Friday, February 1, 1935
Dally Ncbraskan
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fThs Jan- H edition cf "Jet" rr.izir.e con
I tained tha findings cf a recent poll, con-C-eted
by tha Data Black Public Opinion
Polls, Inc., which addressed the issue cf "What
Blacks Eea!!y Want In the United States." The
finding cf the poll can be Interpreted In a
variety of ways. One such way will be reflected in
the contents cf this article.
Matthew
Stelly
The meet pepubr answer, according to thi3
poll, was "good health" (85 percent cf the
respondents). It was fcSIowad by "good family
life" (24 percent), "peace of mind" (23 percent),
"a good job" (6 percent), 'health" (3 percent)
and "having a good time" (0.4 percent).
The poll, based cn the responses of some 1,200
blacks interviewed from all educational levels
and economic backgrounds, is important if we
want to have evidence that blacks seek the
"good life" as do others bora in this country. For
instance, 83 percent of those in the poll said it
would be better If blacks and whites lived
together in the sane community, while only 7
percent said they should live in separate
communities.
It seems to me, if these responses are close to
being indicative cf the "black vic.vpcht" cn
what people cf color in this country want, it is no
wonder unemployment is sky-high, black-on-black
crime is increasing and we remain con
fined in the ghettos of this nation's urban intras
tructurcs. After all, if we believe that it would be
better for blacks and whites to live together in
the same communities then it would seem
that there would be more of us confronting the
-subjective and material conditions that prevent
this from taking place.
It would seem to me, for inst&ice, that if 35
percent of blacks see good health as one cf the
most important elements cf the good life, we
would develop and expand upon programs that
would address the inf&nt mortality rate. In North
Omaha, for example, the infest mortality ate is
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31.9 per 1,000 births; for white Ora&hanV it Is
only 13,9 per 1,000 births.
If good health ?s on of our priorities, it is
important that we do something about these
mechanisms which impede having geod health.
This means thit we should sea to it that the
clinics and cfT.ecs, which address our health
needs, remain inside of our communities rather
than cn the fringe of them.
This means that we need to lower the
physician-to-patient ratio among blacks by pro
viding early childhood education and direction
so that black youth will seek out and take an
interest in the medical profession. In many
cases, what must be dene lor us must first be
done by us.
In regard to the 20 percent who talked about a
"good family life," this is not a wish endemic to
black people; everyone wishes to have a good
family life. The only problem is, we have to
consider the conditions that lead to certain
kinds of consciousness that shape conduct,
which is inevitably anti-family.
For instance, we wfroudd look at the nuclear
family system objectively and'truV assess whether
alttiy family Me
it is going to meet our needs. The extended
family structure certainly offers viable litems
tives to a ciicnically poor people, and we would
do well to begin assessing whether or net tha
concept of "mama, daddy and the kids" Is as
productive cr progressive as we have been lead
to believe. .
. Furthermore, if people are concerned about
the family, then they should be concerned about
it for everybody, and that includes these locked
behind bars. To talk cf the family system without
taking into consideration the total institutions
which limit, restrict and confine men and
women the prisons and military being two
is like swinging at someone in the dark when
ain't nobody there but you.
The poll brought out many interesting points,
some cf which I have shared with you in this
short article. Ho w ever, one thing is certain: Clack
people want what everybody else born in Amer
ica wan t3, and whether you are an integrationist,
a separatist, a Christian cr a Muslim, it all boils
down to first cf all being accepted as a human
being. Without human rights, civil rights are of
little use.
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i aviivka &ze ay i:;:;riiie:;i
fi for the rectification cf the
worn s tils tnat they have net
tilcen time to notice that the Senate
itself needs seaa attention. However,
Dan Quiyie has noticed, and has some
proposals, to which I add this one:
Eearraitga the furniture on the Senate
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Will I
Qunh is in the liith year of what
will be, If God is willing and Indiana is
wise, many tenr.s hi the Senate. A
lissome young Republican cf 37, he
looks 27, and during his 1283 campaign
he was accused yes, accused of
looking unfairly like Ecbcrt Bedford.
(Ylif.:i will the Federal Election Com
mission issue 'regulations to correct
the unfairness cf candidates not looking
equally splendid?)
Quaj la has a number cf ideas to
improve two things: the conduct of
business on the Senate floor, and the
committee system in which most Senate
business is done. He would reform the
rales governing the Senate floor to
make it more didcslt it is now
simple for one member to bring the
Senate to a standstill by dilatory devices
(frivolous amendments, filibusters,
etc.). And he would reduce the size of
committees and the number of sub
committees. If the Senate is to be what it 13
plessedtobe celled '-world's greatest
deliberative body" it must be dis
posed to, and able to, deliberate. But
deliberation takes time, and a certain
rhythm cf institutional life. Deliberative
senators cannot live like dray horses in
harness, driven by staff from one hearing
to another. But for SO years the number
of senators has remained constant, as
has the number of hours in the day.
Neither number is apt to change soon.
The number of committees and espe
cially subcommittees has grown rapidly
aa senators have sougl.it new oppor
tunities to Mr staff and make news.
When Jim Buckley left the Senate
after one term representing New York
(197176), he said the work load had
doubled during his six years. One
reason the load is so heavy is the
proliferation of subcommittees. That
ho3 multiplied the burdens cf the
executive branch. When William
Ruckelshaus first served as head of the
Environmental Protection Agency 15
years ago, he had to report to 15
committees and subcommittees. When
he returned to that job in 1833, the
number was 44.
Quayle's ideas are sound, but not
sufficient. The Senate should rearrange
its desks and chairs, for ChurchiSIian
reasons.
When a German bomb destroyed the
House cf Commons, the chamber could
have been rebuilt along various lines.
But Churchill insisted that its tradi
tional physical features be reproduced
because they sustain particular political
principles.
He wanted the chamber to be oblong
with benches on two sides, facing each
other, rather than with individual seats
arranged in a semicircle. And he was
adamant that the chamber be only big
enough to seat about two-thirds of the
niemb&rs. Ke warned against "semi
circular assemblies with buildings that
give to every member net enly a seat to
sit in, but often a desk to write at, with
a lid to bang" a description of the
U.S. Senate.
Churchill believed that the oblong
shape was "a very potent factor in our
political life" because it buttresses the
nil of two durable end disciplined
parties. Semicircular assemblies, ho
said, encourage loose assemblages of
lesser groups in constantly shifting
coalitions cf weak principles. Ha said
the semicircular assembly encourages
"the group system" because it does
nothing to encourep party identifica
tion, party discipline and clarity of
principle. He said a strong', two-party
system, and a government capable cf
vigorous action, is nurtured by an
oblong chamber. The physical fact of
confrontation concentrates minds 'on
the reality of two competing blocs, and
the act cf voting with the ether side
becomes more momentous.
Churchill thought a legislative
chamber should be so small that it can
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not contain all its members without
overcrowding. Otherwise almost all
debates will be conducted in the dis
piriting, trivializing atmosphere of an
almost empty chamber. He thought
good legislative rhetoric should ba
conversational, not haranguing, and
the conversational style requires a
small space. Furthermore, cn great
occasions crowding gives a sense cf
urgency.
It will be said that Americans should
not want the Senate to sit in a smaller
chamber (with, say, 60 chairs 25 to a
side) because party cohesion and con
versational, cut-and-thnist rhetoric are
not important to American goals. But
perhaps they should be. And Qiurchill's
theory call it architectural deter
minism, or the Seating Arrangement
Theory Gffi&iory is easier to ridicule
than refute.
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