Thursday, September 11, 1986 Page 4 Daily Nebraskan Editona Nebrayskan Jeff Korbclik, Editor, A 72 1 766 James Rogers, Editorial Faye Editor Gene Gentrup, Matiayiny Editor Tammy Kaup, Associate News Editor Todd von Kampen, Editorial Paye Assistant aatSTfiJ!!.. University of Nebraska-Lincoln i Ethics Senators may It wasn't long ago that the impeachment and criminal trial of former Attorney Gen eral Paul Douglas raised serious questions about the ethics or lack of them of state govern ment officials. Now it's happened again. Omaha Sen. Bemice Labedz and North Platte Sen. James Pappas have been charged with felonies stemming from their involvement in the petition drive to put a lottery proposal on Nebraska's ballot. Also charged were Lincoln attorney Walter Radcliffe, one of the Legislature's most active lobbyists, and three officers and a lobbyist of Lottery Consultants of Nebraska Inc. In one sense, this is a new situation because a state sena tor has never before been charged with a felony while in office. But if it appears that Pappas and Labedz will have t o stand trial on the charges, they should re member the spectacle of the Douglas impeachment trial. It might then be best for them to do what Douglas failed to do until too late: step aside. No one can peer into the minds of those who got them selves into such a mess over the petition drive. But state law is crystal clear. You don't circulate a petition unless you're a regis tered voter; you don't sign one as a circulator and let someone else do the circulating; you don't pay circulators any more than ex penses for their work. From the evidence revealed thus far, it appears the two senators vio lated the law. It's still not clear the two will even have to stand trial. On Fri Are we all crooks? Survey raises questions about society The findings of an unscien- 90 percent, said they had taken a tific survey of UNL criminal drink while still under age. Sev- justice students released last enty-six percent said they had week are enough to make more driven while drunk, while 67 than a few parents wonder just percent had stolen something what kind of kids they've raised, from a hotel or motel. Fifty-five More than 50 percent of the percent said they had used mari- 250 students responding said juana and 23 percent cocaine, they'd shoplifted, drank illegally, Particularly interesting is that driven while drunk, vandalized, 8.5 percent of men surveyed said used maryuana or stolen some- they had forced a woman to have thing at least once in their life, sex at least once, while 27 per- And more than 20 percent, still a cent of women said they had considerable percentage, admit- bejejj jtb& Yictirasof6iicrL; incdr. . ted to gambling or using cocaine, "dents. When it comes t You may remmbcerinaefflre'ThJitters, the picture.. of something like this before. That's those surveyed isn't pretty either, because Chris Eskridge, the crim- Eighty-four percent said they had inal justice professor who con- cheated on a test, and 36 percent ducted the survey, gave 539 UNL had done so on a term paper, students a similar survey last Eskridge was correct to point year. out that the study was not a What's interesting is that 75 scientific survey and doesn't carry percent of those who answered as much weight as a Gallup or the survey felt they were basi- Harris poll, cally law-abiding. The numbers, However, scientific or not, the however, tell a different story, survey makes you stop and think On all but four of the 24 ques- about today's society. When 75 tions dealing with a given viola- percent think they're law-abiding tion of law, at least one in 10 said but more than 25 percent admit they had broken that law at least to breaking the law in one or once. more cases, one wonders what As might be expected, the meaning "law-abiding" has in highest percentage of students, our generation. want to resign day, Labedz and Neligh Sen. John DeCamp, the third organ izer of the petition drive, asked for injunctions against possible prosecutions in the case on the grounds the state law is uncon stitutional. If the law is thrown out, then Pappas and Labedz are technically off the hook. But if the law is upheld and the case goes to trial, the sena tors should consider that more than their personal conduct will be at issue. If Pappas and Labedz remain sitting members of the Legislature, many Nebraskans also will be judging their gov ernment as the case proceeds. Government at every level is already held in low regard by the people, which is a dangerous condition in a democracy. A cri minal trial while Pappas and Labedz remain in office will hurt the Legislature's credibility as surely as the attorney general's office suffered during Douglas' impeachment trial. Even if the law is thrown out, the appearance of impropriety rising from the petition drive would make it difficult for Pap pas and Labedz to function as elected officials. Because Pap pas' term expires in January, he could avoid resigning by with drawing from his re-election campaign. Labedz, who has two years left in her term, would have a tougher choice to make. Pappas and Labedz are entitled to their day in court if they must stand trial, but the Legislature shouldn't have to stand trial as well. In that case, the two should consider leaving the Legislature for the sake of the body they serve. PI6HIF0KPIVEME , 'f j WSIERE0 SOUND! M Si MPI mloi fmi$m 1 Aim 1 -3JnmL. ilberalsoliitioiis are Civil rights policy The well-publicized dearth of origi nal and creative liberal policy propo sals can be traced to one characteristic of the liberal mind: Its tendency to engage in political reductionism. This tendency results in appeals for the state to address not only political prob lems through the political process, but also social and economic problems where governmental intervention is less obviously helpful. Little better example of the ineffec tiveness and the counterproductiv ity of such an approach exists than in the arena of civil rights. First, nobody questions the legiti macy of governmental action in sup port of the traditional civil rights con cerns; there is an unquestionable politi cal core to these types of civil rights issues. After all, the proposition that all people should be treated equally before the law. I'm not disputing that increasing protection of civil rights affects eco nomic and social circumstances. For example, enforcing a right to public education obviously affects social and economic outcomes. I'm not speaking of situations in which the object of regulation is still political or civil and what the governmental school sys tem does is clearly political. Rather, the distinction underscored here is that there are political ends which political means can address, and there are also social and economic ends which the political process is ill equipped to address. Black economist Thomas Sowell ar gues in his 1984 book "Civil Rights: Rhetoric or Reality," that the shift over the past two decades in the "civil rights" agenda from political questions Mommy, do Texans eat quiche? The passing of the days of red-eye uu1 yu iuuii ii uuuii uiy sen iu ueciare .ihe.taaohp image of Texas as being !1& dead. ijqmi;: 1 ' ''.I'JVilt, tU J "D..ULL 1 uefc muy duu auu ouuua Keep on wearing their snakeskin boots and Stetson hats, cooking whole steers on spits, bellowing for blood at football games, singing about Willie and Way Ion and the boys and remembering the Alamo. But it's all over. I have conclusive evidence before me of the wimping of Texas. It's a breathless announcement about a new wine called get this, pardners "Texas First Blush." The wine is a product of a Texas vineyard called Ste. Genevieve. The announcement out of Fort Stockton, Texas, says: "It's refreshing, crisp and just a lit tle bit effervescent. That describes Texas First Blush, an exciting and should offer equality to socio-economic problems distorted the inner logic of the original, compell ing civil-rights argument: "Many Amer icans who supported the initial thrust of civil rights, as represented by the Brown v. Board of Education decision and the Civil Rights Act of 1964, later felt betrayed as the original concept of individual opportunity evolved to ward the concept of equal group re sults. . . . '"Equal opportunity' laws and poli cies require that individuals be judged on their qualifications as individuals, without regard to race, sex, age, etc. 'Affirmative action' requires that they be judged with regard to such mem bership . . ." v Jim Rogers The distinction being made here was lucidly summerized in a quip found at the end of Sowell's book: "The right to vote is a civil right. The right to win is not." That the politically oriented "civil rights" approach has been counterpro ductive in recent years is evidenced by the inability of the approach to articu late reasonable political solutions to the primarily social and economic pro blems plaguing minority communities in general, and the black community in particular. The social problem of the destruc tion of the black family is a case in delicious new white wine with ' impn. ... a special tasting by celebrities of the first bottles of Texas First Blush will be held at events in Austin, Hous- Mike Royko ton and Dallas the second week of September. " 'We wanted Texans to have a re freshing early wine, Henri Bernabe, a partner in Ste. Genevieve Vineyards said, especially during the warm months I 171 mtdated. instead of victory point. During the discussion among some black leaders following a network documentary on the crisis, the most salient point was not really what was said, but how it was said. Overtly polit ical rhetoric was avoided by even the liberal participants, while the more (historically) conservative language of community and responsibility was adop ted. Similarly, two decades of attempting to solve the economic problem of black poverty through the political process has produced few social results of value (and may have been seriously counterproductive to the fabric of the black community. These days, however, the rhetoric of some of the black lead ership has changed from arguing eco nomic equality as a civil right to sup porting business development programs modeled loosely after the success of the Italian-American Bank of Italy (now called the Bank of America). The bottom line is this: The political process is ill-suited to serve as the panoply of answers for whatever ails us. Serious distortion results when we try to force political solutions onto prob lems originating in social and eco nomic institutions. Any political philo sophy that ignores this fact runs the risk of being rejected as impractical in the long run. The thrust of liberal policy initia tives over the last 55 years or so has been to seek political solutions to problems irrespective of the source of the problem. Today such attempts no longer work, and continued attempts to force the fit in spite of the facts are not only foolish, it's reactionary. Rogers is an economics graduate and a law student. of late summer when it would bej is intjjieiLCii nave men iw"h wines, we felt that Texans should have a nouveau of their own. "Ste. Genevieve is helping establish a newTexas tradition: a thirst-quenching wine made in Texas for thirsty Texans. "Texas First Blush is the very blos som of youthful wine for delicious and multi-purpose drinking. It's light and easygoing, capable of being appreciated and understood through enjoyment." Oh, I can see it happening now, down around the Pecos territory. "Howdy, Bubba." "How-do, Billy Bob." "Let's git us a drink, Bubba." "Best danged offer I've had all day. "Barkeep, some service here." "What'll it be gents? Three fingers ot red-eye? Or some bourbon with branch See ROYKOonl