplo. Severe measures may crush a
ow of Iho government's prominent op
ponents , but in their places discontent
sets forth now champions.
Finally , repression , by keeping the
counlry in a state of constant alarm
with warnings of impending danger and
with extraordinary and ever-changing
methods of prevention , diverts atten
tion from the real necessities of the
time nnd bailies all nltompta lo antici
pate the future. The counlry lives
only from day to day , when il ought to
proceed at once and with vigor to its
work. Whether , therofoite , wo regard
repression as a necessary and * normal
feature of national life , or merely as _ a
temporary expedient useful in periods
of agitation , we find that it is powerless
to attain the results that are expected
srom it.
The most marked feature of tbe pres
ent situation in Russia is extreme dis
satisfaction in urgent needof free ex
pression. Hducatod society as a whole ,
irrespective of rank , position or opin
ion , is intensely dissatisfied , and out of
that dissatisfaction arises the existing
agitation.
1. The first and most important of so
ciety's unsatisfied demands is the do-
maud for nn opportunity to act. This
demand even a constantly growing bu
reaucracy has been unable to silence. It
has been encouraged and stimulated by
the intellectual movement which began
in the last century and which has con
tinued in this ; and as early as the be-
glnlng of the present reign
there had already taken from
in literature nnd in society an ideal of
national life which demanded reali/.a-
tion. That ideal was founded upon the
inviolability of personal rightsfreedom
of thought , freedom of speech , and a
system of government by which tlie.-o
tilings should be guaranteed , The re
forms of the first half of the present
reign gave completeness and perma
nence to this ideal and threw upon it.
the light of approval from above. At
the same time , the e reforms created
social conditions which were so entirely
new that the necessity for new national
institutions to correspond with thorn ue-
came a necessity no longer theoretical
but practical. The old mechanism of
government proved to be incapable of
directing the now aiid complex forces
which were in operation. Only
by Iho free and independ
ent efforts of society itself could they
bo regulated and controlled. The
striving of the people for an opportunity
to act to take jxirl in the control of the
national lite has heretofore become a
phenomenon with the ruling power
must take into account. Unfortunately ,
however , it is a phenomen which the
administration regards with hostility.
At the very moment when society is
arou&cd both by the nature of its own
reflections and by the circumstances of
the time and seeks to participate in the
life of the state , the administration
throws obstacles in its way. If the rul
ing mechanism in its present form ex
cludes from direct participation in the
government a majority of those who
have the first right and the strongest
desire to take part in it , then that
mechanism stands in need of reform
ation. Instead , however , of reforming
it , the government is striving to crush
and strangle the very institutions in
tended to bring abo'ut such reform
ation. !
The Russian people are becoming
more and more impressed with the con
viction that an empire so extensive and
a social life so complicated as ours can
not be managed exclusively by chinov-
niks. The provincial assemblies are edu
cating year after year a larger and larger
number of men \vlioaro capable of tak
ing part in political life , and yet these
as-emblies lu-o constantly and system
atically repressed. Their legislation is
subjected to the censorship of the pro
vincial governors ; their right to im
pose' taxes for their own needs Is re
stricted ; they assemble under presiding1
olllcors whose disciplinary power is in
creased ; their right to manage their
own schools is denied ; their recommen
dations and petitions are wholly un-
hecdcd ; jurisdiction over all important
questions is taken away from them
and given to administrative bureaus ,
and the provincial governors are
allowed to v > ass judgment upon
the character of ollicials duly elected
by popular vote. As a consequence of
all this , there is great danger that the
provincial assemblies , which should bo
the independent organs of local solf-
govornmont. will bo transformed into
mere subordinate" bureaus of the local
administration. This system of forcible
repression cannot crush the desire of
the people for independent political ac
tivity , but is quite enough to produce
ch'-onie dissatisfaction and to put the
administration in the attitude of serv
ing the interests of n bureaucracy
rather than the interests of the people.
U. Another demand of society which ,
at the present time is oven less satisfied
than the desire for political activity is
the demand for personal security. The
indispensable coiiditionsupon which tlio
very existence of modern society de
pends are free courts , freedom from ar-
reist and search without proper precau
tions and safeguards , responsibility of
officials for illegal detention and impris
onment , and the duo observance of all
the legal formalitie.3 of public and con
troversial trial in cases involving the in
fliction of punishment. In administra
tive limitations of judicial procedure ,
whatever bo their naturo.socioty cannot
acquiesce. Administrative interfer
ence always creates ; it shows that
the ruling power is not willing
to submit to the laws which it
has iUelf.ordaincd , and that it seeks an
opportunity to attack both the freedom
ot the courts and the rights of the per
sons with whom it is dealing. Suoli nd-
miuistrativo interference , > vliatevor
may bo its motives , cani-.ot justify itself
in the eyes of tluj people , anil only
serves lo weaken the authority of the
ruling powor.
The importance of the first stage of
judicial procedure in Russia is de
stroyed by the lack of independent ex
amining magistrates. The law provid
ing that judges shall not bo removed
from olllco is deprived of all its virtue
by Iho practice of transferring them to
distant posts or promoting them with
out reason. How little faith there is in
the existing method of selecting judges ,
nnd how carelessly vacancies are filled
by appointment , is shown by'tho fact
that not long ago in Mo.seowpeoplo went
to court as they would go to the theatre ,
to bo amused by the ignorance and
clownishness of an associate judge , who
had been appointed by the minister of
justice instead of another candidate
recommended by the court itself. People
ple who take a superficial view of life
are amused by such things ; the more
serious members of bocioty are deeply
pained by them ; but in both classes
there is a consequent loss of respect for
the government. Great numbers o |
cases are removed entirely f0m
the jurisdiction oven of such im
perfect courts usvvo Imvo. In the
tTho rcmstvos , Or provisional und P.intomil
assemblies U , 1C. >
almost Unlimited province of political
urimc , whore. the features wh\eh , \ dis
tinguish the permissible from the for
bidden are. ? 'o changeable and so diffi
cult of definition anft'whefe , consequently
quently , personal liberty should bo sur
rounded by the grcatosl.t possible safe
guards , there exists a Htato of things
which Is in violation ofall the Russian
people's Ideas of judicial iprocedure , and
in migrant violation oti.ithe most elementary -
montary principles of jjtlstlce. A rob
ber or a murderer cauntlt bo searched
nor arrested without a marrant from an
olllcinl who must answer for his acts
upon complaint of thu ; sulToror ; but in
cases involving polttlealiicrimo an en
tirely different order at things prevails.
For the past ten years Iho police , upon
trivial suspicion or upon a false
accusation , have been allowed to
break into houses , force their way lulo
Iho sphere of private life , read
private letters , throw the accused Into
prison , keep them there for monthsand
finally subject then lo an inquisitorial
examination without oven informing
them definitely of the charges made
against them. Many persons arrested
In this way by mistake , or under mis
apprehension , have lived through this
experience and have afterwards re
turned to their homes. In the eyes of
certain people nnd of the government
these sulTerers arc not men justified by
the courts and re-established in their
rights in the face of the world ; they are
dangerous members of society marked
with the brand of disloyalty. In the
eyes of other people they are innocent
martyrs , or even heroes. It often hap
pens that the lives of such persons are
wrecked forever. The dead secrecy of
political trials in contrast with the
publicity of ordinary jurisprudence ; the
unlimited exercise of power by the
secret prosecutor , in contrast with
the strictly enforced legality of
every stop in ordinary judicial pro
cedure , are undermining in society the
sense of lawfulness , nnd adding fuel to
the lire of exasperation which burns in
the hearts not only of the persons who
have the misforluno to bo prosecuted
for political offenses , but of a much
wider circle of people. In the absence
of any legislation defining political
'
crimo'and limiting the power of the in
stitutions which deal with it , not a
single person belonging to the educated
class can regard himself as safe from
political prosecution , and consequently
not ono can escape from the over-pres
ent , humiliating and exasperating con
sciousness that ho is entirely without
rights.
Still more out of harmony with the
views of the people is the system of ad
ministrative exile and banishment with
out examination or trial , which has
been practiced upon a more extensive
scale within the past live years than
ever before. while the spirit
of the law and the first
principles of justice forbid the
infliction of punishment without pre
vious trial , hundreds and perhaps thou
sands of persons are annually subjected
to the severest punishnlent that can be
inflicted upon an edueaUjd man ; namely ,
banishment from homo'aiid friends , and
that by a mere administrative order
based upon nothing. Pfcrsons exiled in
this way have no means of knowing
how long their punishfiicnt will con
tinue. They are deprived of even the
consolation which ovci'y common crim
inal has in knowing "definitely the
length of lime be has to suitor. More
over , the friends of a , political exile
have no means of knowVng the nature of
the offense with which 'lie ' is charged :
often ho himself does not know but they
both have a right to suppose that the
accusation cannot bo' * proved , since
if it could ho the- accused would
j > o duly , indicted ( aiul tried by a
courts. At the time when the law re
lating to administrative exile was pro
mulgated , it was explained as an unu
sual measure of clemency , intended to
enlighten the punishment of young and
misguided offenders by substituting ban
ishment to distant provinces for the
much .severer penalties which would be
in Hided by the courts if the accused
should bo brought to formal trial.
When , however , the Moscow assembly
of nobles asked that every person .ion-
ton cod to exile should bo given the
right to demand a judicial investigation
of his case , no attention whatever was
paid to its petition.
< i. There is in the present condition
of the courts and of Focal self-govern
ment another cause of jrritation , arising
out of the groyiously illogical and in
consistent policy of the government it
self. In the early part of the present
reign the political ideal of the
Russian people was approved not
only by the highest authorities of
the state , but by the supreme ruler of
the empire. At the very first stop ,
however , toward the realization of that
ideal , the administration manifested a
lack of confidence in the forces of soci
ety. Immediately after the promulga
tion of such laws , for example , as the
jiet providing for tlio organization of
cantonal and provincial assemblies
( Xomskoe Polo/.heuia ) and the aet.ro-
forming the courts ( Sudobni. Uslavi ) ,
there began a series rf withdrawals
and restrictions , All the limitations of
the powui'n of the provincial assemblies
which have before boon enumerated ;
the peculiar method of dealing with
political offenses ; the system of admin
istrative exile ; the denial in certain
JMS.SOS of the right of trial by jury , and
the relegation of political'offenses to
specially organized courts all these
were in the nature of withdrawals"or
restrictions of rights and privileges
once granted. Those decisions began
almost as soon as the new laws
went into operation , and they
wore made in a delicately
graded series , which can hardly
be regarded as accidental. Take , for
example , the series of slops by which
wo have come , from the order of things
established by the ncwcourt lawsto the
present method of conducting political
trials. In the beginjhng Iho courts
acted independently , ajju had exclusive
jurisdiction ; then tlioA1pllicors of the
third section wore uppyintcd assistants
of the courts ; then thoJ laneo of power
was transferred from taq courts to the
third section ; and HntiUy , all authority
iuid responsibility woroeoneontralod in
the hamtaof Iho gondarine& . These and
oilier similar facts show' what attitude
the government toof , loward re
form. They compiled society
lo stand forlh in defonsu of Iho inslilu-
lions which it held deal- , ; and thus in the
very beginning croa yl an abnormal
situation , The government and the
people , inslead of co-ojoraling ) frater
nally In the work of rofm-m.took nn atti
tude of hostility toward each olher. I-'or
Ibis Iho people are ofl.yj blamed , and to
n certain extent Ihoy are perhaps blame
worthy ; but those who condemn the
people forget that in a country whore
the government is all-powerful the gov
ernment should show most solf-pooses-
sion.
4 , That which happened to represen
tative institutions and to the courts
happened also to the press , and perhaps
oven in n worse form. The law of Ibtrt
gave to our press certain rights by abel
ishing in specified cases preliminary
censorial supervision , and by glviuir to
the courts hu-i-a-ction of cases whore
the freedom of the press was abused ;
but tlmt law was soon made a dead letlor
by a whole series of restrictive ineas-
'urcs. The existing system of censorial
supervision which rest * upon admirtis-
tivo discretion hivsone capital do fed.
and that i i ) , , .fnijuro to fui-r
n I h any rule definitely fixing
beforehand the cases in which
and the extent to which nn itffqmllng
publication shall be proscribed , bt this
defect the censors themselves complain ,
since Ihoy sometimes receive at the
same time one reprimand for allowing
Iho publication of books nnd articles
manifestly ihnocont and nnolhor for not
nlllowing Iho publication of book's and
articles which are UK manifestly mis
chievous , Society is irritated "by ? tlll
tin oilier injustice. It often happens
thai oven the withdrawal of a question
by censorial prohibition from the field
of literary discussion does not prevent
the writers on one side [ Iho government
side ] from selling forlh Ihe-ir opinions
and sharply attacking their adversaries ,
while the latter , silenced by the prohi
bition , cannot reply even to the extent
of explaining more clearly their own
posilion. An illustration of this fur
nished by the question of classical in
struction 111 our schools. Restriction of
the press aild limitations of free speech
in general might have some
raison d'etre in a country where the
governing power felt itself to bo weak
in comparison with the people , but it is
well known tlmt in Russia the power of
the government is enormous. Limitations -
tions of Iho right of free speech merely
weaken that power. If Iho government
fears publicity then it must have some
thing lo conceal from Iho people such
is Iho inevitable conclusion to bo drawn
from the present condition of the press.
The need of free speech is never so
deeply felt us in periods of discontent ;
and ovcii' ' aparl from discontent , that
need in Russian society is extremely
urgent. The Russian people are pass
ing through ail important crisis in their
history a crisis which is economic , so
cial and political. Nothing but the
free interchange of ideas can lesson Iho
difficulties and ombarrasstiienls of Ibis
Iransilion period. When in dealing
with sucli difficulties and embar
rassments the government adopts
a course which society needs
not approve , the press is the only me
dium through which the consequent
alarm and excitement can be tranquil-
ix.ed. By refusing to listen to frankly
expressed opinions , tbe government not
only gives another proof of its want of
confidence in its own power , but de
prives itself of an important means of
Knowing with whom it has lo deal.
There may oxisl in the social organism
needs and forces of which the govern
ment is entirely ignorant and by which
it is liable at any moment to bo lakon
unawares. Of tins the present state of
things is a proof. The administration
up to this very hour has not been able
to find out definitely who the
enemies of social order are , and it
is doubtful whether it oven knows their
working methods , bocatiso by with
drawing the light of publicity it has
enshrouded such methods in an atmos
phere of secrecy and obscurity. In the
absence of free speech the enemies of
the government must remain unknown
oven to society itself. The unsatisfied
demand of tlio people for freedom of
speech is one of the ctiief sources of the
existing discontent. Every educated
man. by virtue of a law of his intel
lectual being , seeks to exchange ideas
with others to convince or bo con
vinced. Conflict is the natural state of
an idea , and it cannot bo suppressed
without a suppression of thought itself.
Limiting the freedom of discussion does
not weaken the energy of thought ; it
intensities and concentrates it ; and if
there is no opportunity for an intel
lectual conflict , there arises a conllict
which is social and political.
The discontent which pervades Rus
sian society , and which is the result of
tlio mistakoii policy of the government
in dealing with internal affairs , can bo
removed only by measures in which so
ciety shall tiike part. The government
cannot accomplish the desired result
alone. A mere cursory glance at the
state of the country is enough to con
vince ono that it is time to call into
action all Itu.-sia's healthy powers. The
demands of the empire are constantly
increasing. The imperial budget has
more than doubled in the last twonly
years , and would have been still [ larger
than it is if the satisfaction of impor
tant imperial needs had not boon post
poned. The last war necessitated an
extraordinary expenditure , a large part
of which has not even yet been perma
nently covered. It is absolutely
impossible for the country , under
tlio present revenue system , to sustain
oven fjr a few years the enormous
and constantly increasing burden of
imperial taxation. Although now is
sues of paper money and the temporary
stimulation of business which followed
the war have enabled the government
during the past two years to strike a
deficit , that favorable result cannot be
counted upon in future , nor even in the
current fiscal year. It is plain to every
one , and was long ago admitted by the
government , that Russia's iiiiornal rev
enue system stands in need of reform
not a. reform confined to the working
oveot ; certain old taxes and the inven
tion of new ones , but a systematic and
fundamental reform of our whole sys
tem , with capital changes in the distri
bution Of the burdens of taxation among
the several classes of the people , liven
this is not enough. No possible reform
in the revenue system will bo of any
avail unless there is an increase in
the people's wcallh and produc
ing power. All persons who have
had nn opportunity to observe closely
the domestic life of our provinces agree
in declaring that the people are con
stantly growing poorer instead of
richer. At this very moment a third
of the empire is suffering from insuffi
cient food , and in some places there is
actual famine. In southern Russia the
grain beollo threatens ron-i'.veil desola
tion , " and in a whole series of provinces
diphtheria unu other" epidemic diseases
are raging unchecked. !
Our manufacturing industries in Iho
opinion of competent judges , are begin
ning to decline , and there is a prospect
in the near future of another crisis , lu
foreign trado- the competilion of the
Uniled Slales closes to us every year
more and more of our markets. 'Every
where in nil departments , of eco
nomic llfo there is u morbid
feeling of shaken confidence which saps
Iho productive power of the coun
lry. This feeling is nol a mere transi
tory impronsion ; it is a well founded
consciousness of the fact thai our ruling
mechanism does not answer lo Iho mu
tability and the increasing complexity
of a great empire's demands. Now , as in
"tho good old times. " the central gov
ernment jealously excludes the people
from participation in the national life
and takes upon itself thedltllculllask of
thinking nnd acting for them. This
task was hard enough oven -when the
life of Iho people wont on in the long
established patriarchal way to which
both society and Iho governmonl were
accuslomed. bul lhal order of Ihingshas
undergone in recent years more vital
changes than perhaps over came to n
similar Bystom in any country in Iho
course of a single goneralion. Tlio
emancipation of Iho serfs has complololy
and radically transformed the whole
economic life of the agricultural peas
ant" U(1 ( tllO landed proprietors as well
as their relations to each other.
Artificial methods of swift intercom
munication and transportation have
* Thc damage caused by the grain beetle in
1S78 exceeded 1S,000,000 roubles. G. K.
tForty ttiousand persons had died of diph
theria In thutwo provinces of KhurkoH uud
J.'ultnva. O. 1C.
tillered the time-houored routes and
methods of trade and production , have
created how Industries aiid destroyed
old ones , and have put the fortunes of
whole provinces In Iho hands of Iho
railroad authorities. Hanks nnd financial
Institutions ot various kinds have sprung
up in great numbers and Imvo bound
widely separated regions together with
meshes of mutual obligation and In
debtedness. These changed , compli
cated and supplemented by others like
them , have created everywhere a thou
sand questions and and necessities which
previously did not exist , mid have so In
terwoven Ihe Inlorest.s of separate lo-
salilies that delay or error in the setllo-
menlotn question at ono point has n
(11 net influence upon Ihe fin-limes of
olher places often very remote. Every
local necessity or calamity , whether It
bo a drought , the grain beetle , the dis
organization of a railroad , an epidemic
disease , pleuro-pnonmonia among Battle ,
or industrial stagnation , exerts , without
losing its local significance , a wide
spread tnfiuciico upon the well-being of
the empire as : i whole.
In an economic llfo thus compli
cated , ono central administration ,
oven though It po.-sess super
human wisdom and energy , cannot
possibly deal wilh the innumerable
questions and problems which , in the
absence of popular self-government ,
necessarily devolve upon il. Whole
classes of wants and demands eilher re
main onliroly unsatisfied , are inade
quately appeased by methods which
take no account of local interests , or
tire mot by a series of unsystematic and
mutually contradictory measures. Kach
of these ways of dealing with such
wants mid demands undermines respect
for authority and inspires painful dis
trust.
The only way to extricate the country
from its present position is to summon
an independent parliament [ Sobranio ]
consisting of representatives of tlio
yeuir-tvos ; to give that parliament n
share in the control of the national life ,
and to securely guarantee personal
rights , freedom of thought , and freedom
of speech. Such freedom will call into
aelion Iho best capabilities of the people
ple , will reuse the slumbering life of
the nation , and will develop the abund
ant resources of the country. Liberty
will do more than the severest repres
sive measures to crush anarchistic
parties hostile to the .state. Free dis-
cus'sum will show the error of Iheir
theories , and the Hiibstilulioii ot vigor
ous healthful activity for epidemic dis
content in the life of Ihe people will de
prive Ihem of Iho field In which tluiy
carry on their propaganda.
Another reason for the development
of "underground' ' adivity may bo
found in the enforced silence of public
assemblies. The cases of the ] > rovineial
assemblies of I'ullava , Chernigof , and
other provinces in 1870 show that the
voices of the representatives of the
people are stilled even when they are
'
responding in accordance with 'their
best judgment lo the call of the govern
ment. * The latter withholds its confi
dence more and more from the provin
cial assemblies , and bestows it more
and more upon more bureaucratic in-
stitulions submilling , for example , to
the provincial councils for peasant af
fairs [ a body of chinovniksT appointed
by the crown ] cases and questions which
it formerly referred to the /.emstvos
[ representative bodies elected by the
people ] . The government creates can
tonal and provincial delegates , and at
the same time has so little confidence
in these representatives of the people
that it puts them under the supervision
and control of a presiding ollicer not by
Ihemsolvcs chosen ; and having impose'd
upon Ihem such a presiding ollicer , in
Ihe por.son of a marshal of the nobility ,
the government strives to turn tlio
lallor into a mere ohiiiovnik. Many of
these marshals seruo only in order to
obtain rank or for the sake of an admin
istrative career.
The government often treats with
contemptuous neglect statements and
petitions from sources fully competent
tent to make them , and listens unwill
ingly lo Iho representatives oven of
the most legetimato interests. There
may bo found in the reports of any pro
vincial administration J records of in
numerable petitions sent by the assem
bly to the government , which not only
have never boon granted , but have not
oven boon answered. Thn voice of the
press is trealed with equal if not greater
contempt. Tlio newspapers and maga
zines have had occasion of late to dis
cuss almost every question which re
lates to the administration of the inter
nal affairs of the empire , nno with re
gard lo such questions have ex
pressed definite opinions based upon
precise scientific data , but very
little respect has been paid to their
conclusions. A recent illustration of
this fact is furnished by the railroad
tax.Vhcn , in the latter part of 1878 ,
it was first proposed , the organs of the
press , almost without exceptionpointed
out and pertinaciously insisted upon ils
inadequacy and its burdensome charac
ter. The tax was nevertheless imposed ,
only to justify the predictions which
bad been made with regard to it. The
government in general pa.vs too little
attention to the investigation of sub-
jedts which require exact scientific re
search. This is particularly the case
with regard to questions of economic
and financial logislalion , which are
leasl of all susceptible to bureaucratic
methods of treatment.
The result of the slate of tilings above
sot forth is Iho creation of an impression
that the government does hot wish to
the voice of the people ; that it wi\l \ not
toleralo criticism , however just , of itfi
mistakes and failures ; that it despises
the opinions of competent adv > : , er.s , and
that it has in view peculi'ii- objects not
related in any way to the necessities of
the people. Tluji'o is undoubtedly at
the present time a wide-spread belief in
Ihe existence of an antagonism between
the people and Iho organs of govern
ment. Upon this point cultivated so
ciety is in remarkable accord , with the
common people. The peasant reveres
the Csar as ho reveres God , but ho has
no confidence in the chinovniks , who ,
as ho naively expresses it , "gets around
the Csitr. " Ill like manner the educated
classes of society , while they preserve
Ihoir deep veneration for their
monarch , discern , in a bureaucratic
mechanism , isolated from the people ,
the root of the existing evils. There is
in this respect a complete lack of faith
in Iho government , and faith can never
be restored while the administration
manifests neither adequate knowledge
nor moral force nor conformity lo any
ideal : Tlio weaknossof Iho government
is apparent to society , and it is an added
cause of irritation , because there is
nothing which provokes and humiliates
people more than to feel that they are
in subjection to IMH'SOUH who can inspire
neither respect nor trust. It makes no
difference , under such clscuinstancc.s ,
what means official power may take to
establish its authority ; its ell'orts will
result only in exasperation. It does not
help mutters when the organs of the
government say , as they tire inclined to
say , that an attack upon them is an at
tack upon the imperial power. The
sophistry of such a method of dealing
The reference Is to the attempt of the
provincial assemblies to obtain rot'orms by
means of notitloiib to thu crown -Cl If.
t A chinovnlk is any ofllcor of the < -lvjl ser
vice. G. 1C.
JTho permanent executive buioauvhvh |
attends to the ofllchil business of a provincial
assembly and kceim Its records , G , 1C ,
with the question is apparent even Id
the simplest intelligence , and It only
Intensifies Iho existing reseiilmont.
The Russians itro as 111 for fred .insti
tutions ns Iho Ilnlgarlans' are , and Ihoy
feel deep humiliation at being kept so
long muter guardianship. Tlio dostro
for such institutions , although forced
into concealment , and half stilled by re
pressive measures , finds expression ,
nevertheless , in the y.emstvos , In thu
nssombltcs of the noble.s , nnd in the
press. The granting of nueh , institu
tions , and the cnlliim together of a rep
resentative body to preside over thorn ,
will give . to the nation renewed
trength , and renewed faith in the gov
ernment nnd in its own future. When
the people of Russia made themselves
ready for the recent war , It was with
nu instinctive feeling that In the great
work of freeing kindred nations there
wrs the promise of freedom for them
selves. Are such o.xpcetallons , hopes ,
tiuil promises never lo bo realized'/
The above temperate , patriotic , anil
courageous address was laid before Ihe
Tsar , and bo acted upon it ; but , unfor
tunately , his action came too late. On
the IL'th of March , 18H1 , ho signed u
proclamation announcing to Iho people
his intention lo summon a national as
sembly ami to grant a constitutional
form of government. On the very next
day. before Ibis proelamnlioii hail been
public , ho was assassinated.
THE
JLm C/m
A La Persephone French Hand-madi
CORSETS !
Highest standard of Corcl ever intro
duced into this market. They impart thai
graceful figure and fine form which any
well dressed lady would be justly prom ) ,
especially when obtainable without injur
ious tight lacing , etc. Indoiscd as the
Peerless Corset
By leading dressmakers of 1'aris , London
and New York , and for sale in Omaha by
N. B. Falconer
,
Thompson , Belden & Co.
And other merchants.
Ilio OKI lU'llnblo SptTliilln tit innii * jrutirn1 ovnnn *
S.'fV'-/ ' ' . ' , " " Wil1' "omlorfnl Kiici-o-s , nil I.UNU ,
TllllOAT , ( 'ANi'lIll , I'lhKS , KISTIM..V.
U 11 nTlln fj rll"l without pain iir lilmlianra
Hll I I II Hr riombiiilnris AllChnmla DlntMnet ,
IIUI I UIIU ,
inr | , miMineool tiny iiintilullun In
this country. Tlii' " " wl ) rontunipliito uiihiu to Hot
Sprlnct lor tliu tn'iitiiieiit of any I'rlviitu or Illoocl
illM'mo nm hn rurcil lor one-Hi ml tlio cost at our
I'rlMitu IMspt'ns'iry.
I HfHrC1 lly lilKtroHtiiient n 1'nrc , Iovply Cnm
I . llllltii liluxlon , Irru Inim | | ( IIOHS , trpcklo *
L.MUIUU Lineklii-mli , < < riiitliin-i | , via. , brilliant
cy < - < uml purleel licnllli UHII li Inn ) .
tlf riml "tlrpil" tpi-lliiKiind nil fomnlo wfaknP M
lniiiil | ] > cnii'd. Illiinllnu Ih'Kilnrlii-i , NITVOIII 1'ni-
urntiMi , lit-ni-riil Dnblllty , SK'i-tilUMiiR-sH , llirot | < liiu
t'nil InillKuotlnii. Dtiirliin tn > iiliU < i , InilmiuiiUiin nnd
iikk-rHtlon. rulllnuiuiil lii'l'liu'iMiicnti. splnul wuak ,
cpii. Klilurr compliilnta uml CluuiKOuf l.lfc , Consult
Ujtlllu Doctor
Acnto or riironlc Inllninnin-
EYE AND EAR tlun lit tbu Ki > lliH ITT lilubo
mid Furor Ni-iir SlKlitoilnrHi ,
Inversion oftho Mill , Scroruluus Kyi'i. Dki-rntUina ,
liitlnniiniitlon , Ab ei , Dlmncai uf Vision utonuor
both I'jci. unit Tuition of l.l'l.
ttf Inniiiniiiutlon of tlio Unr , lllcprnllon or Cntnrrh.
Intuninl or Kilurntil Hciiriii' " ' , or 1'unilytls , SliiKlnK
or Uimrlni iinl ixi , Tblcki-noJ llriiin , cli- .
Dcblllly.l.oiior Vital I'owor , Sloop-
li' nom , Uuipiiiiili'iii-y , l.o ot
.Mi-mory , Confuilon of MIHFIllurj
licforo tlio Kyo , l.n'lluili' , Languor , ( iliuimliu-i ,
licpreixloii of Spirits , A\i-r lon to soiMuty , Kusjr I > H-
ruiiniKt-il , IJH-II of LuiilMi'iico , Dull , l.lttluiH , Unlit
for study or IU | | IIP M , anil limit llfo n burden , safely ,
runiianuiitly uml 1'rlvnU'ly Curo.l.
QI nnn Afjn ? l/iw ' > ' . riorum ,
' '
nLllllli . ANN tSKIIl l'-ryBl | < i-lu < .l''cvi-rSorftt
UL.UUU MIIU UIXII1 iiV.cii-s. | [ i"lmpp | .UI-
riTf * , I'nlns In tbo llcnd und Hones , Syphilitic sere
'riiront , Mouth uml Toiiuilp , lilamliihir r < nlarKuim-nt
ol llu > NI-I k , lUiuiiniutlsin , I ntarili , Ktc. , IVrinanuiit *
| y Cured Whi'ii Othuia lluvo I'nilcd.
ConsuUntlon free nnil trlctly rnnlldautlal.
Medlclno Ncnt free from observation to ull putts
of the I'nlleit States. CorrospoiuU-nco roculvos
prompt nttontlon. No letters answered imloss
uecoiiipanlod by four cents in stamps Swul ton
ci-nts In stamps for pamphlet nnd nit of ques
tions upon private , special ami nervous dis
eases.
Terms strictly caMi. C.ill on or ntlilrosi ,
DR. POWELL REEVES ,
No.31 for. l.'Hh i : Iluruey StK..Omuha. N b
Omaha Medical and Surgical Instituted
N. W. Corner of 13th and Dodge Streets ,
Tor Iho treatment of nil CiniiiNIU uml Stll < ; i < ' .u ,
lXKAHM IIIIACI.S. Al'-I.IANKH | lor IIKCOIIMI .
IH'M fHi-llllles. niipuratna ana ronio-
illi-H tor aupcp * .ful trentiiipnt or evury lonu ot UiH-
ea-a n > < | ulrlnMpill < al or Surgloal tri'iitiin-jil. irnicrr
.NKW IIIIIIMS tor I'AIIK.MN IIKSr IMISI'I I . -f , Al rn .
> uiliAiiovi , in the < Ycst. Wrlto tor < ! : , utara on Do.
lormiiir.H and llrnruii. I'luli Kcct , Ciifvntiiru nf thn
: -plni > , rili't , Tuiiinri , Can cor , Cnlurrh , llrniiuhllls. In.
halallon , KlcttrlcUy. I'nrulyuM , hpllupyy , Klnnuy ,
Illailili-r. lu ! , ( Cur , r > kn | , anil lllooil and nil xurKlnil
iiperallon . DISKAHI.S of WOMI-.V it HPEf-lAl.Tir
lluou on lhpn i's ot Wona-n. ruiu. : Only icllablii
nipdlciil Initltutu making n pnpchilty ot l-niVArii
lSK\Ht ! > All blood illseasci HiKeuiHlnlly Irpated
reraons luublii in Tlilt ni trpntpil at hoinii hrrurrn
upondnnop. Allcoiiimnnlcatlon conltilenUal. Jti-ill
clni-a orliistriiinontH Mint ny niallori-xpniti , Hpcurelr
parkPd , no mnrkH to Indicate contemn or ncinlor. Ono
| ipnomil Interview prefprred. Call and roiMiilt 111 , or
d history ul your case , and vre will neim in
wraiipcr , our lloiiK TO MK.N h'ltiK iipnn 1'riruto. riiiu-
i-lil and Nervous Diseases , eU.AildroM. .
Oinaliii Mi'dk-nl and Sni'Klciil Institute , or
Dr. MtMeoam/i / Ccr. . 13th anil Dodge Shu Omahj , Neb
Proprietor Omaha Buslpesa College ,
IN WHICH 18 TAUQHT
Book-Keeping , Penmanship ,
Commercial Law , Shorthand , Telegraphing
and Typewriting.
Send ( or Culicce Journal.
S. K. Cor. inth nnd Cnpltul Ave.
Mention tlio Onmhnlloii