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daily nebraskan
monday, february 9, 1981
An
Reagan's political promises blowin' in the wind
Promises. Promises.
Every politician is full of and eagerly spews
promises to that all important electoral clement
of American society: potential voters.
Last fall, presidential candidate Ronald Reagan
made several promises to the public. Among those
promises were actions he said definitely would be
taken in the best interests of this nation and its
populace.
By making these firm declarations, last year's
presidential candidate said he was proving to U.S.
citizens that he had the spine, the fortitude and
the leadership experience to be the chief execu
tive of a world power. More so, at any rate, than
his opposition.
Now, however, things apparently have changed.
It's not that the proposals, or promises, made
by Reagan have been softened. But as president,
Reagan obviously no longer intends to back up
the rhetoric of last fall with the actions he had
prescribed to cure many of the nation's ailments.
Evidence of this is Reagan's shifting on some
of the campaign promises that were purported
to be absolutes, such as his vow to make suffic
ient and immediate tax cuts and his pledge to
end the grain embargo with the Soviet Union.
It long has been a given that political strategy
involves, perhaps even features, promises a can
didate never honestly intends to fulfill; solutions
to problems the public office aspirant actually
(.Iocs not plan to confront.
These crowd pleasing proposals add spice to
otherwise dreary, predictable verbal offerings
repeatedly regurgitated through the lengthy
campaign season. It happens all the time, right'.'
Yes, sadly, it does happen all the time. Un
fortunately, some voters actually may fall for the
rhetoric. They may believe in a candidate and the
positions and opinions of leadership he or she
iciviiki';
It would be interesting to know if people in
the midwest the agricultural heartland of the
nation would have given their overwhelming
support to Reagan demonstrated last November
via the ballot box had they known he would
waffle on his promise to end the grain embargo.
Reagan toyed with agriculture interests by
assuring them their problem of financial in
security would at least be partially abated.
Now, however, he seemingly does not intend
to deliver.
Lasr year's election was not a single issue
contest. Nevertheless, those who stand to suffer
from Reagan's obvious slight of their economic
plight should make it known they do not apprec
iate the president's goals changing with the
political winds.
'Rebel' factions warrant scrutiny
The Scene: a powerful government
versus a radical faction of its subjects:
This localized civil uprising has been
called a "regional manifestation of
world unrest." A growing group of ag
itators and rebels has been making
life rough for a ruling class accustomed
to having its orders followed. Thus,
the government beefs up its military
strength as a show of force to those
who would oppose it.
casey mc cabe
This spawns overt and covert pro
test on the part of the radicals. Spokes
men begin printing what they admit is
propaganda in hopes of inflaming pas
sions and stirring revolutionary thought.
The radicals resent any objective report
ing on the events and issues for they be
lieve that is not the way to fight for a
cause. One of the leading agitators
justified his smear tactics on the gov
ernment as a technique essential to
vistory.
An organized campaign of threats
and economic coersion is reinforced at
times by mob action against publi
cations that are not all-out for the
radical cause. The opposing media is
nearly all hounded out of business
while those who try to be neutral are
either forced into the radical camp or
into suspension.
It is also a class struggle on the part
of the rebels, who resented the decision-making
power of the aristocratic
government leaders. The radical faction
protested the government's support
of corporate monopolies by destroying
their incoming goods through terror
ist actions.
Unpopular laws are met with riot
ing mobs that stoned the houses of local
political leaders and destroyed theii
vehicles. A publisher who protested
the radical's actions is hanged in effigy
attacked on the street and forced tc
(lee the country.
The first real catalyst tor violence
occurs when a group of rowdy pro
testors began hurling objects and ver
bal abuse at military guards protecting,
the Custom House. When the soldiers
became crowded by the mob, they fin
ally fired into them to disperse the
protest, killing five.
This becomes a rallying point for the
rebels, and propaganda leaders charac
terized the five deceased as noble mar
tyrs, not as the rough, violently inclined
dock workers they were. Social rcvoli.
becomes imminent.
The radicals now turn to ambushes,
fire-bombings and raids. Mobs in the
street destroy anything representative
of their oppressors. Anyone on the side
of the ruling class is not safe on the
streets, and underground armies are
springing up everywhere. Eventually,
the radical faction wins.
The radical faction is based in such
cities as Boston and Philadelphia. The
time is the late 18th century. And the
rebel leaders, complete with ponytails,
carry such names as Sam Adams.
George Washington, Benjamin Franklin
and Thomas Jefferson. The aforement
ioned events are textbook examples
from the Revolutionary War, which
gave America its independance from
Great Britain.
Times and circumstances change, but
there still is some real food for thought
given this perspective. For one, it is
somewhat awkward to consider that
romanticized events such as the Boston
Tea Party, the burning of the British
revenue cutter Gaspec, or even the
nature of Paul Revcre's ride, would
probably be called "terrorist actions"
today. In 1776, the words "radical"
and "patriot" were synonyms.
Another thought that deserves dig
esting considers the current course of
U.S. foreign policy. If the same events
of the American Revolution were to
take place elsewhere on the globe today,
would tiie administration view the
"radicals" demands as legitimate, or
condemn their actions as being those
of impudent barbarians?
As Benjamin Franklin said on the eve
of the revolution: "Passion governs
and she never governs wisely."
Ronnie blasts Commies in Hollywood war epic
No monumental Hollywood epic would be complete
without a number of dramatic war scenes. And those for
"Mr. Reagan Goes to Washington" have already been
filmed.
They open with Ronald Reagan (played by Ronald
Reagan), resplendent in his new six-star general's uniform,
taking The Girl Who Adores Him (played by Nancy Davis)
into his arms.
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Nancy (tears in her eyes): Oh, dearest, can't you linger
w ith me for but a few brief precious hours?
Ronald (grimly): Don't you know there's a Cold War
on? I must get back to my boys at the front. I cannot let
General Haig (played by George C. Scott) face the enemy
all alone.
Nancy: I'm so proud of you, dear. How heroic you
were when you launched that opening attack, calling
those Russians lying, cheating criminals. Then when you
bravely revoked Ambassador Dobrynin's parking privileges
in the State Department garage . . .
Ronald: Yes, there'll be heck to pay for that. Now
give me that red pillbox hat with a hole in it that Adolfo
designed for you for the inauguration. I want to wear
vour colors into battle.
Nancy: But won't it look silly on you?
Ronald: Not on my head. On my sleeve. Slip it over
my wrist. There. Farewell, sweetheart.
Nancy: But what about inflation, recession, stagnation
and getting the government off our backs?
Ronald: That'll have to wait. For I won't be back 'till
it's over, over there!
(Long embrace. Fade to Ronald slogging gamely
through the mud, the tattered remnants of the hat still
on his sleeve. A barrage of slurs whistles overhead. Tlie
whine of a huge incoming malediction tan be heard.
Ronald dives headfirst into a bombast crater as the male
diction explodes behind him. A pale-faced kid lies whim
pering beside him.)
Kid: Forgive me, sir. I'm only a Nit Picker, Third Class.
And I just can't take any more jeers and imprecations.
Ronald: Cold War is heck, kid. But on your feet! We'll
give them H-E-double-toothpicks together. Remember,
all America is behind us.
Kid: You're right, sir! (He leaps to his feet and charges
forward shouting:) Many Commies have dandruff!
(Montage of factories turning out insidts; Cold War
bond rallies; and presses spewing forth newspapers with
the headlines reading: "RON Nil- BLASTS COMMIES
AGAIN!" and. at last. "RUSSIANS SURRFNDIR'"
(Fade to deck of battleship. Ruby Keeler is tap dancing
as Ronald and Nancy watch a Russian in a blue blazer,
preppy tie and white bucks signing the surrender docu
ments. )
Russian: (shaking Ronald's hand): Thank you for
saving us from Communism and converting us to moder
ate Republicanism. Down with the FRA.
Nancy (proudly): Yes, dearest. Now you can go home
and fight inflation, recession, stagnation, and . . .
Ronald: Who's going home?
(c) Chronicle Publishing Co. 1981
UPSP 144-080
Editor: Kathy Chenr jit, Managing editor: Tom McNeil; News
editor: Val Swinton; Associate news editors Diane Andersen,
Steve Miller; Assistant news editor: Bob Lannm; Night news
editor Kathy Stokebrand. Magazine editor: Mary Kempkes;
Entertainment editor Casey McCabe; Sports editor Larry Sparks;
Art director: Dave Luebke, Photography chief Mark Biilingsley.
Assistant photography chief: Mitch Hrdlicka
Copy editors M.ke Bartels, Sue Brown. Pat Clark Nancy Ellis.
Dan Epp, Maureen Hutfless. Alice Hrn.cek. Kim Hachiya. Jeanne
Mohatt. Janice Pigaga
Business manager: Anne Shank; Production manager. Kittv
Pol.cky, Advertising manager Art Small; Assistant advertising
manager: Jeff Pike.
Publications Board chairman Mark Bowen 473-0212 Pro
fessional adviser: Don Walton, 473 7301
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