if,
it
i
i
t.
Discrimination issue
Tuesday the Council on Student Life
took action to deal with discrimination at the
University of Nebraska. The Council decided
to give campus organizations until the end of
the academic year to show clearly they do
not discriminate on the basis of race and
make "positive efforts" to eliminate attitudes
of racist discrimination by educational pro
grams and organizational assessment.
Compliance to these criteria will be mea
sured by an ad hoc committee established by
CSL. The committee can recommend to CSL
probation or suspension of organizations fail
ing to comply with the criteria. All CSL ac
tion is subject to review by the Regents.
In tone and direction, in authority and
strength, the CSL resolution is valuable. Hope
fully, it will be equally effective. Certainly,
such positive action in dealing with Univer
sity discrimination is long over-due; it is high
time something is done. But in a more limited
sense, did action come from the wrong gov
erning body?
Although the word "organizations' is
used in reference to campus discrimination,
the most obvious target for anti-discrimination
action is the Greek system. Fair enough.
Greeks have a long history of racial discrim
ination, and furthermore, they are dealing
with the problem in a laboriously slow man
ner. Yet they are dealing with the problem.
Solutions similar to the CSL resolution
were under consideration by a special IFC
committee due to report to that body next
week. Whether these measures would have
been adopted by IFC is now a moot question.
Their adoption by IFC, acting on its own,
would have been invaluable in solving the
discrimination problem.
Nevertheless, IFC must not pout over
nor attempt to resist the CSL directive. It
remains for IFC to go beyond compliance with
these criteria and eliminate the single black
ball system, guarantee a bid to all students
going through rush, and provide for IFC
supervised, intensive rushing of minority stu
dents this summer.
It is the responsibility of all organizations
to assure fairness in the selection of members.
It is the responsibility of IFC to solve this
problem within the system, in addition to
the CSL action. Finally, it is the responsibility
of CSL to insure fairness and effectiveness in
enforcing compliance with the resolution.
Jim Pedersen
DAILY NEBKASKAN
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Baker.
Kennedy quandary
"O.K., Johnny, I won't ask you to do 'welfare Cadillac' . . . but I'd certainly
like to hear these . . . !"
Ml
v
by FRANK JMANKIEWlCZ
and TOM BRAD EN
It is, of course, too early to
suggest what alternative to
Richard Nixon will be available
in 1072 even perhaps too
early to suggest whether the
country will want one. Moods
are transient, and if the coun
try's mood continues to be a
curious combination of the
phlegmatic and the can
tankerous it will not really
matter very much whom the
Democrats anoint.
Still, there is always the
chance that the country's mood
will change, that it will seek a
leader. Moreover, whether or
not the mood changes, there
will always be those who think
it has changed, or would
change if the right man spoke
out. Thus it is possible to en
vision the scenario at the
Democratic National Conven
tion of 1972, meeting in the
certainty of the renomination of
Richard Nixon.
THE IMAGINARY scenario
Is not peaceful. The can
didacies of Hubert Humphrey
and Edmund Muskie the
front-runners have stalled, in
part, let us say, because each
seeks to draw from the same
pool of delegates, in part
because neither is acceptable
to the sizable minority to whom
they represent a past with
which to break.
A Southern bloc led, let us
say, by John Connelly of Texas
Tricky Dick or Dick the trick?
by Dick Gregory
After a little more than a year in
office, Richard M. Nixon's frequently
used nickname, "Tricky Dick," has
taken on a new meaning. It becomes
more and more obvious each day that
Nixon was not so much perpetrator as
heir apparent of the trick. Nothing else
could explain the elevation to the highest
office in the land of a man whose major
qualification was persistence: either the
guts or the gall to lose a national elec
tion, then a local election, and come
back again to try and win on
the national level.
Of course a lot happened In America
between the time of Nixon's national
defeat and his subsequent victory. The
Black Attitude changed for one thing,
an Attitude shared by blacks and radical
young whites. By the time the 1968 nat
ional election rolled around, It was no
longer safe for the white majority to
be open bigots or racists.
SO THE WHITE majority conceived
the trick. They decided to hide their
bigotry under a new name the less
offensive and more ambiguous sounding
name "conservative." The natural can
didate to embody the conservative image
was Richard Nixon. And each time I
see Nixon on TV, I get the Impression
that he still doesn't believe he's the
President.
It seemed like a good trick and, of
course, it produced a victory. But one
element of the trick escaped the atten
tion of the white majority. Conservatism
is expensive. It doesn't cost anything
to be a bigot. It takes some money
PAGE 4
to be a conservative. The average white
person in America doesn't have enough
money to survive a conservative, right
wing Administration. And the expensive
results of the conservative trick are
placing a burden upon the same white
folks who created and supported it.
Richard Nixon will be a one-term Presi
dent, and black folks will have nothing
to do with It. The same white folks
who voted Nixon Into office will end
up voting him out of office.
When the nation becomes worried
about a "tight money" situation, who
do you think is doing the worrying?
Black folks have always lived with a
tight money situation! Black folks have
always been poor and are used to
tightening their belts. So when the
, economy is disrupted, when the general
alarm is sounded that "things are bad
in America," It is a white folks' worry.
Traditionally there Is nobody who is
not doing bad In America but white
folks.
PAN AMERICAN Airlines announced
recently the layoff of some 200 pitots.
How many of those pilots do you think
were black? When Chrysler laid off
40,000 white collar workers not long ago,
white folks began to sense the terrible
insecurity black assembly line workers
have always known and lived with.
Boeing Aircraft, with a work force of
101,000, has laid oft 30,000 and are plan
ning a further layoff of 10,000. And the
voices of protest and disenchantment
that are heard the loudest are the ex
ecutive white (collar and otherwise)
workers.
Since I travel hundreds of miles each
THE DAILY NEBRASKAN
day, I hear people on airplanes com
plaining about tight money, about high
interest rates, and how hard it is to
get bank loans. If two men are sitting
on an airplane complaining about not
being able to get a $300,000 loan, do
you suppose either one of them is black?
If inability to get a bank loan is an
indication of a new tight money situa
tion, black folks couldn't possibly ap
preciate the fact that things have
changed. We've never been able to get
loans, even to pay twice as much for
those houses in all-white
neighborhoods.
THE NIXON administration vetoed the
educational bill. When money is shut
off from aiding schools, who does that
primarily affect? Black folks have
always had a hard time getting a decent
education, and a harder time being ad
mitted to Institutions of higher education.
A veto of educational assistance Is a
kick in the teeth of white folks, and
represents new problems only for them.
It may mean that black students plann
ing to enter college will have a hard
time, but that is not a new situation
for black folks.
So being a conservative is expensive,
and more and more white folks are
beginning to realize it. Conservatism
may be a sweeter sounding word than
bigotry, just as white backlash sounds
better than racism. Conservatism and
white backlash seem to go hand in hand.
But the way things are shaping up
economically In this country under the
Nixon administration, the white backlash
may soon be cracking elsewhere than
on the backs of black folks.
threatens a walkout against the
possible choice of Sen. George
: McGovern of South Dakota. A
list of dark horses, including,
let us say, newly elected Sen.
Adlai Stevenson of Illinois and
Sen. Joseph Tydings of
Maryland, has failed to arouse
enthusiasm.
Newspaper columnists are
comparing the convention to
that of 1860, when the
Democrats went three ways to
defeat.
IT IS AT this point that
delegates and party leaders
begin placing telephone calls.
The message is easily im
aginable. "You can unite this
party," the calls say, "and if
you don't unite it the party Is
dead."
That he would say yes to the
telephone call is unimaginable
today for two reasons.
FIRST, BECAUSE whatever
happened at Chappaquiddick
will still be cloaked if not in
mystery, then in gossip. Could
Kennedy win if he did run in
1972? By 1976, on the other
hand, Chappaquiddick will no
longer be a matter for
"speculation. For better or
worse, so far as Kennedy is
concerned, it will be history.
Second, 1972 provokes the
vengeful psychotic. Twice
weekly, at least, Kennedy
associates talk to police about
those threats on his life they
come by dozens in the morning
mail which they consider most
worthy of being looked into.
Will this shadow which follows
him disappear by 1976?
Perhaps not but, just maybe,
perhaps so.
That is why the answer from
the other end of the telephone
in the scenario envisioned
above must be negative. And
that is why the Democratic
Party is in such a desperate
search for a leader, while at
the very same time it has one
standing by.
EDWARD KENNEDY
performs his Senate business
with new-found passion for both
detail and anonymity. Who led
the fight against Clement
Haynsworth and H a r r o 1 d
Carswell? Birch Bayh out in
front but Edward Kennedy
behind the scenes. Who with
rare parliamentary skill and
informed argument
shepherded through Senate and
House the 18-year-old vote,
coupled with an extension of
the Voting Rights Act, over the
hostility of the South and the
White House? Sen. Mike
Mansfield out in front but
Edward Kennedy behind the
scenes.
And yet with all the detail
and all the work there is
something less than satisfying
about anonymous leadership,
even when it lead'- lo
anonymous v i cs.
Particularly when you know
there is no finish line in sight
and that, two years from now,
the answer must be no.
RAPPING
if.
Editor;
For some time now, I have been receiving copies of
your paper (sender unacknowledged) and enjoy reading
it from cover to back page. I also became concerned
while reading some editorials and stories which in speaking
of cur State Senators, always seem to lump them into
one bunch, whether criticizing or praising their efforts.
We, as surely as others, are individuals and have many
varied opinions on any given subject.
For many reasons (selfish and otherwise); my son
graduated from Teachers College last year, my daughter
and son-in-law are now students, the main campus is in
my legislative district, a genuine concern for young people
and their education; the University, holds a place deep
in my heart.
With the help of other interested Senators, I pushed
for the Love Library addition (8i million dollars) and
over vigorous objections, got 2 million secure plus the
hope that the first 4 million will pass the Supreme Court
test. This occurred because of Legislative interest in educa
tional betterment and not because of student or university
official prodding.
In the future, we hope to budget funds for many needed
capitol construction projects by priorities. Please remember
that though some things come slow even when badly needed,
that some of us are concerned and are trying hard to
provide what is necessary.
One other concern, when reporting the so-called "self
defense bill." how about the group of us that fought this
bad law all the way? Our small group tried at every
turn to kill or amend but were beaten down. Just once,
publish the names of the dissenters on the passing and
veto overriding votes.
Thank you for allowing me to speak of my concerns
with youth and education in our University.
Harold D. Simpson
State Senator
District
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 8, 1970
Legalization
the answer?
by CHUCK RASKINS
"Congress shall make no law respecting
an establishment of Religion, or prohibiting
the free exercise thereof." Hopefully you
have immediately recognized the beginning
phrase of the first ammendment to our
Constitution. These few words could very
easily contain the greatest single message
of the whole document. The fundamental
word is Religion and for a complete un
derstanding of the passage it is necessary
to define this term.
Webster's Religion: any specific system
of belief, worship, conduct, etc., often in
volving a code of ethics and a philosophy.
For added clarity look up Ethics: the study
of standards of conduct and moral judge
ment; moral philosophy. Now by substitu
ing terminology a modern interpretation
is derived. Congress shall make no law
respecting an establishment of moral
philosophy, or prohibiting the free exercise
thereof.
FURTHER ideas and proof might be
needed. It's easy to cite attempts at
legislating morality and then show the bad
results of such legislation. On Aug. 26,
1920, the 18th amendment to the Constitu
tion went into effect. "After one year from
the ratification of thi article the manufac
ture, sale, or transportation of intoxicating
liquors within, the importation thereof into,
or the exportation thereof from the United
States and all territory subject to the
jurisdiction thereof for beverage purposes
is hereby prohibited." Oa Dec. 5, 1933,
the following sentence became the 21st
amendment: "The eighteenth article of
amendment to the Constitution of the
United States is hereby repealed." If there
is one important fact that should be
remembered from history it is: Organized
crime (Mafia, Cosa Nostra, etc.) got it's
big chance because of prohibition.
With this in mind, let's move up to
the present and analyze our situation. Laws
against gambling, prostituion and abortion
are all of the "protect man from himself"
type. The services that these three are
prohibited by law from providing are of
fered at an extremely high price by
organized crime. Man has performed all
three for as long as he possessed the
skills required of each, and there is no
reason to believe that man will ever stop
performing them. Hopefully it is now clear
that the best policy in each case would
be legalization, and at the same time the
practitioners of each trade should set their
own standards to insure safety and
fairness.
THE DRUG question was omitted until
now because the problem is not a3 clear
as the first three. The reasons for legalizing
gambling, prostitution, and abortion can
be applied to the case for legalization of
drugs, but it is easy to find places where
the previous logic seems to fall short. More
is needed.
Now put organized crime into the pic
ture. Pushers serve as the bad influence.
The exertion of this influence is their
livelihood, so the pusher naturally becomes
an expert at finding the uneducated child.
Our present drug policy is to eliminate
the source of supply. This only drives the
cost of the drug up as it becomes scarce.
This high price has two bad results. People
who want the drug but don't have enough
money might turn to crime for the answer.
Secondly, if organized crime is not already
pushing the drug, the higher profit (due
to the government created scarcity) now
possible through supplying the drug makes
their future presence inevitable.
IF THERE is no way to make a profit
by selling the drug then there wont be
any pusher. To accomplish this we legalize
the sale of any and all types of drugs.
This will put an end to the pusher.
This letter is not "tant to condone
gambling, prostitution, abortion, drinking,
or drugging. Its only purpose is to point
out that government should not judge these
same moral issues. Many present laws
(those concerning suicide, homosexuality,
etc. included) should be repealed for the
good of society .
PAGE 5