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SANTIAGO, Chile. - What
can the United States "do"
about Chile? It would be
pointless to seek out, let alone
to manufacture, reasons for a
confrontation - nothing would
mare quickly serve the
purposes of the Allende
government, which can count
on Chilean nationalism above
all things. On the other hand, it
would be foolish to subsidize
in any way Chile's venture into
a kind of autarkic socialism. In
Lima, a calm observer of the
Chilean situation remarked
that if Chile succeeded, you
can forget about the rest of
South America - every country
there will take the Chilean
road.
Now this doesn't mean the
reverse is true - that if Chile
fails, so also will socialism fail
as a lure for other countries.
Even as Castro is thought to
have done it wrong in Cuba,
others will come up in the
years ahead with careful
studies showing how Allende
went wrong, busting to try it
themselves.
But such is the general
demoralization that some
Americans are actually asking,
"Why should we ;be concerned?
Why should we do anyting at
all?"
American Chivalry
Ten years ago John F.
Kennedy's Inaugural Address,
promising that Americans
would endure any sacrifice to
contain the enemies of
freedom, was toasted from the
Washington Post to the New
Yorker, and back, as the
essence of the American
chivalry. On the tenth
anniversary of that address,
references to it are almost
uniformly embarrassed:
America has gone out of the
business of helping other
Strwr, O -
William F. Buckley, Jr.
U. . Dilemma
countries to defend themselves
against totalitarianism.
Vietnam was our last,
embittered, Hurrah.
But it pays to dwell on what
are the consequences of a
nationalistic, exploitative,
tortured Allendeism, spread
throughout Latin America. If
we intrude in Latin America,
we will make enemies. If we
hold ourselves aloof from Latin
America, we will make
enemies; very simply because
we co-exist with countries that
haven't made it. The very few
wealthy people in Chile are the
lightest of burdens on these
countries. Take away
everything they have, give it
away to the people, and you
get one Roman candle each for
the ojbects of Chilean
compassion.
A young lawyer was present
when Adlai Stevenson, touring
Latin America, said to
President Allessandri that,
really, he thought it only right
to take the land owned by
Chilean hacendados, and turn
it over to the people. To which
President Alessandri said to
have replied, "Mr. Stevenson,
before I would be inclined to
take from Chileans what they
own, and earned, I would find
it more reasonable to take
from Americans what they
own, and earned."
Spreading revolution?
Now that has been done,
and the question is whether the
passion for re-distributation will
be confined within the political
boundaries of individual
nations. President Allende says
that he will not "export" his
revolution, but he is already
disdained by his left-wing as a
compromiser who does not
understand the nature of the
grand international
undertakings of which he is
snhAnnvy
MICK MORIARTY
editor
CONNIE WINKLER
managing editor
JOHN DVORAK
news editor
PAT DINATALE
advertising manager
JAMES HORNER
chairman, publications committee
Editorial staff
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The Daily Nebraskan is a student publication, independent of the
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Addrew: The Daily Nebre.kan, 34 Nebraska Union, University of
Nebraska, Lincoln, Nebraska 68508.
purely a temporarily useful
instrument. He is the wave of
the immediate, not the
strategic future. And although
it is comfortable to suppose
that the United States can
graze contentedly in its own
pastures without regard to
what happens elsewhere, the
dynamics of world politics are
against it. We will earn the
respect of the rest of the world
either because it admires us or
because it fears us: or, the rest
of the world will show us what
happens to great powers that
are captured by solipsistic
reveries.
The safest thing to do is also
the generous thing to do. It is
to try to help those nations
skeptical about the Chilean
way. Not by sending down the
marines. But by encouraging
the leaders of the resistance to
Allendeism. By giving them the
information and technical
advice they need. By inviting
them to the United States, to
examine the other way. By
publicizing the failures of
Chile, and of Castro: and for
that matter . of China and the
Soviet Union.
This is not a pentecostal
solution. It is an approach,
requiring patience, inqenuity,
self-confidence. An American
graduate student, doing his
dissertation in Santiago, after
two years in the Peace Corps,
tells me he wishes that those
students in America who want
to politicize the universities
might spend a few weeks at the
University of Chile. He reflects
that the Peace Corps was good
for him, even though it didn't
accomplish very much for the
Latin Americans he was
supposed to help. There being
no other silver lining around,
one wonders whether the
Chilean experience mighn't, at
least, be helpful to America?
J
Snvdw, viekl
X THEtt
dear editor
Regents con't.
Dear editor,
Since Steve Rozman's firing,
I have assumed the Regents
would make even further idiots
of themselves in publicly
explaining their actions. Now
Regents Prokop and
Schwartzkopf are doing just
that.
They are implying that
further student demonstrations
will hurt the administration's
chances of getting more money
from the Legislature. Are we to
assume then, also by
implication, that the firing of
Rozman would offer a better
opportunity to get more
money for NU's budget?
Surely, this must be the case.
Regent Prokop said the
Rozman case has been
"completely studied." This is
true. But the case had not been
completely studied by the
" m if"
MB GIWS ME THIS
Regents. Regent Schwartzkopf
said, "I would rather see
students sit down and come up
with a positive plan." Students,
and the faculty, are offering
positive plans. But we all know
what happens to positive plans.
Just look at PACE, the Davis
case, and visiting privileges in
the grad students' dorm. Still
the question remains: why
haven't the Regents come up
with a positive plan?
Further,
Vmlsnn vtated the
ISC gCIUS IlldUt lliv
after a discussion following the
meeting with the faculty fact
finding committee. The facts
of the matter are: one, the
Regents had the committee
report five days before they
fired Rozman; two, Flavcl
Wright, an attorney for the
Regents, had already written
up the non-reappointment
Regents
CRAP ABOUT 1
resolution well before the
Friday night meeting; and
three, none of the new
Regents, nor any of the
incumbents, had any positive
statements issued regarding
Rozman before their
November elections.
Regent Schwartzkopf said,
"The University hired him to
teach in the classroom. He was
not there." Gosh, I never knew
faculty members had to teach
classes at 3 a.m. In fact, some
faculty members take their
classes out outside in nice
weather. Since they obviously
aren't teaching in the
classroom, are they to be fired
also?
Finally, Regent
Schwartzkopf said, "We have
lo be careful." What an
understatement! They most
definitely will have to be
careful now. This campus is on
the verge of falling apart
'
because the Regents have not
been careful in the past. Nor
have they studied all the
evidence in the Rozman affair.
Nor are they listening to all the
voices of the students and
faculty. They only listen to
voices that count, i.e., their
lawyers, Soshnik, Ross,
Magrath, and the Legislature.
Brian W. Keefe
Impotency
Dear editor,
There seems some aspect of
rising through the ranks of
academia which deprives one
of his sexuality. The
impotency of our faculty was
heard democratically
considered and voiced at
Monday's meeting. There
seems some fearfear ol
assertion, fear of intensity, fear
of being known for yourself.
What is it that these people
would teach us?
John A, Hansen, Jr.
by FRANK MANKIEWICZ
and
TOM BRADEN
WASHINGTON-History
will defer judgment on
President Nixon's decision to
invade Laos, but the decision
has afforded history at least
one footnote: Laos is now the
most bombed country of all
time.
Casualty Figures
Laos is a country roughly
the size of the state of Oregon
with 2.7 million people. Since
1969, before which date no set
statistics were kept, our
bombing and shelling have
created 30,000 Laotian civilian
casualties, including almost
10,000 dead.
In this area of civilian
damage, the figures-which
come from the Senate
subcommittee on refugees,
based on extensive checking in
Indochinaare not very
attractive.
In Laos there are 300,000
refugeesnot counting any
added since the invasion last
week. In Cambodia, a country
with a population of 6 million,
nearly 1 .5 million are refugees,
with nearly 1 million jamming
Phnom Penh and the rest in
provincial capitals.
South Vietnam refugees
In South Vietnam, the
refugee situation is chaotic. By
the end of 1970, there were
over 4 million refugees, and
during most of last year the
war was generating additional
refugees at the rate of 4,000 to
4,500 per month.
These figures increased in
Would you buy a used car from this man?
November and December to
more than 25,000 per month,
largely because of South Viet
namese "search-and-destroy"
missions in the Delta and the
forcible evacuation of Montag
nards from the border areas near
Laos, to prepare for the
current offensive. It should be
understood, of course, that
these missions by the South
Vietnamese are carried out
with full U. S. air support and
ground "advice."
Flee from Bombing
The refugees, of course, are
not all people who fled U. S.
power. Some left the war zone
to get away from the fire
power of both sides, and some
fled the Viet Cong. But
American officials who are on
the scene estimate that by far
the great majority of the
refugees have left their homes
because of American shelling
and bombing.
Since there is only one air
force in the sky, it is not hard
to determine whose bombs
destroyed a village or whose
chemicals sprayed the rice
fields.
But the civilian damage in
the war is not to refugees
alone. The figures compiled by
U. S. medical officials attached
to AID, as well as those
supplied by the Vietnamese
and Cambodian governments,
show that while American
casualties are declining they are
the only ones which are.
In Laos preinvasion, there
were 30,000 civilan casualties,
including nearly 10,000 dead.
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In Cambodia, figures are hard
to come by since the bombing
escalated last year, but the
Cambodian government puts
the civilian casualty figure at
"tens of thousands."
But it is in South Vietnam
that the extent of the damage
can be best seen. There have
been more than 1 million
civilian casualties, of which
there are at least 300,000 dead.
The hospital admission rate in
South Vietnam, at the end of
1970, was 5,000 per month,
which does not include, of
course, those who are
treated-or who die-at home.
As to the source of these
casualties, there can be no
doubt. They are the victims of
bombing and artillery fire, and
they are not included in the
body count of enemy dead.
They are civilians, and the
ferocity of our bombing and
shelling can be seen in a
comparison with the number
of civilians killed by Viet Cong
terror.
According to President
Nixon, that figure-civilians
killed by the Viet Cong-stands
at 40,000 since the war began.
In each of the last six years,
our bomers and gunners have
killed more.
South Vietnam has a
population of 17 million,
which means that not
counting battle casualties-one-fiftieth
of the civilian
population has been killed.
That is as though some ally
were to come from across the
sea to help us and in the
process kill 4 million
Americans. We would not
remember such an ally fondly.
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PAGE 5
WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 17, 1971
THE DAILY NEBRASKAN
WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 17, 1971
PAGE 4
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THE DAILY NEBRASKAN