THE HESPERIAN
uablc services of men controlled by such a high sense of
honor and duty. The old-fashioned bat fundamentally cor
rect principle that the office should seek the man, has too
generally given place to a pushing self-assertion which stops
at no means wherewith to affect its ends.
The tendency of a liberal education io make those who
possess it independent in their judgment naturally renders
them objects of suspicion and distrust to the party primaries,
the political "machine," because they are not likely to be
sufficiently subservient io its behests. Hence it will have
nothing to do with them, and sometimes even carries its petty
spite and spleen entirely beyond the domain of politics.
Hence the sneers that are so often heard concerning the
'scholar in politics," at men who bring intelligence and con
science to the consideration o! public questions, as jdealists
and doctrinaires" an "saugwumps."
The very gen eial disposition of Americans to rely upon
their native smartness rather than upon special equipment
for the work in which they may engage, manifests itself even
more in political life, perhaps, than in other lines of activity.
Ever since the clays of Andrew Jackson there has been a ;
growing feeling that men of ordinary intelligence and train-:
ing an: as well fitted to cope with the principles of govern
ment as the men who have been especially fitted by education
and training.
According!' when there is a choice between men of either
stamp the chances of winning are -dccidely in favor of the
former. This narrow and superficial view of the nature and
requirements of public life, this popular conceit in favor of
"men of the people," as opposed to "skilled statesmen," as
might be expended, has prodrced a perennial crop of plausible I
but unsound and -dangerous financial policies, which tend to
liccp the business -world in a state of apprehension. Now at
3s greeribackJBm, now the silver -craze, and now the sub-treasury
and government loan devices of tie Farmer's Alliance.
The fact that college bred men, as a rule, will not bind them
selves to the advancement of such policies, "which appeal so
strongly to the popular imagination, practically excludes them
irom political life by 'creatine the impression that they are
not in sympathy with the people 3n their effort to better their
condition, and by incurring the hostility of time-serving pol
iticians, -who skillfully nsc their popular vagaries to subserve
their own ends.
It is such conditions and influences as these that the college-
bred man must contend against. And jet cut out ol our
political hibiory fhose pages which recoid the influence and
work of the graduates of -our universities .and colleges, and it
will he found that what is most valuable, most -beneficent,
andanoFt -enduring has been, to a very large extent, eluni
nated. They have had an immense influence, both indi
irectly as intelligent private citizens, an influence which at is
(impossible to measure, and directly through the official istn
tions they have occupied.
In estimating what that influence has been, we must bear
in mind that the number oi college graduate has always
Ibeen exceedingly small in proportion io our total population,
.and (further, that from one-third to one- half have been prac
tically debarred from political prelerment -on -account of their
professional relations as physicians, clergymen, -or teachers.
'Of (the fifty-six signers of the declaration of independence
twenty-seven had a college education, fifteen a classical and
liberal education and only fourteen had limited advantages
for early culture. Of the committee of vc who drafted the
declaration ol independence, three weie college graduates;
of alie -convention -of 3 787, winch framed tthe -constitution -of
fhe United States, -composed -of fiiry-five members, ihuty-11
dents, fifteen were college-bred men, and all the seven chief
justices ol the United States supreme court were college
graduates.
But putting aside the question of relative numbers which
is, after all, of little consequence, it would be interesting to
trace with some minuteness the comparative influence of the
men of liberal education and of those destitute of such advan
tages upon the course of legislation during the last hundred
years. It is sufficient, however, to call attention to the fact
that in the initiation and discussion of the more important
policies or measures which have come before congress by tar
the largest proportion of their most influential graduates, or
opponents, have been men of liberal education, who have
been encbled thereby to view public questions Irosa a wider
horizon and to marsh all the resources of logic with aaore coa
vindng force.
CURRENT COMMENT.
Emm Pasha is a "cranky'" individual. Of that there can
no longer be any doubt. Those whohavc read the account of
the trouble Stanley had with him and Stanley's criticism of
his actions in the heart of Africa and when Stanley came to
leave him, are well aware of Emm's peculiar disposition. His
actions recently, rm his return to central Africa, show bow
headstrong and undisciplined he is. He secured a commission
from the German government and a force of troops to control
the German province an east Africa. But that didn't satisfy
him long. He was anxious to be exploring again. And so
now he has left his province and gone farther into the interior
into provinces under English influence. The English govern
ment at once Tesented this and 4cmnndcd an explanation from
Germany. The German government made haste to reply
that they were an no way responsible for Emin's action; that
as soon as he crossed the boundary he was simply a commer
cial traveller, not a representative of Germany. Emin Pasha,
therefore, as again out ""on his own hook.'" This time, he
may be -well assured, no great relief party will be sent after
him. He will be left to his own fate. So far as Europeans
are concerned, he iviil be left severely and terribly alone.
"With his peculiar -disposition, however, at as doubtnl if he as
yet realizes his position.
Dr. Edward McGbnn has again been brought prominently
btforc the notice of the public Either Dr. McGlynn or his
friendb have been trying to secure his restoration to a Catholic
priesthood. Archbishop Corrigan of 2Cew York in reply to
the request, made, us his idtimatuin, she following offers Dr.
McGhnn was to xas&Jt a formal request for restoration and to
btate liib grievances; -was to -condemn publicly all that he hat
said or done of an insulting character against the Pope or the
Archbishop; was to promlbe to obey the orders and submit to
the judgement of the Apostolic See; and was to abstain from
any public utterance or assistance at .any meetiug relating to
the Anti-Poverlty Single Tax Society. SLast Sunday night,
before a large audience of Irish cathoicsin Cooper Union hall,
Dr. McGlynn annde xeply to the archbishop's ultimatum. He
denied the right of the archbibhop lo impose any such -conditions.
He denied albo that he had ever sold or -done anything
of an insulting -character against tthe Archbishop or Holy See.
'Ont utterance of liis is especially significant, "1 predict1 sold
he "that in another generation the bitterest opponents of the
catholic church w?H lbs the -children and grandchildren -of peo
ple wlio are ihronj;ug the church to-day." The -case of Dr.
McGlynn is -exciting much interest -especially in Jflew York. In
five 'weiemen of -college straining; cf our ttwenty-fhiee presi-' this latest phase of the case aicsdnubt the unfrocked priest "has
uHtfn
