ton’t-touch that dial
Public access channel must not be unplugged
When the City Council considers whether to tune out
Lincoln’s cable public access channel Sept. 4, the
public should tune in and turn up the heat.
The channel came under fire Tuesday for broadcasting
“Race and Reason,” a film produced by white suprema
cists. Complaints about that program have motivated
members of the City Council to consider canceling the
channel.
Yes, the programming broadcast on public access is
often amateurish. Yes, it sometimes sends messages that
won’t be found on network TV. Yes, anyone can broad
cast, even white supremacists.
But those are the reasons the channel should be pre
served.
Although Lincoln resident Stan Holse may exaggerate
when he observes that pulling the plug on public access
would be like “pouring gas on the flames of ignorance,”
his reasoning is sound.
Television programs cannot make anyone do anything.
Theories of subliminal messages and hypnotic control
powers of television have been proved false.
Television can be used as an educational tool. Anyone
who saw “Race and Reason” can attest that the program is
educational — it shows how ugly white supremacy can
be.
But to think that the program will cause others to
become racist is ludicrous. If that were the case, public
access programmers would need only broadcast a show
discrediting white supremacy before and after “Race and
Reason” to counter the punch.
Just as a program sending a message of love among
warring nations would not bring about world peace, a
program teaching racism will not make Lincolnites racist.
Unless they already are.
“Race and Reason” is an easy target. Parents should use
it as a tool to teach their children about the evils of ra
cism. If they choose, parents can use controls to prevent
their children from watching the channel.
But the City Council should not act as parent. By elimi
nating public access to get rid of “Race and Reason,”
council members also would eradicate the opportunity for
other groups to speak up, such as gays, lesbians and
bisexuals.
Council members have said they also received com
plaints about a public access program on homosexuals. In
the case of that program, perhaps a more appropriate City
Council action would be to encourage Lincolnites to
watch.
The beauty of public access is that it is not often beauti
ful. And it is not intended to be. To clean it up by turning
it off would be a mistake.
If the City Council earnestly wants to follow Mayor
Mike Johanns’ goal of promoting cultural diversity in
Lincoln, it should support the public access channel and
find better ways to combat racism.
As Holse said:
“Public access is a reflection of the Lincoln commu
nity. Not looking at the reflection doesn’t solve the
problem.”
—77*.
-LETTERStoe cDITOn
Tactics rescue or assault
i nere are a coupie or issues 1 wisn
to address concerning Stacey McK
enzie and Kristin Kamopp’s Wichita
articles (“Protesters rally at Wichita
abortion clinics,” DN, Aug. 26).
McKenzie wrote, “(Operation
Rescue) has attracted national atten
tion by using civil-disobedience tac
tics similar to those of the civil rights
movement in the 1960s.”
Actually, civil disobedience is
practiced when one or more private
citizens intervene against the actions
of their government. If a government
were to require women to have abor
tions under any circumstances — a
policy enforced by loqjt Communist
committees in China— then citizen
intervention, only against officials
enforcing that policy, would in fact
be civil disobedience. However, when
private citizens intervene against the
actions of another private citizen, it is
something else: a rescue or an assault,
'bill not civil disobedience.
Obviously a moral decision is
required oi me ooserver, men. ah
the Wichita actions rescue, or as
sault? My view was clarified by Path
cia Weaver, the woman interviews
in Kamopp’s story. Weaver admits
courageously, to a history of extremel
low self-esteem, underscored b;
addictive or obsessive behavior an<
abuse by male authority figures. Whei
Operation Rescue-type activists tel
their stories, these dysfunctions ar
mentioned again and again.
Our society is just now beginnin
to recognize that excessive religiou
fervor is a form of addiction.
Of course, Weaver isn’t wrong i
her personal spiritual belief thalaboi
lion is a horror. Her experience wa
indeed a horror. Some of my deares
friends are alive today because thci
legal abortions weren’t horrors; thei
experiences don’t invalidate Weaver’:
nor does it work the other way arounc
Joan Rail i l
Lincol
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PAUL DOMEIER
Kerrey should take ‘bullet’
Sen. Bob Kerrey is considering
running for president next year.
His looks, charisma, independ
ent thinking, obvious liberalism and
military record could rally voters,
spread his name across the country
and push him to the forefront of the
Democratic party.
But, for practical purposes, he has
a greater asset:
Kerrey can afford to lose.
Some Democrat is going to lose.
President Bush is riding a tremendous
wave of popularity because of inter
national events. Had the Soviet Un
ion relumed to the hard line last week,
his international reputation would have
been tarnished, but the failure of the
coup has helped Bush even more.
It’s like the movie scene where the
lone gunman with one bullet left in
his gun is surrounded by a half dozen
unarmed enemies.
One of the unarmed men always
yells, “Rush him! He can only shoot
one of us.” But no one moves, be
cause no one wants to be the one to
get shot.
Bush has one more bullet, the 1992
campaign, and all the legitimate, well
known Democratic possibilities arc
eathcred around h Im sifmiH Ia m/M/n
Tennessee Sen. A1 Gore and Mis
souri Rep. Dick Gephardt have said
they won’t run. New York Gov. Mario
Cuomo hasn’t committed either way,
but he’s leaning toward an extended
slay in Albany.
Someone has to take the bullet.
Against a real candidate such as
Cuomo, Gore or Gephardt, Bush’s
J campaign would be lough. The
■ Democrats could bring up domestic
, problems and the budget deficit. Bush’s
* popularity would drop, and his oppo
, nent might gel as much as 46 or 47
i' percent of the popular vote.
f And Bush would win. The Demo
i cratic nominee would be flushed into
i political oblivion.
1 Remember that Gephardt and Gore
5 would be considered viable candi
dates, while Michael Dukakis would
i be a sad joke if he decided to run.
s Only four years ago, though, Dukakis
was considered a better candidate than
n
Bush has one more
bullet. the 1992 cam
paign. and all the le
gitimate. well-known
Democratic possibili
ties are gathered
amuM high afraid to
move
Gephardt or Gore.
Dukakis won the nomination, look
46 percent of the popular vote, was
crushed in the electoral vote and drifted
into history.
The same would happen this year
to Gephardt, Gore, Cuomo or any
other legitimate candidate. None can
allorcl to run, just in case he wins the
nomination.
Only former Massachusetts Sen.
Paul Tsongas is running, and he won’t
be a nominee; he’ll be a trivia ques
tion.
Jesse Jackson could take the bul
let. He has been a formidable cam
paign force for years, but he never
will be elected president. He is “too
black,” too controversial, loo liberal
and he really is an activist, not a
politician.
In fact, his political career is just
about over. He’s contemplating host
ing a talk show on CNN.
He might as well end on a glorious
note, becoming the first black lo re
ceive a major parly’s nomination for
president, eloquently exposing the
internal problems neglected by the
government, further bringing Amer
ica’s racial difficulties to the fore and
losing badly in November. As a sort
of l$)Os William Jennings Bryan,
Jackson could shake the political dust
from his feet and walk off with his
urban populist throngs to the talk show I
studio.
But it looks like Jackson isn’t going
to do that. It looks like he’s going to
avoid the bullet and grab the CNN
microphone.
That leaves the young stars of the
Democratic Parly, such as Arkansas
Gov. Bill Clinton, Virginia Gov.
Douglas Wilder and Kerrey. Those
men could afford to run and lose and
still be strong enough to return in
1996. West Virginia Sen. Jay
Rockefeller would have been perfect
in this role, but he too has decided not
to run.
The candidate who finishes sec
ond in the 1992 Democratic prima
ries would be even better off. That
candidate would enter the 1996 cam
paign well-known but without a gen
eral election defeat hanging over him.
Thai’s where Kerrey probably
would fit in, because it is unlikely he
could win the nomination.
Kerrey could get maximum expo
sure at minimum cost. In a normal
. . « ■ _— /«•«! hv
election nc wouiu tx: uiuwi.w.
Cuomo, Jackson or Rockefeller, ror
this campaign, even Tsongas can
dominate the publicity. .
The 1992 national response ol, bod
wtioT’ would change by 1996 into,
“Oh, it’s you, Bob.” By, 1996, C uomo.
Gore, Gephardt and the other big
names, having spent loo long in tnc
public eye, would be as exciting m
presidential campaign as Ted Ke
nedy. Kerrey would battle Rockefeller,
Wilder and Clinton for the nomina
tion, and that nominee actually mig
have a chance to win.
So Kerrey might as well accede o
the wishes of the grass-roots
Bob Run Committee” and start nr
campaign. He’s got nothing to
but the election.
Domeler Is a senior news-editorial major
and the Daily Nebraskan copy desk thie .
: "I.' • ..." .-tui ioriaL POLICY
a uiglivu .1U1II IAIIIUI Idl^ K/^ICNCIIl
t the official policy of the Fall 1991
r Daily Nebraskan. Policy is set by the
r Daily Nebraskan Editorial Board. Its
», members are: Jana Pedersen, editor;
l. Eric Pfanner, editorial page editor;
Diane Braylon, managing editor;
T Walter Gholson, columnist; Paul
n Domeier, copy desk chief; Brian
ancmto, cartoonist; Michael Stock
columnist.
Editorials do not necessarily re
flect the views of the university, its
employees, the students or the NU
Board of Regents.
Editorial columns represent the
opinion of the author.
The Daily Nebraskan’s publishers
are the regents, who established
UNL Publications Board to super
vise the daily production ol the i
per.
According to policy set by the ’V
gents, responsibility for the editorial
content of the newspaper lie s
in the hands of its students.