The daily Nebraskan. ([Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-current, March 26, 1970, Page PAGE 4, Image 4

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    Dodd Tripping
The great My Lai cover-up is now be
ginning to be the My Lai rationalization. In
Senate testimony Tuesday, Sgt. Charles West
said troops at My Lai had used marijuana
at least once and some were "chronic users."
He said some may have used the drug the
night before the alledged massacre.
West's testimony was backed up by Dr.
Joel H. Kaplan, a civilian psychiatrist who
has been in Vietnam. Kaplan said Vietnam
marijuana is stronger than that found in the
United States, and that the drug "could cause
people to become fearful, paranoid, extremely
angry and led, in a number of cases, to acts
of murder, rape and aggravated assault."
Soldiers in time of war don't need marijuana
to help them perpetrate such acts.
That the Army could blame the murder
of woman and children on marijuana, and
that at least one U.S. senator could accept
that argument in so incredibly ludicrous it
would be funny were it not for the deaths
involved. Everyone knows that "our boys in
Vietnam" would never commit an atrocity
unless influenced by evil drugs.
After all, soldiers are not trained to kill,
are they? The possibility doesn't exist that
officers and men in battle situations could
be naturally paranoids, does it? And what
could be a better scapegoat for American
military failings than drugs? Condemned by
government, outlawed, considered by much
of society as destructive, corruptive and im
moral, drugs provide Sen. Thomas Dodd and
the Army with an acceptable rationalization
for an unacceptable act. Sen. Dodd should
definitely explore the situation and circum
stances further before making anymore in
telligent statements. Have a nice trip, Senator.
Jim Pedersen
ister register register reg
When Julian Bond spoke at the East
Campus Union last April, he chided students
for their lack of participation in organized
politics: "Why should legislatures be respon
sive to students? Do you vote? No. Your
political apathy is notorious. You are a po
litical non-entity."
It is easy to point to the 1968 presidential
non-choice between Richard Nixon and Hu
bert Humphrey as an example of political
futility. It is easy to ridicule one-man one-vote.
What large election has ever been won by a
single vote? Nevertheless, it is not impossible
for students to have a significant influence
on the outcome of elections.
Bond's remarks were not addressed to
student action for national candidates. Mc
Carthy and Kennedy received massive support
from students and young people in 1968. His
reference was to the lack of effort by students
to see that Senate, House, state-house and
regents candidates acceptable to them were
When you go home for Easter break,
register to vote in the spring primary in the
county of your permanent residence. The
deadline for registering is May 5. Do it now.
Then work for the candidate or candidates
you want to represent you in public office.
If you don't want to see Nebraska placed
in the hands of Uncle Scrooge, do something
about it. If you want a student or young pro
gressive on the Board of Regents, the candi
dates are available. If you want an anti-war
senator who doesn't consider mediocrity an
admirable quality, work for him. Although
established politics and government is frus
trating, the least students can do is try to fill
public office with intelligent, sensitive people
of acceptable political persuasion.
Jim Pedersen
mo, .... c-sl t st Nv4 I Cbwff.,iiriwMi
our mam hdppe
I know a young man named
Irwin who heard about the
Cambodian Coup and went
down to join the Marines.
It was a quiet day at the
recruiting office. The Sergeant
and the Corporal were playing
penny-ante, one-eyed queens
"I have come to answer my
country's call to the colors,"
said Irwin, saluting. "I want to
fight to stem the tide of Com
munism in Cambodia."
"Where?" said the Sergeant.
"Up you a nickle, Jack."
Cambodia," said Irwin.
It's west of Vietnam, east of
Thailand and South of Vietnam.
It's clearly the key to Southeast
"I don't know," said the
Sergeant to the Corporal. "We
fighting any war in Cam
bodia?" "I could look it up," said the
Corporal. "I call."
"We'll be fighting one by the
time you get me there," said
Irwin confidently, now that
Prince Sihanouk's been depos
ed." "Who?" said the Sergeant.
"Three treys."
- "Prince Sihanouk," said
Irwin. "He was a neutralist."
"Isn't he that guy in Laos?"
said the Sergeant. "Your deal,
"No, that's Prince Souvanna
Phouma," said Irwin. "He's a
neutralist, too. He's fighting
left-wing Prince Souphanou
vong. But President Nixon
doesn't want to send me there
to fight. He said so."
"The President wants to send
you to Cambodia instead,
kid?" asked the Sergeant, put
ting down his cards.
"Oh, he will," said Irwin.
"You see, Prince Sihanouk,
being a neutralist, let the North
Vietnamese infiltrate his ter
ritory. This angered the
freedom-loving Cambodians. So
now he's been constitutionally
deposed by the Parliament, led
by the First Deputy Premier,
Prince Sisowath Sirik Matak."
"Who?" said the Corporal.
"And General Lon Nol," said
Irwin. Now they'll try to drive
out the North Vietnamese
troops. But they'll need my
help. Under the SEATO Treaty
the President and I will have to
give it to them."
"The which treaty?" asked
the Sergeant.
"SEATO," said Irwin. "The
". . . ME LIE? ... An officer and a gentleman? . . ."
Carswell approval: national morality
by Frank Manklewlci and Tom Braden
The practical test of how the country feels about its race
problem will be made in the next few weeks. Senators opposed
to the Supreme Court nomination of G. Harrold Carswell plan
in effect to test the national morality.
So far, Sen. Birch Bayh (D-Ind.) and his Investigators
have been able to find no instance in which Carswell engaged
if any of the business practices that enabled the Senate to
make Clement Haynsworth a test of ethics. The Carswell vote
thus turns on a larger question.
The strategy is to talk about Carswell for at least two
weeks, to make it absolutely clear that Richard Nixon has
' appointed an out-and-out segregationist to the highest court
in the land and to see whether the country cares.
The Haynsworth controversy was largely within the Senate,
but bar associations, prestigious firms and the leading law
schools Including those at many state universities are
cranking up to oppose Carswell. The anti-Carswell forces will
keep the nomination on the floor beyond the Easter recess
with the thought that these groups will begin to Influence
If the country doesn't care, Carswell Is In, with perhaps
40 votes against him from senators who make equality of
race a matter of personal morality. In putting the Carswell
Issue before the nation, they arc not so much asking others
to adopt their view as they are saying in effect, "Do you
want a man of the extreme opposite view so dignified as
to participate in the deliberations of the nation's highest court?"
If Mr. Nixon Is right in his earlier suggestion that those
who want permanent segregation of the races constitute an
acceptable part of the spectrum of public opinion, there is
no reason why CarsweU shouldn't make the court.
On the other hand, if the nation really believes that the
law Is color blind and that black citizens are entitled to the
privileges and immunities of the Constitution, It cannot have
a Carswell in the position of Interpreting that Constitution.
The strategy of the opposition is to ask the country to decide.
"A lot of people" says Sen. Bayh, "who can recognize
racism in their own hearts don't want to see It as the national
standard. They want a standard higher than their own."
Those are the people Bayh Is counting on to help switch
what now appear to be wavering votes by Democrats who
stood up to Haynsworth, took a lot of hate mall as a result
and don't want to go through the whole process again.
Among them are Albert Gore of Tennessee, Frank Moss
of Utah, Qucntin Burdick of North Dakota, Alan Bible and
Howard Cannon of Nevada, Stuart Symington of Missouri,
Thomas Mclntyre of New Hampshire, Ralph Yarborough of
Texas, Mike Mansfield of Montana and Joseph Montoya of
New Mexico.
Forty Democrats Is the most the antl-Carswell forces can
hope for. They will have to find the rest from among Republicans
whose courage on Haynsworth will now be tested anew. John
Sherman Cooper of Kentucky will cast a persuasive vote, for
ho hns a lifetime record as a civil libertarian, and he does
not intend to run again. If he votes his conscience, others
may take heart.
In other years and In other times it might have been
thought that a President was asking too much of his party
to go down the line for a man who helped to resegregate
a public golf course after the Supreme Court had ruled it
was unconstitutional, who did not repudiate his statement that
"segregation of the races Is the only proper and correct way
of life" until he was nominated and who bullied civil rights
attorneys In his court.
But after the events of the last few months, Carswcll's
views on segregation may reflect an emerging national standard.
The debate - and the public reacUon to It will tell.
reason we're fighting in Viet
nam is to honor our com
mitments to SEATO. And the
violation in Cambodia is far
more clear-cut."
"Look, kid," said the
Sergeant, scratching his head.
"How'd you like a ticket to go
fight in Vietnam?"
"I'd love it," said Irwin.
"But the President doesn't
want me to. He's trying to
withdraw troops from there. I'd
just add to his problems. So
now where do I sign up to go
fight for Prince Sisowath Sirik
Matak, General Lon Nol and
the freedom-loving Cambodian
The Sergeant and the Cor
poral retired to the back room,
held a bried conference and
emerged to inform Irwin that
they had reluctantly rejected
him as mentally unstable.
They so informed his draft
board which promptly
reclassified him 4-F. Oddly
enough, Irwin didn't Seem too
displeased by the news.
"In a .way though It's a
shame," he said, shaking his
head. "It would have been nice
to have one American soldier in
Southeast Asia who knew what
he was fighting for."
Look at that gal shake that thing
We can't all be Martin Luther King
Julian Bond
The affectionate glee of this pouplet has taken a tragic
turn in the two years since Dr. Martin Luther King's
death. Julian Bond's lines gently mock Dr. King's moral
fervor; most men, it is assumed, cannot overcome their
emotions as Dr. King desired. King's strong character won
him scorn and eventually death.
Jealous entities in the black community scoffingly refer
red to him as "De Lawd" and many whites regarded
him as a self-righteous trouble maker.
WE CAN'T all be Martin Luther King. That fault lies
In ourselves, in our unwillingness to accept the idea that
man can be so much better than he is, in our suspicions
that any spokesman for love and reconciliation must be
an Imposter, in our derision of anyone who refuses to
accept as fact the notion that any evil now existing always
has and always will exist.
The anniversary of King's death comes during the same
time of year as that of Christ. Just as Jerusalem did
in ancient times, America has foreshaken its principles;
life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness have given way
to paranoia and the search for a scapegoat.
DR. KING like Christ and the great Hebrew prophets,
asked only that men love one another, that our demons
of fear and hatred, of hunger and poverty, of greed and
betrayal be cast out. He was resolute yet sensitive, tough
but never hard, and always seeking ways to bring men
together. We murdered him.
We can't all be Martin Luther King. Let's not even
try. The world has survived this long and our efforts will
not make much difference. Martin Luther King was all
right, and now that he's dead we have one more great
American to praise while we Install our ABM systems,
fight in Vietnam, and police the corridors of our high
AS THE nation pauses in the coming days to honor
Martin Luther King, don't weep for him. Look around long
enough to notice that the fire this time is here to stay,
and then weep for yourselves. Beseach the hills to all
and curse your own fertility. Envy the barren and the
dead. For if these things have happened to a green tree,
what shall happen to the dry?
irr Ann
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