Not the ogre you'd expect
Michael Davis is hardly the ogre that events would
cause most people to envision. He was dressed in coat and
tie, not in skirts as Regent Schwartzkopf had lead some to
believe, and complained that Schwartzkopf s comment made
his girlfriend wonder if he were a transvestite.
Intelligent, thoughtful and well informed, (probably bet
ter informed than the Regents) Davis did not fit the picture
of rabid radical that the Regents seem to have sketched.
One wonders if the Board members themselves would have
found him anything but personable and sincere had they
taken the time to meet him now or back in August
Six men of great honor
On October 28, the ASUN Senate approved a petition of
the Free Speech Movement which called for an "exposition
of the facts" in the Michael Davis case and directed that the
Regents be invited to send a representative to debate with
Davis. The next day letters were mailed to members of the
Board and other University officials asking them to attend
an open hearing on Friday, November 7.
As of yesterday, Regents Elliot, Greenberg and Raun had
declined the invitation, pleading pressing schedules. It was
doubtful that any of the Regents would comply with the
Senate's request to appear but these men were courteous
enough to reply . . . Adkins, Herman and Schwartzkopf were
not.
'Informer' misinformed
Yesterday's Informer accused the Regents of being "ir
responsible to the point of openly flouting established policy
when they find it convenient to do so," Paraphrasing from
the University's Policy Statement on Campus Disorders,
the Informer tried to show that the Board's actions were
inconsistent with established University policy.
However, the Informer's accusations were technically
inaccurate on several points. The Policy Statement on Cam
pus Disorders requires a policy making body, when petition
ed, to hold a public hearing "at which the policy indicated
by the group of petitioners in their petition shall be discuss
ed." It can be argued, quite strongly, that a personnel
decision does not fall into the realm of "policy."
Contrary to implications in the Informer, the petitioned
body is responsible for setting up the hearings "for some
time convenient to the interested parties, if possible no
later than two weeks after the petition is submitted . . ."
It must be recognized that the Regents lead very busy
private lives (the office is not a paying one) and notice
of less than one week might make it impossible for them
to attend a hearing.
Also, the 600 signatures gathered on the Free Speech
petition would not be applicable as the "100 signatures
required to overrule a decision not to hold a hearing."
According to the Policy Statement, the petition requiring
100 signatures must be directed to the "University Senate
Committee on Student Affairs" (now the Council on Student
Life) only after the Board decides not to hold open hearings
and the CSL has concurred in the Regents' decision.
However, though not legally bound, the Board of Regents
is morally bound to defend their position. It seems that
they prefer to let the Issue die without responding to
the charges that the information they used in deciding
to halt the appointment of Michael Davis was erroneous.
Robert Kaun, president of the Board, admitted that the
the Regents were not entirely sure of the validity of their
information at the time when they mude their decision.
There Is now great doubt In many minds as to the validity
of the Regents' Information and this doubt grows eueh
day that the Board declines to defend it.
THE NEBRASKAN
Talaphonaa: f. ill tor: Butlnatti Vt-2!9Q, Newt: (''lit. tfacond ClflM
poiitig paid at Lincoln, Nab.
Subicrlption rates arc U par aamaatar of M.JO par y;r. Publltnad Monday.
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lonal AdvorHilng Servlca.
Tna Nabratkan la a ttvdant publication, Indapandanl of tna Unlvaralty of Nab
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Atldrota; Tha Nabratkan
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Schlaichar,
Pentagon begins push for missile money
Tearjerk Soapflakes presents
by Frank Mankiewicz
and Tom Braden
WASHINGTON - With the election out
of the way, the battle for real power in
Washington will begin. It has, in fact,
already begun, with Pentagon "sources"
explaining to newsmen that by 1974 the
United States will be reduced to the
status of a second-class power.
The argument is also being put forward
by the military-industrial public relations
front called the American Security
Council, with full-page newspaper ad
vertisements. Since the National Strategy Committee
of the council consists largely of retired
generals and admirals, the point of view
is predictable, but the White House has
been circulating the advertisement as
though it were an official document.
It Is, in fact, not only unofficial, but
totally erroneous. The United States is
not falling behind Russia in the arms
race, but is far ahead, so much so that if
we stopped building missiles immediately
we would still be ahead several years
from now.
There are even more important
numbers. Of now, we have 1,710 long
range missiles as compared with a Soviet
force of 1,518. In addition, this country is
now installing MIRVs (multiple in
dependently targetable re-entry vehicles)
on many of its missiles.
When the job is completed by the mid
708, it will give us more than 7,000
warheads without any new missiles.
Russia has not begun to deploy MIRV
and, so far as our intelligence knows, has
not yet perfected it, if indeed it Intends to
do so.
But the argument of a paper organiza
tion, even one with White House support,
is not nearly so important as the fact that
Pentagon and White House strategists,
while admitting that the public relations
front is exaggerating, are making much
the same case, if in a more sophisticated
way.
Their argument Is based upon what
they call "a scenario," and it runs about
Center for educational change
by ROBIN WEST
The University now has a
Center for Educational Change
(CEC). It is located in room 344
in live Union, open Monday
through Friday from 8:30 to
4:30. The CEC hopefully will
initiate a new direction for
student an active interest In
their university education. It
has been set up to provide for
several different needs:
coordination of educational
reform activity, and com
munication of ideas and In
formation are most needed.
Last spring, the faculty and
administration were Impressed
with the number of students
who came to the open
Academic Planning Committee
meeting with constructive
ideas. The CEC hopes to pro
vide a continuing forum for
ideas. It provides a central
locatioii for student discussion
of education, a place to go with
the complaints and ideas about
classrooms, courses, and re
quirements. The CEC intends
to encourage and stimulate
student Input for educational
change.
There is a large need for
coordination of all educational
reform activities. This includes
Free University, ASUN educa
tion committee, and students
appointed to Faculty Semite
committees. CEC will be a
communication channel to
prevent duplication of projects
or proposals, and to Increase
Innovative efforts by all
groups.
The CEC will collect the
minutes of meetings of all
urdversity committees dealing
with education: Teaching
Council, Academic Planning
Committee, College Advisory
Boards. It will also have for
your Information, copies of
proposals currently being con
sidered by these groups. Stu
dent representatives on these
committees need your ideas. In
FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 6, 1970
this way, the Center can be a.
clearinghouse for information
on educational Innovation at the
University.
Many of the students' pro
posals last May were for
change;! that are already
available to students in many
parts of the University. A fre
quent comment of the faculty is
that students don't really take
advantage of the opportunities
they now have. To solve this,
the CEC intends to disseminate
Information on education to the
various committees and to the
students at large. This includes
information on present NU
operation and structure as well
as books and magazines about
current educational changes
across the country.
The CEC has a chance to be
a viable new service. A weekly
column will bring information
to you. The office will be open
daily. CEC can best serve those
who make use of it.
So drop up . . .
as follows: One day, they imagine, Henry
Kissinger, the White House national
security adviser, runs up the stairs to the
Oval Office to tell the President that
Russian missiles have been fired at our
missile sites.
The President, they say, will then have
to make a dreadful decision. Confronted
with a certainty of millions of American
casualties, he will have to decide whether
or not to fire back at Russian cities, in
the certain knowledge that if he does the
.Russians will retaliate with a second
strike against our cities. To avoid having
to make this dreadful decision, so the
argument goes, it is essential not only to
build more ABM's, but also to have an
even larger superiority in number of
warheads.
The scenario is, of course, a possibility,
but only if one considers that anything Is
possible. To imagine that the Soviet
Union would take the chance of having all
its cities destroyed is to Imagine that
Russia will have leaders who have gone
mad.
Meantime, no one denies that the two
major nuclear powers have now
assembled enough weaponry to kill each
other many times over. It Is, In fact, just
this balance or power which the more
weapons advocates fear.
An acknowledgment at the strategic
arms limitation talks (SALT) that there
is a power balance and that there is no
point in continuing to pile up a more
massive power balance would bring
about a major decrease in Pentagon
spending and Pentagon power. That Is
why the present camalgn was timed to
coincide with the reconvening of SALT
and the new Pentagon budget hearings.
White House assistance for that cutn
palgn bodes ill for the former and well
for the latter. It is a fair guess that newly
elected congressmen will be disinclined
to argue with generals retired or ac
tive who tell them that their vote may
make the difference between In
dependence and surrender. But unless
they do, we appear to be headed for
another round In the arms race, a higher
defense budget and less money for the
things which matter.
John's only wife
by ARTHUR IIOPPE
Good morning, housewives and other
shut-ins. It's time for another tee-vee
chapter of "John's Only Wife" the
heartwarming story which asks the
question:
"Can a kindly, old, pipe-puffing At
torney General allow unlimited free
speech and still preserve law and order?
And his marriage?"
As we join John and Martha, John
is puffing his kindly old pipe and reading
his unkindly old newspaper. Martha is
pacing the floor, trying to conceal her
growing agitation. It is late at night.
Martha (with false nonchalance):
Well, dear, I think I'll go upstairs and
dial a nice shower ... I mean, have
a nice shower.
John (without looking up from his
paper): You needn't bother, Martha. I
found it.
Martha (Innocently): Found what,
dear?
John: The telephone you hid under
the lid of the commode.
Martha: Oh, John you're horrid! You
dont trust me.
John: Now, now, Martha, you know
you promised to quit.
Martha: But not cold turkey, John.
I'm having withdrawal symptoms. Look
at my dialing finger tremble.
John (sternly): Martha, if you won't
do it for me, you must do it for our
President. He's so happy. He hasn't soon
your name in the paper for 48 hours.
Martha: I will, John, I will! But I
think I ought to taper off gradually.
My system cant stand the shock.
Please, John, just one little call? As
a nightcap?
John (frowning): This Administration
stands four square against
permissiveness. You are ruining our
image.
Martha (falling to her knees): Just
one Itty-bitty local call? I know! I could
dtol the time and talk to the recording.
THE NEBRASKAN
John: Now, Martha, you know how
that first little call leads to another.
First thing you know, you'll be off on
an all-night hinge calling newspapers
across the country. For the good of
the Nation and the ' Party, you must
renounce calling forever.
Martha (pulling herself together):
You're right, John. Never again, I swear
it. (She resumes her pacing, wringing
her hands. After a long silence, she
says cheerily:) Well, I think I'll go
out on the balcony and ring up , .
. look at the view.
John: I found that one, too. And the
one you hid in your mattress. And the
one you hid In the aspidistra. And the
one . . .
Martha (desperately): John, if you
don't let me have one little call, I'm
going to talk!
John (smiling confidently): What could
you say about me?
Martha (cleverly): I won't talk about
you, 111 talk to you. You know how
I can go on for hours about Senator
Halfbright and those dingy professors
and those liberal Communists and those.
John (blanching): Doesn't our mar
riage mean anything?
Martha (grimly): It's one or the other,
John. I mean it!
(John, a defeated man, rises slowly,
removes a Walter Keone painting, opens
a wall safe and hands Martha a
telephone. Tremblingly, she dials and
with a satisfied sigh, lifts the receiver
to her lips.)
Martha: Hello, Is this that nice UPI
reporter? Now here are my views on
Pablo Casals, Golda Meir and the
Washington Senators, all 100 of them.
John (contentedly lighting his pipe):
Better him than me.
Well., tune in to "John's Only Wife"
again next time, folks. And meantime,
be happy that John has but one wife
to give to his country.
PAGE 6
THE NEBRASKAN
FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 6, 1970
PAGE 7
