Lost hope
Any hope America might have had for
peace in Vietnam in the near future was lost
last week. Any hope for an end to the killing
of American and South Vietnamese youth,
an end for the need of anti-war rallies, an
end to the burden on a sagging American
economy has been lost in light of the now
Indochina War involving Cambodia and Laos.
Two weeks ago, casualty lists were changed
from "American dead in Vietnam" to "Amer
ican dead in Southeast Asia."
Even more discouraging was President
Nixon's address on Vietnam. Behind the
soothing rhetoric and welcomed troop with
drawal statement is the ominous warning
that hostile action by the enemy might slow
down the withdrawals and even force another
"commitment" in Southeast Asia. In short,
there very well might not be a withdrawal of
150,000 men by 1971.
Sources in Washington are reporting that
President Nixon has been advised by Gen.
Creighton Abrams and the Joint Chiefs of
Staff that the troop withdrawal is too risky.
The generals say that Vietnamization has
failed. What is worse, despite his speech and
apparent determination to carry on Vietnam
ization, the sources say Nixon has bought
the military's argument
So the war will go on. By 1971 when
the U.S. is supposed to have 150,000 fewer
troops in Vietnam, another five to ten thou
sand Americans will have died. President
Thieu one of many impediments to the
political settlement necessary to end the war
will be in power. No truce will have been
called by Nixon to reach the "political set
tlement which is the heart of the matter."
And while the President refuses to take
the initiative in calling a cease fire and be
ginning meaningful negotiations to end the
conflict, the possibility of prolonged, even
expanded American involvement increases.
Red China is now considering direct military
aid to "the peoples of Indochina" and, accord
ing to an unconfirmed report, is raising vol
unteers to fight in Cambodia.
But, says the President, "Pacification is
succeeding. We finally have in sight the just
peace we are seeking." Peace is about as "in
sight" as the lights that were at the ends of
all the tunnels seen by Dean Rusk, William
Westmoreland and Lyndon Johnson. The U.S.
must take the initiative to end fighting and
solve the political question in Vietnam if the
war is ever to end. Nixon apparently won't
take that initiative. It is Nixon's War now.
Jim Pedersen '
omf man
hpppe
by Arthur Hoppe
In his "A Brief History of the
Mediocre Party - 1970 to
1984," Professor Greenleaf
Gromraet traces the beginnings
of the movement to the day
Judge G. Harrold Carswell an
nounced his candidacy for the
U.S. Senate.
"Having been officially
certified as mediocre by the
Senate itself," writes Professor
Grommet, "Judge Carswell felt
this qualified nim to be a
Senator."
Having no choice, Jude
Carswell waged a hard-hitting,
positive campaign. "Don't vote
for an unknown, untested, un
proven mediocre candidate,"
cried his billboards, "vote for
Carswell!"
THE JUDGE stumped the
state, hammering home his
mediocrity again and again in
brilliantly mediocre speeches,
resoundingly mediocre
television appearances and
stupendously mediocre press
conferences.
His opponents, being pro
fessional politicians, took the
traditional tack each stress
ing his own exceptional
courage, extreme intelligence
and outstanding abilities.
Judge Carswell won in a
landside.
"The Silent Majority," he
said with a smile, "has finally
spoken."
HE WAS, of course, right.
For the outstanding quality of
The Silent Majority the one
attribute that bound them all
together was mediocrity.
Its millions upon millions of
members were neither too rich
nor too poor, neither illiterate
nor well-educated, neither left
wing nor right. Their tastes ran
to mediocre books, mediocre
movies, mediocre architecture,
tee-vee dinners and cars made
in Detroit.
Here, at last, was a can
didate they could identify with
a man who would honestly
represent them as they were.
Once the truth of this was
realized, the Mediocre Party
was founded at a five-day con
vention in Des Moines, Iowa,
during which the delegates re
mained mildly drunk,
moderately bored and mostly
confused.
POLITICIANS across the
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country, recognizing the trend,
managed to switch their
registration to the new
Mediocre Party without
changing their stand on a
single issue. They were swept
into local offices in the 1971
elections.
Carswell, meanwhile, was
building a sound reputation for
mediocrity in the Senate. The
party nominated him for
President by acclamation in
1972. To repay an old political
debt, he picked Senator Roman
L. Hruska of Nebraska as his
running mate.
The worried Democrats,
hoping to beat the Mediocrities
at their own game, re
nominated Hubert Humphrey.
The grim Republicans,
however, were unfortunately
stuck with Nixon and Agnew.
THE CAMPAIGN was unique
with both Carswell and
Humphrey accusing each other
of hidden abilities, cleverly
disguised Intelligence and
secret reservoirs of courage,
Nixon and Agnew, being in
cumbents, had no other course
than to run on their four-year
record in office.
The results, Professor
Grommet points out, proved
once and for all that genuine,
proven, dyed-in-the-wool
mediocrity the kind that of
fends no member of The Silent
Majority will win every time
in American politics.
It was, of course, Nixon and
Agnew in a landslide.
A
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TtiMm "ft, i i ii
PAGE 4
Soviets ask Henry Ford to help build a truck plant-News Item
THE DAILY NEBRASKAN WEDNESDAY, APRIL 29, 1970