The daily Nebraskan. ([Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-current, September 02, 1971, Page PAGE 6, Image 6
IBrwPfiWWSff5ls35ESEfc3 One of the constant battles of our free society is the struggle between the press and government over the amount and nature of information made available to the public. The University, a branch of state government, also suppresses information for both good and bad reasons. On page one of today's Daily Nebraskan is a story revealing the apparent secret list of seven candidates who are being considered by the Board of Regents for the UN L chancellorship. University officials have maintained that the list, prepared by a special search committee, should be kept secret. They contend that each man's integrity is being assessed and cannot be given public circulation without hurting the candidate or the University's potential for recruiting a first class person. They further argue that selecting a chancellor should not be open to undue political pressure. That is all very nice, but it leaves the public and most of the University in the dark about the selection process. This is a strange practice considering the University is supported by public tax dollars and students and faculty will be deeply affected by the new chancellor. President D. B. Varner has repeatedly stated that the University belongs to the taxpaying public. If this is the case, why not let the people of the state have a voice in the selection of the new chancellor? Granted, the Regents should have the final say in picking a successor to Joseph Soshnik. But a decision of such importance should not be made by eight men in a back room. These are some of the reasons why the Daily Nebraskan is making the list public. Two other interesting aspects of the selection process are that (1) the selection committee did not get a chance to interview the candidates and (2) the Regents are not obligated to follow the search committee's recommendations. Both these procedures seem to reduce the value of the search committee in the hunt for a new chancellor. Now that the list is public, the candidates should be examined closely, but with extreme caution. They should not be subjected to public debacle or emotional attack. The Regents' goal should be to find the best possible man after exploring public sentiment. I (MPOHKDH & I iiniiiiiifflMiwiiffl i ii i nr - n -m ii n . imn mm n 1110 mi nfrramiiiiniiirtrniimiiimniniiioniiiiin irmm iiw iir ll.r..i nW Editor: Gary Seacre&t. Managing Editor: Laura Willers. News Editor: Steve Strasier. Advertising Manager: Barry Pilger. Publications Committee Chairman: James Horner. Staff writers: Bill Smitherman, Carol Strasser, Marsha Kahm, Bart Becker, Dennis Snyder, Vicki Pulos, Roxann Rogers, Steve Kadel, H. J. Cummins, Randy Beam, Lucy Lien, Duane Leibhart. Sports editor: Jim Johnston. Photographers: Bill Ganzel, Gail Folds. Entertainment editor: Larry Kubert. Literary editors: Alan Boye, Lucy Kerchberger. East campus writer: Terri Bedient. Artist: Al Chan. Copy editors: Tom Lans worth, Jim Clemons, Sara Trask, Jim Gray, Night editor: Leo Schleicher. BUSINESS STAFF Coordinator: Jerri Haussler. Ad staff : Greg Scott, Beth Malashock, Jane Kidwell, Sue Phillips, Mick Moriarty, Jeff Aden, Steve Yates, Kay Phillips, O. J. Nelson, Susie Goebel. Secretary: Kathy Cook. Telephones: editor: 472-2588, news: 472-2589, advertising: 472-2590. Second clacs postage rates paid at Lincoln, Nebraska. Subscription rates are $6 per semester or $10 per year. Published Monday, Wednesday, Thursday and Friday during the school year except during vacation and exam periods. Member of the Intercollegiate Press, National Educational Advertising Service. The Daily Nebraskan is a student publication, independent of the University of Nebraska's administration, faculty and student government. Address: The Daily Nebraskan, 34 Nebraska Union, University of Nebraska, Lincoln, Nebraska 68508. -mis fciHt i Wp v pUUUii&j u jgh (IDnDDDDDQDDD ishniBc ID The following are excerpts from a speech prepared by Joseph Soshnik for Doane College's commencement last month. Soshnik left his postion as UNL president Sept. 1 to take a job with an Omaha investment banking firm. A little over a year ago I read a commencement address given by Dr. Eric Walker, who was then president of Pennsylvania State University. He presented to the graduates a series of facts that had been gathered by Dr. Bergen Evans of Northwestern University. These are some of the things Dr. Walker said to the graduates a little over a year ago: "These--your parents and grandDarents--are the people who within just five decades - 1919 1969 - have by their work increased your life expectancy by approximately 50 per cent -- who while cutting the working day by a third, have more than doubled per capita output. "These are the people who have giveh you a healthier world than they found... "Many of these people know what it is to be poor, what it is to be hungry and cold. And because of this, they determined that it would not happen to you, that you would have a better life, you would have food to eat, milk to drink, vitamins to nourish you, a warm home, better schools, and greater opportunities to succeed than they had... "And because they were materialistic, you will work fewer hours, learn more, have more leisure time, travel to more distant places, and have more of a chance to follow your life's ambition... "And they made a start - although a late one - in healing the scars of the earth and in fighting pollution and the destruction of our natural environment. They set into motion new laws giving conservation new meaning, and setting aside land for you and your children to enjoy for generations to come .... "While they have done all these things, they have had some failures. They have not yet found an alternative for war, nor for racial hatred. Perhaps you, the members of this graduating class, will perfect the social mechanisms by which all men may follow their ambitions without the threat of force - so that all the earth will no longer need police to enforce the laws, nor armies to prevent some men from trespassing against others. "But they-those generations -made more progress by the sweat of their brows than in any previous era, and don't you forget it. And if your generation can make as much progress in as many areas as these two generations have, you should be able to solve a good many of the world's remaining ills." "With regard to the 1970's, much has been projected and much has been written. Inevitably, the prognosticators and predictors have dealt with new and exciting possiblities that are to be expected through sophisticated science and technology. "Not surprisingly, the scientifical frontier has been made synonymous with what might be called "breakthroughs": cancer vaccines; control of hurricanes and weather; "genetic engineering," to correct hereditary malfuncations and prevent birth abnormalities; new fuel sources; earthquake prediction techniques - all of these were cited as illustrative possibilities. "These brief references to projected scientific and technological advances are intended as background for two points: First of all, the advances will not be independent achievements. They will be products of the development of human capabilities. Although exceptions can be cited, most contemporary scientific and technological advances have been the result, not of solitary inspiration or genius, but of organized and highly purposeful effort. "These advances represent tangible returns or dividends produced by our investments in higher education and scholarship it may be accepted as a truism that educational expenditures are reproductive in character. It is correct to say that educational expenditures supported by taxation or philanthropy are an "investment", not a "cost," and should also be reflected in our social and governmental accounting processes. "My second point is that scientific progress and technological progress are not ultimate ends -- or for that matter, simply means -- to human progress. "Simple reflection tells us that the most recent decade of American life has witnessed - simultaneously - unprecedented technological progress and striking social change and unrest. At the same time that we observe in awe the achievements of nuclear and space scientists we hear more and louder voices whose key words are environment, pollution, poverty, racial justice, quality of life. There is growing frustration as increasing numbers of people come to realize that our wealth, our superb technical skills, and our desire for the superlative both solve and create problems. As though to mock our material progress, darkening problems of urbanization, of lacerating political and social division, and of aimless discontent are a part of the legacy of the decade of the 60's. "It is of course impossible to calculate the national benefits of "being scientific". Few persons would question the claim that such an outlook has been of fundamental importance in achieving our material progress at home and our inf luence abroad. On the other band, "being humanistic", both in our schools and colleges - and outside them - is equally necessary to achieve solutions to our national anguishes, to maintain our leadership abroad, and to represent to the world what the quality of human life can be. "In this sense we can say, with fervent hope, to the young adults of this nation - and especially to those who are graduating this evening: "Anything we can do you can do better." is? torn braden V'iimmiii' Sal AAeany's position shows weakness Hopefully, the troops of George Meany will pause and request to be informed before they follow their leader into defiance of the President's wage-price freeze. Equally hopefully, someone will inform them that the last labor leader to defy a wage-freeze was John L. Lewis, a more fearsome man than Mr. Meany. But Lewis met his match in a President named Harry Truman who always behaved as though he didn't know what the word "fearsome" meant. There may be a great deal to be said for Mr. Meany's point of view. He does not like the investment tax credit part of the President's plan and he thinks it unfair to freeze wages without freezing profits. Many economists agree, and there is plenty of time for dissenters to take their case to Congress. It was Congress a Democratic Congress wmch bestowed power upon President Nixon to do what he has done. What Congress has bestowed, Congress can amend or take away. Nor can it be said that the Presiddent acted hastily. Poor George Schultz. He held out to the last in the hope that the mini-recession he had created would eventually halt inflation. But in the end there was Shultz, still arguing for a little more time. On the other side, there was Arthur Burns, also an economist, arguing for action now, and there was John Connally, the consummate politician, pointing to the Phillips curve. The Phillips curve occupied the time of the President's Council of Economic Advisers in the week before the President issued his order. Roughly defined, this curve shows the relationship between unemployment and inflation. It is the curve which offers economists evidence that full employment requires a 7 inflation. As the members of the counsel studied the curve during the week of decision, it became clear that in the large states-Texas and California, for example- no amount of pump priming between now and Election Day of 1972 would reduce unemployment sufficiently for the President to brag about it. Therefore, the council was unanimous in recommending that Mr. Nixon go after the inflation problem instead. And so he did, and George Shultz, who has always said privately that Mr. Nixon showed great courage in permitting him to plan unemployment went to work loyally to argue for another scheme. What George Meany forgets--or chooses not to remember--is that the inflation-recession is the direct result of President Lyndon Johnson's war and of Lyndon Johnson's practiced deceit in refusing to ask the American people to pay for that war. In all of this Mr. Johnson was vastly aided by Mr. Meany who has supported "More" for Vietnam with as much eagerness as he has always demanded "more" for labor. Mr. Meany conceives of himself as a patriot. He has apparently yet to learn that patriotism demands more of a man than support for any foreign policy which comes along. Brevity in letters is requested and the Daily Nebraskan reserves the right to condense letters. All letters must be accompanied by writer's true name but may be submitted for publication under a pen name or initials. However, letters will be printed under a pen name or initials at the editor's discretion. Dear Editor, Why is this University determined to make distribution of student indentification cards a difficult thing?Monday and Tuesday I noticed the freshmen and new students standing (and standing) in line literally for hours waiting to pick up their new identification cards, a task that in the past has only taken a matter of minutes. I noticed upperclassmen standing for hours in the administration building waiting to get their new ID stickers, stickers that a seemingly arbitrary portion of the upperclassmen received in the mail. Why all the bureaucratic and institutionalized hassle to perform a seemingly simple task? Knowing full well how necessary ID cards are for much of the first week busy work, the administration apparently made no attempts to simplify the distribution but rather seems to have complicated it. I can only imagine what drop and add will be like. To the new students: Welcome to the University where the computerized and institutionalized dehumanization of a , student body is a way of life. Doug Beckwith ASUN Senator (A&S) There is no rationality. Absurdity abounds. Confusion reigns. Small things are absurd. Large things are absurd. Things get more absurd in direct proportion to size. The large things that are absurd are everywhere and everything, all-evident. In the large things irrationality is rationality. We live in a democracy and a capitalist system. Therefore it is logical that we elect a President like we buy a package of hamburger, artificially flavored and colored. Another example is units. Our society is, of course, based on the accumulation of units (theory of John K. Hansen of Informer fame) Units can be material, like dollars, cars, votes, or they can be more intangible, like belonging to the country club. The thing to understand about units is that the more you have, the better. Since our society is a diverse society, we don't figure out units on a uniform basis. It all depends on your Frame of Reference. First I will cover the mass men of our country, the silent majority, middle class, or whatever. The silent majority Frame of Reference measures mostly material units. (To get your please send three Reader's Digest Covers, one Barbie doll, and one autographed glossy of Sen. Roman Hruska to Richard Nixon, White House.) The freak Frame of Reference (or hippie, if you prefer) is a little different. Fora freak, not having units is having units. It's mainly a serendipity effect on the silent majority Frame of Reference. (To get your freak Frame of Reference, please send three joints (no Nebraska grass please), one Right On! deodorant label, and one other relevant and meaningful object to the Rolling Stone Magazine, S.F.. Calif.) One important thing to remember is that the silent majority Frame of Reference is very predominant in this country. Using this frame of reference, you arc lead easily to the conclusion that if the Russians can kill everyone in our country with nuclear warheads four times, we must then be able to kill the Russians six or seven times at the very minimum, just to make sure. After all, we wouldn't want those communits to have control of the slag heap that would be left after we were all killed at least four times. Now, to equate units to the immediate situation, our fine No. 1 university, the University of Nebraska, pronounced 'New" or "Unnnhhh" for short. You all will be getting tuition statements soon. This semester the University will get $267, let's just call them 267 units from each of us, no strings attached. For each of us to get just fifteen or sixteen measly credit hours, fifteen or sixteen units, we must go through a required number of Catch-22's such as exams, Drop and Add, memorizing and regurgitating at regular intervals. Now, if 267 units, no strings attached, for sixteen Catch-22 units, isn't a screw.... After we accumulate around a hundred and thirty Catch-22 units, we receive a diploma, or, equated into unit nomenclature, a Unit-Manipulating Certificate, which enables us all to go out into our society and manipulate units, so that we might accumulate more units, the highest glory. But lo! We find that if we have accumulated too many Catch-22 units, we can't even manipulate. Especially for Master's or Ph. D. Unit-Manipulating Certificate. A breakdown in our accumulating society. Boy, this thinking about units is getting me down. Besides, I must go and manipulate units in Drop and Add. See you next week. fX Prof. Jeffrey Hart P w mlti Nixon moves dramatic r. Ik.'. aW On four different occasions so far during his Presidency Richard Nixon hasshown himself capable of moving dramatically-and suddenly-to affect the course of events, and this pattern must be unsettling to his rivals at home and his opponents abroad. His actions on the economic front are only the most recent example of this distinctive Nixonian style. From the beginning of his Presidency, Nixon's options on Vietnam were severly limited by decisions made in the closing days of the Johnson Administration. Had Lyndon Johnson waited on the bombing halt, and allowed either Nixon or Hubert Humphrey'to make that move, then the winner of the 1968 election would have had much more room for maneuver as far as the North Vietnamese are concerned. If the new President had stopped the bombing himself, then he would have been much freer politically to have used the threat of resuming it, even resuming it on a much increased scale. Instead, when he took office in January, 1968, Nixon was limited to essentially three options: a) a sudden pullout and the abandonment of all policy goals in Vietnam; b) a negotiated peace; and c). gradual withdrawal and Vietnamization. Rejecting a, frustrated on b in Paris and Moscow, Nixon was forced back to c. But having reached this conclusion, he did not hesitate to face the consequences; the necessity for quick strikes against the Communist bases in Cambodia and Laos, He did not try to muddle through or fudge the issues, but moved boldly to disrupt the enemy in those strategic base areas. The diplomacy with China exhibits an analogous pattern. No matter how Nixon's Peking moves are presented, they' are, objectively, anti-Soviet rather than pro-Peking. It is, after all, the Soviet Union that has moved ahead with a crash program in long-range missiles; it is the Soviet Union that is expanding its influence through the Mediterranean and the Middle East; and it is the Soviet Union whose growing fleets are spreading through the oceans of the world. Nixon's Peking diplomacy gives the Russians plenty to think about, even though they have 45 divisions on the Chinese border. And, for the connoisseur, a delicious touch was added when it was reported that Chou En-lai is going to visit Romania, Albania and perhaps other Balkan states, the Balkans being, of course, a simmering trouble spot in the Soviet empire. A Nixon Administration aide has remarked privately that since Nixon's'' China ploy Soviet diplomats in Washington-usually distant and haughty-have become amazingly agreeable and cordial. And down among the second-raters, both the North Vietnamese "seven point" peace plan and Rep. Paul N. McCloskey have sunk without a trace. Now come the equally sudden and dramatic economic moves. In substance these are complex, but there can be no doubt that nixon concluded that the gradual recovery implicit in his game-plan to date did not sufficiently accord with the political timetable. He had to act, and act he did, leaving McGovern, Bayh, Muskie and assorted spear-carriers in the middle of half-delivered speeches on the economy. Back to your speechwriters, boys. PAGE 6 THE DAILY NEBRASKAN THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 2, 1971 THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 2, 1971 THE DAILY NEBRASKAN PAGE 7