monday, november 9, 1981
page 4
daily nebraskan
Western Europe sits in middle of war of words
Secretary of State Alexander Haig certainly
grabbed the headlines last Thursday when he told
the Senate Foreign Relations Committee of a
little known NATO plan.
Haig told the committee that a NATO contin
gency plan calls for the firing of a nuclear weapon
"for demonstration purposes. The weapon
would most likely be used should a conventional
war begin in Europe.
Apparently, NATO strategists believe such
action would show aggressors i.e., the Soviet
Union, that the United States means business and
would force them to back down.
What the NATO strategists apparently forgot is
that such moves of diplomatic chess, with human
lives as the pawns, are not beneficial to peace.
It was also interesting that Defense Secretary
Caspar Weinberger discounted Haigs statement
the next day. While it is one part of a contingency
plan, Weinberger offered no real chances that it
would be implemented.
So, the administration seems to be talking out
of both sides of its mouth at once. Haig comes off
as the Voice of Doom, while Weinberger is the
calm, reassuring Voice of Reason.
Their bickerings are just a part of the political
infighting going on in the White House. Political
columnists are having a field day with rumors
about the status of Haig, Weinberger, National
Security Director Richard Allen and aides Ed
Meese and Jim Baker.
President Reagan's denials of those rumors
have done more to fan the fire than to extinguish
it.
Whatever political squabbles exist in the White
House is of little importance. Arguments and
differences of opinion should help formulate a
policy that encompasses all sides of the issue.
But it is becoming increasingly apparent that
many of our allies are perplexed about who
speaks for the United States.
Haig, although well respected by the many con
tacts he met while head of NATO, must be send
ing shivers up most Europeans spines with talks of
firing a nuclear weapon for demonstrative
purposes.
Hate is resorting to the irrational philosophy of
"let's lob one in the men's room of the Kremlin'
made famous during Barry Gold water's 1964
presidential candidacy.
Following Haig's statements, Weinberger then
becomes the clean-up hitter, responsible for clear
ing up any wrong impressions created by Haig
statements.
It all must be very disconcerting to the Europ
eans, especially when Western Europe is in the
middle of the war of the words between the U.S.
and the Soviet Union.
It's really too bad so few in the administration
have paid any attention to the peace marches
throughout Europe in the last month.
The United States certainly cannot expect sup
port from Europe when we subjugate them to liv
ing under the Sword of Damocles because of our
policies.
And statements concerning our intentions in
Europe from Haig will go a long way toward
undermining support for what the United States
calls its peace policy.
Politics and football mix during halftime speech
George Bush, the eminently capable
man in the Avis position of vice presi
dent, always tries harder. He has to.
When he came to Lincoln Saturday,
Bush found he was sharing Pershing
Auditorium with several 6-foot TV
screens and a room full of football
hungry Nebraska Republican fundrais
ers. A twist of fate had put the Corn
huskers on regional television with a
scheduled morning kickoff.
my mccabe
Quickly assessing priorities, Republi
can National Committeemen used the
televisions to prevent local GOPs from
having to miss a personal address from
the second most powerful man in their
party, the man many point out as "just
a Hinckley away from the presidency."
The Huskers were on television, and
Bush faced a tremendous charisma clash
with Turner Gill.
The heir to the most powerful throne
on Earth had his schedule altered in
order to give him some time on the
podium during halftime. Bush, being an
astute man, realized that not only can
football and politics mix, but that they
are often undiscernable.
Bush pointed out that when the
Democrats fumbled the ball in 1980 and
the Republicans recovered, the nation
was faced with poor field position and
the nagging crosswind of public un
certainty. With Reagan as quarterback,
Bush said we now have a better option
play.
"He can run the country, or he can
roll out to his right and pass the buck,"
explained the VP. "The trouble is that
his opponents all want to sack him be
hind the line of scrimmage. Our job is to
beef up the offensive line and give our
man the protection to throw the bomb
every now and then."
Bush called the Carter years a "three
yards and a cloud of dust" administrat
ion, noting that Carter's refusal to
gamble on the fourth down of foreign
policy drives prevented him from
getting a post-season invitation from the
electoral college.
"Right now we have the wind at our
backs and plenty of time on the clock
to rally the Republican Party," said
Bush.
He explained that despite the
economy pulling a hamstring, it should
come back to full speed any day now.
Bush warns that investors should be
exercising their options rather than
"lollygagging in the whirlpool of Wall
Street skepticism."
The vice president also told the
gathering to be wary of press coverage
of the Reagan administration, saying
that a media blitz is often used to hem
the president in and prevent lateral
movement. Bush pointed out that part
of the problem has come from Reagan's
fondness for calling audibles at the line
without first huddling with his advisers.
"But that's just the kind of man he
is," said Bush. "He doesn't like people
calling the plays from the press box."
When asked about his own president
ial aspirations, Bush explained he
doesn't mind being second string and
having the opportunity to learn from a
veteran. He said he should be ready to
substitute by 1984, and the Republicans
are already talking about redshirting
Jack Kemp for the 1988 season.
Midway through his speech Bush
noted the crowd was getting restless for
halftime statistics and attempted to
regain the audience's attention.
"We must be sure we can intercept
more Russian missiles" he said. "We
cannot be penalized in our foreign
policy by having the congressional ranks
being offside. The best total offense is a
good total defense. If we want the
Statue of Liberty to be more than just
a trick play, we must be sure that the
Republicans maintain their lead in time
of possession of the White House."
Bush was beginning to speak on
U.S.-Soviet relations when he was
startled by a chant of "Go Big Red."
The vice president was relieved to find
16'
it was not an act of treason, but that the
second half was about to begin. Bush
had to wait for the first Schlitz com
mercial to finish his speech, thanking
the fans for their support of the admini
stration and promising a winning season
from the "Gipper" and himself.
"When in Rome, do as the Romans
do," said a resigned Bush before leaving
Lincoln. The vice president, on his way
to another fundraiser in Minnesota, was
understandably concerned. "I don't
know a thing about hockey " he said.
Tip O'Nomics impede U.S. prosperity
Ronald Reagan, says Tip O'Neill, is "flubbing around
with the economy," and the president will have to
approach the Speaker of the House on his knees if he
wants any budget cooperation from the Democrats.
Thanks, Mr. Speaker. That's exactly what he needed
to hear. It clarifies the whole picture. You and your
cronies don't oppose Reagan because you have any alter
native program or principles; you will even help him - if
he shows suitable deference to your dignity.
5s)d sobran
The Wall Street Journal put it bluntly: "The Speaker
and his henchmen ARE the problem. They are deliber
ately and cynically undermining the president and his
program to protect the institutional power Congress and
its leaders have amassed over the last decade. A man who
can beam over the prospects of recession and continuous
inflation is not thinking about the welfare of the country
but merely of cutting the president down to size."
When we talk about whether Reaganomics can work
let us bear in mind, always, exactly what "working"
means. Reaganomics is an attempt to repair the damage
done by what we might call Tip O'Nomics. Tip O'Nomics
means high spending, high taxes, high inflation. It
"works" only if you happen to be on the gravy train of
the "Party of Compassion," which Tip represents. Its
effects on everyone else are baneful.
Orthodox Republican economic wisdom held that a
balanced budget comes first; you can't cut taxes unless
you cut spending. Reaganomics, the supply-side approach,
tries to cut both, it stresses the cut in tax rates, counting
on that to generate enough extra revenue to cover the
government's bills. It assumes that beyond a certain point,
which we have long since passed, lower tax rates actually
bring in more tax revenues.
Reaganomics is thus designed to ease us away, with
minimal pain, from Tip O'Nomics. The alternative to
Reaganomics is some more painful cure. Tip O'Nomics,
however, is not a cure: it is the disease.
Continued on Page 5
a
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