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THE DAILY NEBRASKAN
WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 12, 1969
Gov. Tiemann
deserves support
"Leadership from the governor's office in the
area of higher education has usually been less
than dynamic, but Norbert Tiemann Is an
unorthodox exception. Since taking office 1 n
January 1967, Tiemann's administration has
surprised an often cynical faculty, given official
support to many of the administrator's programs
and earned popularity among students."
The above statement from the 1969 Cornhusker
helps to summarize the feeling of many of those
in the University community: Norbert Tiemann
is the best governor the state of Nebraska has ever
had.
From his progressive sales-income tax to the
Town Hall meetings, Tiemann has shown dynamic
and personal leadership for the first time in modern
state history. On the University scene, Tiemann
has supported the 19-year-old vote and faculty in
volvement in government. On the state level, he
has pushed for liberal programs in open housing,
humane penal and mental health facilities and a
low but unprecedented minimum wage law.
As with any government official, there have
been some areas of disagreement with the governor.
One was his tuition hike two years ago. Another
was his cool attitude toward the moratorium. (One
wonders if the same man who took this attitude
is the same person who ordered that state flags
be flown at half-mast for every Nebraska war
dead. Possibly Tiemann was being something of
a pragmatic politician with his stand on the
moratorium.) Another area of disagreement, as
the Cornhusker says, was an "offhand remark last
year about the propriety of faculty members ap
plauding Dick Gregory. This brought him tutoring
on the principles of academic freedom."
On the whole, one must admire the man. For
example, what other governor would head into two
of the state's neglected areas the Omaha Near
North Side and Winnebago (as Tiemann has done
this month) and open himself up to severe criti
cism from the populace?
Many of the governor's programs rub hard
with conservative state politicians. Hopefully,
Tiemann will not have trouble either winning the
primary or being re-elected. Students interested
in seeing his programs continued should form a
"Tiemann for re-election" committee to make sure
no mistakes are made in the gubernatorial elec
tion. A committee should be formed because any
man that has done the outstanding things that
Tiemann has done deserves another term.
Perhaps it was Don Walton, political writer
for the Lincoln Star, who summed It up best
"Most politicians do have a closed mind and fixed
opinions, but Tiemann has shown a willingness
to adjust to new conditions and new information.
I think he's shown more political courage than
the rest of our governors combined."
Roger Boye
Review 3
New magazine
marks a start
by John L. Grnnfieici
English graduate student
The University of Nebraska Review is one of
the two magazines currently being produced by
students at tlie University of Nebraska. Its inten
tion, according to the editors, is to offer more
than the standard "literary" magazine. Ideally It
should offer works relevant to psychology,
sociology, the arts and politics.
The format of this Issue (No. 3) Is an Interesting
continuation of an experiment In magazine design
started last spring. Us graphics are its strong
point. Claud Bery's photographs which comprise
the front side of the poster do capture a kind
of energy which ought to speak for Itself. Only
In the snort story by Bob Ross does the literature
approach the quality of the graphics.
His story is unified by a selection of details
and his tone builds to his desired effect. The excerpt
from "The Bread Also Rises" by Bruce Ililler
tnukes me regret that I missed the production
at Der Loaf und Stein and I hope that their
repertoire company sees fit to offer it aealn. Ills
, si'iiK, huihkt iucK uiowoui, perhaps more ef
fectively than the part of Act 1 printed, shows
the sense of absurdity, the use of non sequitors,
ami the juxtapositions In his parodv. Bruce Hiller's
wit is something else. It is unfortunate that Review
3 could not find room to print his entire play.
The verse In Review 3 is the weakest feature.
As far as consistency. Alan Siporin's poem.
"Lightness and Darkness" is the most successful.
t. .1 t .!. .
u uws ucKin wun contrast ttnougn not sharp I
and ends with man pondering "If-anyone who hasn't
thought of suicide-has ever thought of living." His
other poem, as well as that of Rex Rogers', seems
to nie to be based on faith in an acid trip.
Neither poem has the sharpness of Images
needed to be more than a iliirht mmmrnt nn
"revelation through drugs.
Rogers' statement, of equality with peers
through drugs and his Introspection does not ef
fectivety build from what could be his strongest
image, "neon Jungle blueprints." Tom Deeds' poem
is too fragmented and my only comment is that
it is nice to see a Nebraska publication willing
to print obscenities. Too bad they don't work here.
Ann Miller's "Paragraph Poem," Is no more
than rambling thoughts about one of those doom-despair-destructlon
themes. Although concrete
language Is in Gary Hill's poem, he expresses
himself through cliehed attitudes and situations.
I suppose his indifference is to be expected In
the age of the generation gap.
Review 3 make a good start. All It needs
u more people contributing works reflecting varied
Interests.
Materia need not come from the student body
or academic community. Surely there are more
hannU . i , : .. I...,. . . . . .. .
p.-pic ihuk wi;iT jwems man mose apearuig
in this issue. Send your contrihutiens to Phyllis
Pcnke and Klllien Spongier, 1127 A Street.
900000000000000
cd()1e
ooooooooooooooo
Every now and then some record company
releases an album which makes owning a
phonograph one of the most worthwhile things in
the world. Memphis Swamp Jam (Blue Thumb
Stereo BTS 6000) is such a record.
There are ten artists on this album recorded
on June 9, 11 and 12 in studios in Memphis, Tenn.
They sing a variety of cuts ranging from a two
minute version of "Back Water Rising" by
Napolean Strickland and the Como Drum Band
to a ten-minute rendition of "Nathan's Bumble
Bee Blues" by Nathan Beauregard.
The last set on side four is three Instrumental
pieces by R. L. Watson and Josiah Jones. These
two gentlemen, about whom very little is known,
play guitar duets on "Memphis Rag," "St. Louis
Blues" and "Praying on the Old Camp Ground
and Lonesome Blues."
Both records of this two-record set include their
share of musical masters. Side one of record one
features Bukka White, a northern Mississippi native
who spent some time at the notorious Parchman
State Prison Farm and became camp musician.
He sings and plays "Christmas Eves Blues," among
others.
Johnny Williams, better known as Piano Red,
follows White with some of his lusty renditions
of "Mobile Blues" and the "Abel Street Stomp."
His piano stylings are characterized by splashing
inventions and extemporizations.
Nathan Beauregard joins the ranks as one of
the newly discovered veteran performers of blues
and Negro folksongs.
Sleepy John Estes is a Tennessee native who
has detailed his life and times in a variety of
songs. On this album he sings a cut about "Need
More Blues" and also about "President Kennedy
Stayed Away Too Long," a moving commentary
on the assassination of John F. Kennedy and the
aftermath of the tragedy.
Freddy McDowell and Johnny Woods play and
sing three cuts including "Keep Your Lamp Trim
med and Burning," These two gentlemen were
rediscovered in 1959 by folklorist Alan Lomax. The
rediscovery has elevated McDowell to a position
of tame in the South and has brought him several
European tours.
Stickland plays a fife and sings along with
snare drummer John Tytus and bass drummer
Nebraskan editorial page
until t ''5ISftlS
MINNEAPOLIS STAR
Desegregation
as court prods
by Whitney M. Young Jr.
Once again, the Supreme Court has spoken.
In a unanimous ruling, it affirmed the unconstitu
tionality of school segregation.
"The obligation of every school district Is to
terminate dual school systems at once," the Court
held. The key phrase is "at once."
That phrase Is Important because many
thousands of Black high school students are now
In all-Black schools ktudylng great moments In
American history Including the Supreme Court's
derision to outlaw those same segregated schools,
a derision made when those students were still
Infants.
Back In 1954, seventeen Southern and border
states and the District of Columbia hud separate
school systems for white and Black pupils. But
the Court, in ordering an end to such segregation,
said they should Integrate with "all deliberate
speed."
Desegregation proceeded with more
deliberaleness than speed. Many echool districts
resisted the Court's orders. Others waited for
federal district courts many with racist judges
who were unwilling to act to order them to
desegregate. Still otliera waited for pressures from
feileral authorities before complying.
The result was a slow, unsteady pattern of
paper compliance, tokenism, and often, outright
. defiance. The process was complicated by ir
responsible political leaders who seemed to have
visions of themselves as embattled Confederates
defying the Union.
Politic, ps usual, played a part In encouraging
illegal defiance of the Court. Federal authorities
were wary or stirring discontent among racist
voters, and the miseducation of Black children
was seen us a small price to pay for party
harmony.
In recent years, federal pressure was stepped
up and a greater measure of Integration was
achieved. But this was endangered jy the Nixon
must be realized
administration
Administration's decision to allow school districts
still defying the law "more time" to comply.
They've had fifteen years. Why did they need
more time? Blark people waited fifteen years for
the law of the land to be enforced. We've waited
350 years for Black children to have the same
rights as white children- But Southern districts
who defied the law rated more sympathy than
Black people w ho wanted to abide by the law.
So we were treated to the ugly spectacle of
federal attorneys going to court In support of
Mississippi school districts attempting to avoid
desegregation of schools. It is to tle credit of
Chief Justice Burger and the judges of the highest
court In the land that they ordered an end to
racist school systems "at once."
Now It is up to the government to enforce
the law. This will be the big test of the Nixon
Administration's devotion to the "law and order"
we hear so much about.
Before the decision was handed down, the man
responsible for enforcing civil rights laws shocked
the nation by saying "If the Court were to order
instant integration, nothing would change. There
are just not enough bodies and people to enforce
that kind of a decision."
Federal officials are sworn to uphold the Con
stitution. Hrfusal to enforce the Court's mandate
U an IntitenrhNhle offense. It Is absolutely Incredi
ble for a government to bring about a Constitu
tional crisis by defying the Supreme Court, se we
must expect that the necessary "bodies and peo
ple" will be found to enforre the law.
The President and his Justice Department of
ficials have said they will enforce the Court's man
date. The die-hard racists have to be shown that
the laws of the land apply to alt. Vigorous enforce
ment ot the new ruling will end Southern school
segregation by early next year. It's been a long
time coming, but now all the excuses for delay
are 'inc.
J. L. Schmidt
Other Turner. Their sound is one with roots In
the African musical influence.
Furry Lewis is another early fifties rediscovery.
He exhibits some "slide guitar" playing and unique
Invention on the two cuts which he plays on this
album.
Several of the performers on this record have
previously been known only as 78 rpm recording
artists. Some of these artists were known only
to our parents, or grandparents, and maybe not
even very well to them.
Today, through the courtesy of several con
cerned folklorists and Blue Thumb Records, we
too can have the opportunity to learn about the
folk blues of the past and some of the amazing
personalities concerned In them.
Memphis Swam Jam is the blues.
Soul Gab
The necessity of
Black revolution
by Ken Secret
Black people have tried every method of the
so-called democratic process to achieve their
ultimate goal of freedom in efforts to reach
democratic consensus and gain ascendancy legally.
Repeatedly Blacks have been subjected to fascist
Erocrastination. As a result, Black people have
een compelled to use another alternative.
The Black movement experienced dif
ferentiation of trends. At the beginning they were
the Black flunkies. Blacks were disillusioned into
thinking that by merely containing one's frustra
tions and being "a good nigger" racism eventually
would dissolve because it would no longer have
any rationale for existence. But because of
America's advocation of white supremacy the con
cept itself was dissolved.
Black people then became cognizant that the
problem didn't exist because of their nonconformi
ty; they began to asslmulate the fact that they
were being oppressed by the fascist politicians of
an Imperialist nation.
With the addition of the fascist government
to Its known obstacles the Black Movement adopted
another method of democracy, that being
"legalism." Black people applied themselves to
local, state, and national courts and officials, only
to be put off again by fascist procrastination.
Black lawyers appealed to the U.S. Supreme
Court of Fascism to end segregation, only to receive
a procrastinated ruling that "The traditions of our
fascist nation must continue to exist, despite our
immoral concepts. Please Mr. Negro, let us have
more time." Atfer 300 years of aggravating this
racist compromise was accepted by Black
Legalists, having faith in their "White Brother's"
word of eventual reform.
But it still tangibly remains after 13 years
of suffering, frustration and patience that the
legalist method has failed. Again "white im
perialistic fascism" has proved incapable of the
so-called democratic process of revolution.
These added frustrations Inflicted by fascist
America brought Black people to the apprehension
that not only were Blacks being oppressed by fascist
politicians, but by all institutions despite their ex
plicit case.
The Black Movement then took the street of
the "educationalist." Blacks began to utilize their
own potential In educational Institutions. But after
Blacks started through the educational street they
were met only by dead-end racism. With this
racism, utilization of Blacks' skills and education
was Inconceivable. This again Is evident of faclst
Americans' inubility to comprehend non-violent
means.
Even with presentation of the facts concerning
American imperialistic fascism, Black people still
had faith in the predominant white fascist. Black
people began to think that maybe their frustrations
weren't evident enough. They began to thluk that
merely raising one voice and walking streets would
gain fascist comprehension. This brought the
transition to the activist movement. Black activists
engaged in such democratic processes are marches
pray ins, sit-ins, etc.
Despite this non-violent activist movement, white
fascism prevailed. Racist Americans still cynically
viewed and acted on the frustrations of Black peo
pie. White people proved the "peaceful negation"
has no significance and accomplishes no reaction
toward the liberation of Blacks.
As a result of the Inefficiency of the democratic
process. Black people have become completely
unenchanted with suppositious methods of a fascist
Institution to achieve ailatory Justice.
DAILY NEBRASKAN
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