MM
THE HESTER IAN.
incapable of cxcicising any of the privileges of freemen," is
impossible. One of these fumlnmcntnl principles is the light
to petition congress. The usefulness and impoi tnnce of this
right was understood by our foiefnthcrs when it was seemed
to the people by the constition.
Only once has this right, a right which was enjoyed by
the old Romans, a right which the Magna Chatter confened
upon the Anglo-Savons, been challenged in this icpublic.
The trouble arose over the agitation of a question, which had
called forth gi eater thought of greater minds than any other
political pi oblom ever submitted to thinking men. Slavery
"that clinging curse that enfolded the new republic as in a
winding sheet of moral death" slavery challenged the light
of petition.
Southern membcis tried to stop all agitation of anti-slavery
in Congress. At every session, for ten ycais, they passed a
resolution in the House of Representatives, which foibade to
every memorial upon slavery, the lecognitiou of even a refer
ence to a committee. This took from the people a privilege
which might have righted many a wrong. It not only effected
the right of petition, but entirely banished the slave question
from the house. It took from the people their right to peti
tion for the ledress of their grievances, destroyed freedom of
debate, and hushed the voice of the repiesentations of the
people. The effect of this resolution, if conscientiously
adhcicd to, was not only to close the door of the House
against the Declarition of Independence, but even against the
constitution of the United States. If it had passed without
opposition, Ameiica would no longer have been the same self
relying, energetic nation. The light of petition is a necessaiy
attribute of national citi7cnship. This attempted infringement
ujmjii the sacred right seived only to anger the noith, and gave
the wavering abolitionists a new impulse.
For every gieat cause, God raises a gieat man. When the
name of John Ouincy Adams was called to give his final vote
on this lesolution, he nnsweicd neither aye nor no. Rising
from hi chair, calm and apparently undisturbed, he exclaimed,
"I hold this resolution to be a diiect violation of the coustitu
tion of the United States, the tides of this house, and the
rights of my constituents." That aged hero had begun his
last fight. Hefore the famous resolution was adopted, he had
declared a lelcntless war against it.
Why does it seem to have been part of his destiny to
become the champion of petition? Was he an abolitionist? No,
he did not believe that slavery was a positive evil. Was it
due to party afllaliations? Again no; he declared that he was
set free from the thraldom of partisan connection and on eveiy
question would act independently. He believed, rather, that
liberty, freedom, and even the existence of this nation rested
ujkhi the right to petition congress. "The constitution," he
said, "declared that the right of petition should never be
abridged." He thought that the light was derived from
nature, and was common to mankind. Every individual might
supplicate those around him, those superior to him, or ask jus
tice of the proudest monarch that treads the earth. Yes, he
could even send up his petitions to the Creator of worlds, to
the Father of us all, for mercy. Ilelieviug that governments
as well as individuals, are bound by the Gospel precept, "do
unto others as you would that others should do unto you,"
what wonder that the aged hero fought for the right of peti
tion? The struggle over this question was long and fiercely con
tested. It was a struggle to determine whether the north
would quietly conform to the dictations of the conservative
south, or whether it would be free to assert the liberty of its
own enlightened spirit. It was a struggle to determine
whether this nation would be free or slave, a republican or a
despotic government. There wns only one man in that house
willing to undertake the offensive and oppressive task.
The position of Mr. Adams was a peculiar one. In that
struggle, he stood within two worlds. He belonged partly to
the new. He was the last of one age, he was the first of
another. He stretched one hand back to the past to the
thought that abolition now was premature; the other rested
upon the shoulder of the belief that the rights of man demand
justice and humanity. All depended upon this one man. If
freedom of speech remained, Adams must be heard. If the
right of petition prevailed, Adams must succeed. If our repub
lican institutsons were left uninjuied, Adams might finally
triumph.
With all of this depending on him, could it be expected
that this man, almost seventy, would live to accomplish this
last and crowning achievement in a great and successful
career? His whole life seems to have been a preparation for
his final triumph.
That part of the work for abolition which was to be done
in congress, he must accomplish. There he was to encounter
the mighty efforts which were made to stifle the great ciy of
humanity before that national assembly. There he was to
conquer the united south by perseverance, firmness, and hard
work, prosecuted with energy, ami indomitable will. He had
obstacles to encounter at eveiy step ill health, the ridicule
of the pi ess, the indifference of his constituents, and worse
still, he was to be bianded by the world as a fanatic. Sir
John Eliot suffered imprisonment and death, because he
believed that the government could not be carried on without
the consent of the people. I.uther and Savonarola were
denounced as heretics, becaused they were opposed to
the corrupt practices of the Catholic Church. Uecause he
came to better mankind, the Savior of the world was nailed to
the cross. The men of piogiess have always been called fanat
ics. Every gieat cause has need of them. Uecause Mr.
Adams believed that justice shpuld be shown to the negro, he
was denounced by his fellow men. Ik-causc he persistently
perseveicd in his efforts to introduce anti slavery petitions the
members sought to convict him of tieason.
Hut no odds could appall him. Numbers could not over
awe him. Politically he stood alone in that assembly. No one
was in sympathy with him. He could call no man his friend.
Yet all feared him. They had no respect for his gray hairs,
but they ticinbled when a measure was proposed which could
not receive his appiobation. That whole body dared not meet
him in open debate, for his logic was jxiwerful, and his know
ledge unsurpassed. They were slow to arouse his opjMJsition,
for they knew that his sarcasm was unrivalled, and the dexter
ity of aim with which he delivered his invectives, was unerr
ing. Under every disadvantage.he labored for the consumma
tion of his purpose. At the opening of each session of con
gress, he moved that the resolution should be stricken out.
For ten years he had striven against that plain violation of the
right of the people. For ten years the storm of slave holding
persecution had raged around him, but to no effect. The
north had rallied to his support, and the day of his triumph
had now fully come. A kind providence had destined him to live
"not only to see, but himself to win it." His motion to strike
that infamous rule from the manual, was sustained. Congress
at last discovered and applied the true and enduring remedy
for agitation, when it was decided to hear and heed the
demands of freedom, justice, and humanity. The abolitionists
had succeeded in the assault in the outworks of slavery. The
attempt to hush the voice of the people had faileo", for the
aged hero had conquered in his last fight.
Wlmt'honor is due this man! Uy his pcisistent efforts he
overcame a host of foes. He was the first to set the example
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