Hesperian student / (Lincoln [Neb.]) 1872-1885, June 02, 1884, Page 4, Image 4

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    THE HESPERIAN STUDENT.
ghc gtudcnte' riiv ooht
KLEON.
In pronouncing judgment upon nn historical diameter
allowance must bo mndo for tlio prejudices of contempor.
ary writers whoso works are our only source of informa
tion. Even those writers who may in general ho regard,
cd as trustworthy are disposed to bestow blnmo or praise
upon particular persons or measures connected wi:h their
private interests. Groto's opinion that Thucydides,
whose object is to record the truth, should on tills ac
count bo accepted as authority is open to this objection,
that the historian and the demagogue are so far separated
botli socially and politically that neither could possibly
render a just opinion of the other. Contrast, for instance,
the proposed massacre of the Mi'linroans with the actual
massacre of the Meliaus a few vcors after. In the former
case the Milylenajans had every reason for maintaining
the alliance. Lesbos was one of the three islands that
had been allowed to remain autonomous. Tribute was so
light as to cause no complaint. Under these circum
b' ances revolt was an offense of the gravest kind. The
populace, too, had followed the lead of the oligarchs; that
they when no aid came from Sparlaand their affairs wcie
in a hopeless condition, should return lo their allegiance
is but a slight excuse. Jwen by the confession of Di
odotos, Klcon's opponent, they deserved to die. Thi30vent
gives Thucydides his first opportunity to attack the char
acter of Klcon. lie is represented as taking advan
tage of popular feeling to accuse tho demos of 111 fitted
pity, lenity and fickleness, and to hound it on to blood
shed. On the other hand, tho Medians woru not allies,
and their only crime could have been Unit of reaping the
benefits of the Delian Confederacy wilhout contributing
to its support. They deserved to be treated, at least, as
prisoners of war; yet the city which had become the cen
ter of intelligence, ''tin school of Greece," was i n this in
stance guilty of the most shocking brutality. The mover
of the resolution to massacre the innocent men, women,
and children must have been an aristocrat, lor .hue) eli
des does not even mention liis name!
Klcon's decree id acknowledged lo have been just. It
may also have been expedient. In a more humane age
Cromwell justifies his severity toward the Irish rebels
by putting foith the hope that the massacre at Drogheda
may pi event tho effusion of blood in future. If any slato
could revolt with impunity, nothing less than the ds
memburment of the empiro would result; but the punish
ment by Athciio of the first great offender would intimi
date the disaffected in other quarters.
Thucydides discriminates carefully in li is treatment of
the different public men. The stupidity of Nikins is lost
amid hisprivatc virtues; the licentiousness, the profanity
and the sclfiishncss of Alkibiadcs are obscured by his
splendid genius; bin the smaller faults of Kleou are
greatly exaggerated. The reasons f.r the historian's par
tialily are evident rNikiii", Alkibiades and Thucjdides
are of oligarchic fomiliou. Tney are destined by their
noble birth to hold office in the slato and army. Klcon is
n novu8ho7no, who by personal energy, talent, and oudaei
ty has gained a reputation as ait "opposition" leader.
He is a dangerous enumy to aristociatio ofilcesholderi.
Ilib acciibationb are violent, aci id set forth in eloquent
language. Even his enemies regarded him as tho most
persuasivo speaker of tho age, and as possessed of a rare
faculty for tlio management of public business. A still
more potent reason for distrusting tlio historian's narra
tive is that he was mode to feel in his own person tho ef
fect of this virulent eloquence in a banishment for twon.
ty years for mismanagement as general. Ho had re
moved his forces to Th.asos that ho might attend to his
mining projects t'icre, while Brasidas unopposed was en
tcring Ampliipolis, tlio key to the Thracoward settlements.
That Thucydides should regard witli approval the duIN
ncssof Nikias, especially after this display of weakness
and soir-inleresi on his own part, is not at all wonderful;
but that he did not show the same indulgence to Kleon
can bo explained only on personal grounds.
A second opportunity for tlio misrepresentation of
Klcon's character was presented after tho investment of
Sphaktcria; but tho impartial reader will find much more
to admire in the prompt discernment and heroic conduct
of liie so-called demagogue than in the trickery of Niki
as the oligarch. Kleon may hove treated tho ambassa
dors too horshlv; the insolence of tlio Spartans met with
a kindred insolence. Perhaps lie demanded loo much.
To bo sure tho towns of the Peloponncsos would uo long
er be profitable to Athens ; but tho possession of tho Mcg
arian ports was essential lo her supremacy. Athens had
been oblidged to surrender these places as n condition of
the Thirty "Years Truce(445 B.C.), now they should bo glvcu
bock as a prerequisite to f'irthcr negotiations. No Athen
ian patriot, having observed tlio results, could regret the
conduct of Kleon on thin occasion. That tho empire was
not maintained at tiic height to which Kleou restored it
was tlio fault of his successor's policy, not of his own.
In regard to Klcon's appointment lo the command in
Oholkidike Thucydides is less explicit; but tlio probahil
ities are that this case was similar to that in regard to
Pjlos. Kleon must have called attention to the necessity
of action in that region, no one else would serve, and ho
himself was thus, oblidged to undertake the command.
His subsequent conduct, though incomparably superior
lo that of Hildas at. Syracuse, shows neither warlike skill
nor, in the end, courage. To the former he made no pre
tense; the latter deserted him only lit the last fatal hour
when liis troops were flying before tlio enthusiastic forc
es of Brasidas. Had the Athenian troops placed as much
confidence in their loader as he deserved, tlio unskilful
movement would not have boon made, a junction with
Perdikkns would probably Iiiiyo been formed and the en
emy thus held in cheek. Yet even this defeat counted as
u victory to the A-thenians; for the death of Brasidas am
ply repaid tiieni for the destruction of their own army.
It is needless to say that the real Kleou is not to be
found In Aristophanes. Tho comic poet, beside sharing
:n the opinions and prejudices of Thucydides, has not a
single inducement to speak the truth. Unlimited lloonso
for slander and carrlcature Is permitted to liis art. His
portruituie of other characteis may show tin hand of a
master, but they are eq ually unreal. Thai of Socrates !u
the (Jlouds is not even a carrlcature, but suggests ou en
tirely different person. But wo may find even in Aris
tophanes a grain of truth. The Knights bonis witness lo
his violent Invective, liis power in the assembly, tho
com tB and tlio council. Tho Kleon of the Knights is
com so and low, smelling ol'thu lanyard, stealing liis mas.
tor's possessions, maintaining liis influence by the gloss
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