Strike success Whether the three-day voluntary strike succeeds in showing student dissatisfaction with Nixon's Southeast Asian policy or not does not hinge on the number of students who boycott classes. The success of the protest must be measured in the number of students who work for peace by canvassing, writing letters and organizing Saturday's peace rally. Even more important in judging the three-day peace, is the reaction of citizens outside the University community, in Lincoln and out state. By all indications, Wednesday's activity got the strike off to a positive start. By mid afternoon over 1,000 students had canvassed the Lincoln community. Some individuals had spoken to off-campus civic groups, and over 2,700 letters were sent to Congress. If you don't want to boycott classes, use your free time to help in these activities. Furthermore, don't limit your activities to Lincoln. Send the ASUN "Why Strike?" letter explaining the reasons for the activities of the strike to your home town newspaper, parents and friends. Unfortunately, out-state media coverage has at times been incomplete and occasionally misleading. If you go home for the weekend, canvass in your hometown and surrounding area. The creation of a student strike coordi nating committee should provide adequate leadership and organization for much of the activity. Work for peace, but keep the protest positive and constructive. Jim Pedersen WUrWW " 'Peace' Is when nobody's shooting. A 'just peace' is when our side gets what it wants." 6c Worth of feeling U.S. ' Whitest se Washington, D.C. Mr. President, I have lived in Nebraska for the full 21 years of my life. I am a senior at the University of Nebr. and a student teacher of world history at Lincoln High School, Lincoln, Nebr. . I do not deceive myself Into believing that I have as much information at my disposal as you, nor do I feel that I am more qualified to . make decisions than you. I have observed statements and decisions you have made on various issues and would like to take this opportunity to discuss with you the morality of those decisions. I FEEL' that the central statement of my own personal philosophy is to take no action that would cause pain to any other human. I try to judge myself and others on the basis of this statement. You did indeed Inherit the Vietnam war. The actions you have taken to disentangle the U.S. from that war have been greatly appreciated by the American people. Your Bpeech of April 30 authorizing defensive action in Cambodia came as a great and disap pointing shock to me. You have extended the war into Cam bodia. Whether it be for 6 to 8 weeks or 6 to 8 years there is combat today where there was none 30 days ago. Your actions in the direction of the Vietnam war are immoral. Political ex pediency and adverse foreign policy ramafications are little solace to the thousands of Vietnamese and Americans who have lost their lives during your term as president. You mentioned in your speech that there was a danger of the U.S. becoming a second rate power. At the present time I feel that there is only one moral justification for being a first rate power. That country must become a power . for peace. Historical precedent has illustrated the tragic mistake of "fighting for peace." The United States has a long history of imperialism. Today it takes the form of economic imperialism in some areas and political and miltary im perialism in other areas. The maintenance of the U.S. as a first rate imperialistic power is immoral. THE POSITION of the United States . as the defender of democracy and freedom in the world as first advanced by Woodrow Wilson, is equally immoral. The concepts of "democracy" and "freedom" are defined in terms of degree. I am happy and proud to live in a country where the degree of democracy and feeedom are great enough to allow me to write this letter and to main tain hope that it will hear results. I do not feel that it is the moral position of a free, democratic, first rate power to pressure any other society to establish a government and-or economy after our example. Before closing, I wish to make one last point. I feel that your administration has pro duced a vast credibility gap, one that will not be easily closed. You, Mr. President and your representatives, " have often criticized violence in the ghettos and campuses as being immoral. You have said that such violence is tearing the country apart. The gap appears : when an observer compares domestic violence to the sane--i tioned violence of the Vietnam war. We have proven ourselves to be one of, if not, the most war like countries in the history of mankind. How can such a country condemn rock throwing and . burning of buildings as immoral? Mr. President I wish to thank you for reading this letter; I know your are a busy man. I hope you will consider the ideas I have brought up. I hope a historian will someday be able. to entitle a blographyj, "Richard Nixon: The Moral ; President." r, i t Sincerely, i James Edwin , Larsen fv. v f aU.V . T7 -X ; - GOOD . C ; If. ' t"jrij., t I I I ; J 1 i ff 4L. c Cambodia joins the free world by FRANK MANKIEWICZ and TOM BRADEN At the end of the second day of the Cambodian invasion, the U.S. Command in Saigon reported "at least" 634 North Vietnamese and Viet Cong killed, but only seven weapons captured. This kind of discrepancy suggests that Cambodians may be discovering the price of membership in the Free World. It also suggests that the President is trying to do what cannot be done. Mr. Nixon advances two objectives. First, to destroy the "Central Communist Headquarters" which our generals have decided is called COSVN ("Central Office for South Vietnam") and from which, as Mr. Nixon solemnly assured us, the whole enemy operation is run. Once this headquarters is overrun, the theory goes, U.S. troops can go back to Vietnam, Vietnamization can proceed and so can U.S. troop withdrawals. But it is only Americans who think in terms of little Pentagons to fight guerrilla wars. We will find some bunkers and capture some weapons, some documents will turn up predicting a summer offensive and a few tons of rice will be destroyed. The U.S. Command will measure the rice in pounds they would count the grains if there were time. But the enemy will have melted away. Does anybody seriously believe he will not come back, as he has in all the other places where Americans have died for the proposition that there .are headquarters and strongholds and road centers and we can win if only we take them away from the Viet Cong? IT MAY be that John Mitchell does; the President consulted him throughout the decision-making process. But if the American people are to rely on a man whose entire career has been spent in the narrow area of municipal bonds as their expert on the Far East and guerrilla warfare, then the President really needs the prayers for which he has called. What our generals, including our attorney general, do not appear to understand and apparently never will under stand is that in guerrilla war the guerrilla survives as long as the people are on his side. The Cambodian "sanctuaries" are not the marshaling yards of the Ruhr nor the oil fields of Ploesti, nor as Mr. Nixon tried to make them seem the Berlin bunkers. They are stopping places for Asians who have convinced other Asians that they are driving out American aggressors. Nothing in our behavior this woek is calculated to counter that impression. The Daily Ncbraskan Second class rw'oe paid at Ltaean, Nr. Telephones: fdltor 471-lMt. Business 471151. News 471 )Ml Subscription rates irhw wmw or U ptr vw. ruoilsned Monday, Wednesday, Thursday and PrkMy "wi jwmr vaiwpt ovring vacation and tic am I Member of Intercollegiate Press. National Educational I i tiy avrvicv. The Dally Neoraskan I a ma University ot danl government. Add ran i Dally Nebraskan 34 Nebraska Union University o Nebraska Lincoln, Nebraska esMt Second, the President believes that this show of force will make the enemy "negotiate." But they did not negotiate when we were bombing their cities, when we had more '. than half a million men searching and destroying and when the President had the passive support of the American people. Why should they quit now when there are less than 400,000 American troops and the President has rising opposition? That is a question to which perhaps only Mitchell has the answer. THIS RISING opposition is is what Mr. Nixon appears to have ignored. The war wa3 off page one and student protest had turned to the environment because people really Relieved he meant to get out and that Vietnamization could somehow be made to work. In his speech, he did not bother to explain what ' 'e are doing in Vietnam, and that is what the opposition is about. The President will not have much respite. Student protest, a plunging stock market, ' rebellion on Capitol Hill and hostility in the business community await him. It is now Mr. Nixon's theory that there will be no denouncement in Cambodia; the troops will be out in eight weeks; the American Command will say the operation was successful; and Hanoi will have been "taught a lesson." What he does not understand is that the American people will also have been taught a lesson namely, that their government intends to go on trying to win an unwinnable war. "Gen." Mitchell may not have counted os that v 7x r- 0 vvVi?- ' r -- -Zj laHllllH Mia 1 1 II aCWW A, Vt t iv. n s1 ', V. -wOfeOhaUi ll itiaHaUk 1l lsSji4i;W.'-e MsMk.vJsf ! IfTMin dwrtnf ttudent publication. tndaBitMia ad Nebraska admimttratloiv (acuity and VrVtthcomplenion probtem ocm ii una noi hosi...the great plmPi0 stopper Se yourself smooth and clear. Wash with i FoTiV mnli you help remov blacKheads, dry up pimples and oil nd tight germs. r K ' "u WM 6t Fol9K CaK For the Sold In aood took . Jruystores. FQSTEH- 2L PAGE 4 THE DAILY NEBRASKAN THURSDAY, MAY 1, 1970 THURSDAY, AMY 1, 1970 THE DAILY NEBRASKAN PAGE 5