Image provided by: University of Nebraska-Lincoln Libraries, Lincoln, NE
About The Hesperian / (Lincoln, Neb.) 1885-1899 | View Entire Issue (May 1, 1892)
MM THE HESTER IAN. incapable of cxcicising any of the privileges of freemen," is impossible. One of these fumlnmcntnl principles is the light to petition congress. The usefulness and impoi tnnce of this right was understood by our foiefnthcrs when it was seemed to the people by the constition. Only once has this right, a right which was enjoyed by the old Romans, a right which the Magna Chatter confened upon the Anglo-Savons, been challenged in this icpublic. The trouble arose over the agitation of a question, which had called forth gi eater thought of greater minds than any other political pi oblom ever submitted to thinking men. Slavery "that clinging curse that enfolded the new republic as in a winding sheet of moral death" slavery challenged the light of petition. Southern membcis tried to stop all agitation of anti-slavery in Congress. At every session, for ten ycais, they passed a resolution in the House of Representatives, which foibade to every memorial upon slavery, the lecognitiou of even a refer ence to a committee. This took from the people a privilege which might have righted many a wrong. It not only effected the right of petition, but entirely banished the slave question from the house. It took from the people their right to peti tion for the ledress of their grievances, destroyed freedom of debate, and hushed the voice of the repiesentations of the people. The effect of this resolution, if conscientiously adhcicd to, was not only to close the door of the House against the Declarition of Independence, but even against the constitution of the United States. If it had passed without opposition, Ameiica would no longer have been the same self relying, energetic nation. The light of petition is a necessaiy attribute of national citi7cnship. This attempted infringement ujmjii the sacred right seived only to anger the noith, and gave the wavering abolitionists a new impulse. For every gieat cause, God raises a gieat man. When the name of John Ouincy Adams was called to give his final vote on this lesolution, he nnsweicd neither aye nor no. Rising from hi chair, calm and apparently undisturbed, he exclaimed, "I hold this resolution to be a diiect violation of the coustitu tion of the United States, the tides of this house, and the rights of my constituents." That aged hero had begun his last fight. Hefore the famous resolution was adopted, he had declared a lelcntless war against it. Why does it seem to have been part of his destiny to become the champion of petition? Was he an abolitionist? No, he did not believe that slavery was a positive evil. Was it due to party afllaliations? Again no; he declared that he was set free from the thraldom of partisan connection and on eveiy question would act independently. He believed, rather, that liberty, freedom, and even the existence of this nation rested ujkhi the right to petition congress. "The constitution," he said, "declared that the right of petition should never be abridged." He thought that the light was derived from nature, and was common to mankind. Every individual might supplicate those around him, those superior to him, or ask jus tice of the proudest monarch that treads the earth. Yes, he could even send up his petitions to the Creator of worlds, to the Father of us all, for mercy. Ilelieviug that governments as well as individuals, are bound by the Gospel precept, "do unto others as you would that others should do unto you," what wonder that the aged hero fought for the right of peti tion? The struggle over this question was long and fiercely con tested. It was a struggle to determine whether the north would quietly conform to the dictations of the conservative south, or whether it would be free to assert the liberty of its own enlightened spirit. It was a struggle to determine whether this nation would be free or slave, a republican or a despotic government. There wns only one man in that house willing to undertake the offensive and oppressive task. The position of Mr. Adams was a peculiar one. In that struggle, he stood within two worlds. He belonged partly to the new. He was the last of one age, he was the first of another. He stretched one hand back to the past to the thought that abolition now was premature; the other rested upon the shoulder of the belief that the rights of man demand justice and humanity. All depended upon this one man. If freedom of speech remained, Adams must be heard. If the right of petition prevailed, Adams must succeed. If our repub lican institutsons were left uninjuied, Adams might finally triumph. With all of this depending on him, could it be expected that this man, almost seventy, would live to accomplish this last and crowning achievement in a great and successful career? His whole life seems to have been a preparation for his final triumph. That part of the work for abolition which was to be done in congress, he must accomplish. There he was to encounter the mighty efforts which were made to stifle the great ciy of humanity before that national assembly. There he was to conquer the united south by perseverance, firmness, and hard work, prosecuted with energy, ami indomitable will. He had obstacles to encounter at eveiy step ill health, the ridicule of the pi ess, the indifference of his constituents, and worse still, he was to be bianded by the world as a fanatic. Sir John Eliot suffered imprisonment and death, because he believed that the government could not be carried on without the consent of the people. I.uther and Savonarola were denounced as heretics, becaused they were opposed to the corrupt practices of the Catholic Church. Uecause he came to better mankind, the Savior of the world was nailed to the cross. The men of piogiess have always been called fanat ics. Every gieat cause has need of them. Uecause Mr. Adams believed that justice shpuld be shown to the negro, he was denounced by his fellow men. Ik-causc he persistently perseveicd in his efforts to introduce anti slavery petitions the members sought to convict him of tieason. Hut no odds could appall him. Numbers could not over awe him. Politically he stood alone in that assembly. No one was in sympathy with him. He could call no man his friend. Yet all feared him. They had no respect for his gray hairs, but they ticinbled when a measure was proposed which could not receive his appiobation. That whole body dared not meet him in open debate, for his logic was jxiwerful, and his know ledge unsurpassed. They were slow to arouse his opjMJsition, for they knew that his sarcasm was unrivalled, and the dexter ity of aim with which he delivered his invectives, was unerr ing. Under every disadvantage.he labored for the consumma tion of his purpose. At the opening of each session of con gress, he moved that the resolution should be stricken out. For ten years he had striven against that plain violation of the right of the people. For ten years the storm of slave holding persecution had raged around him, but to no effect. The north had rallied to his support, and the day of his triumph had now fully come. A kind providence had destined him to live "not only to see, but himself to win it." His motion to strike that infamous rule from the manual, was sustained. Congress at last discovered and applied the true and enduring remedy for agitation, when it was decided to hear and heed the demands of freedom, justice, and humanity. The abolitionists had succeeded in the assault in the outworks of slavery. The attempt to hush the voice of the people had faileo", for the aged hero had conquered in his last fight. Wlmt'honor is due this man! Uy his pcisistent efforts he overcame a host of foes. He was the first to set the example J